One of David’s thirty mighty warriors, his Egyptian name means “the Syrian,” and he is called “the Arbite” (2 Sam. 23:35). The parallel in 1 Chron. 11:37 has n for p and z for r, producing “Naarai son of Ezbai.”
The “field” or “plain” of Aram was a region of northwestern Mesopotamia. In Genesis it is associated with Aram Naharaim (24:10 [meaning “Aram of the two rivers”]), “the town of Nahor” (24:10), Arameans (25:20), Harran (27:43), and “the land of the eastern peoples” (29:1). Paddan Aram was the home of Bethuel, his children Laban and Rebekah (Isaac’s wife), and Laban’s daughters Leah and Rachel (Jacob’s wives), and it was the birthplace of all of Jacob’s children except Benjamin (Gen. 25:20; 28:2–7; 35:26; 46:15).
A rod with a broad, flat blade on one end. In the OT, “paddle” is an occasional English translation of various Hebrew words referring to hand tools. Specific occurrences include a digging implement or shovel (Deut. 23:13), threshing boards (2 Sam. 24:22; 1 Chron. 21:23), and a rod for striking the backs of fools (Prov. 26:3).
One of the ancestors of the temple servants (Nethinim) who returned to Jerusalem after the Babylonian captivity under the leadership of Zerubbabel in 539 BC or soon after (Ezra 2:44; Neh. 7:47). The fact that many of the names in the list are foreign has led to the belief that they were originally prisoners of war who were pressed into service to perform menial tasks as they assisted the Levites. The name is also found on an ostracon from Arad.
A pejorative term for those who follow deities other than the true God. The noun is used to describe people who practice undesirable behavior (Isa. 2:6; Matt. 6:7; 1 Cor. 10:20; 12:2) and who are held up as unlikely models to shame believers (Matt. 5:47; 1 Cor. 5:1). It is also used of people whom believers should point to God through their exemplary behavior (1 Pet. 2:12) or avoid completely (Matt. 18:17). The adjective is used to describe ungodly priests (2 Kings 23:5; Zeph 1:4), nations (Lam. 1:10; Amos 7:17), or behavior (1 Cor. 10:7).
Definition of Terms
The term “pagan” has two separate but related definitions in the English language, both of which are somewhat misleading when applied to religions in the ancient Near East. The first definition defines a pagan as someone who follows a less-established religion or a person who is outside the mainstream of belief within a given society. Applying this definition to an ancient Near Eastern religion is somewhat misleading because often within biblical society the Jewish or Christian belief system was the religion that was outside the mainstream. Being outside the mainstream certainly was a fact of life for first-century Christians, who often were persecuted as if they were atheists and for their failure to acknowledge a pantheon of gods, which was a mainstream belief. In OT society the competing religions, especially the Canaanite and Babylonian pantheons, certainly were more widely accepted and followed. Even within Israelite society these non-Israelite religions offered a viable alternative to the religion of Yahweh. Thus, if one were to use this definition either in the OT or the NT, it likely would need to be applied to the religion of the Jews and Christians and not the prevailing religions of the Canaanites, the Babylonians, the Greeks, or the Romans.
The second English definition of the term “pagan” involves the worship of the gods or forces of nature that control the world. This definition is applied specifically to agrarian societies, where the changing of seasons, the bringing of favorable weather and growing conditions for the crops, the possibility for prosperity that good weather brings, and a general desire for fertility are part of the religious understanding and belief system. While this definition certainly applies to many of the non-Israelite religions followed by the Israelites’ neighbors and to some of the Greeks and Romans of the NT, it also would apply to many of the followers of Yahweh in the OT who saw Yahweh as the God of the mountains and storms in direct conflict with the Baal myth, which ascribed these traits to Baal (see below). Therefore, it is prudent to remember that the label “pagan gods” is anachronistic and should be used with care when discussing the religions described in the Bible.
On a related note, the terminology of “idolatry” is also often misunderstood. Most of the non-Israelite religions discussed in the Bible would have understood the images of their gods to be representations of the deity (or even a throne or meeting place for the god) rather than an object of worship in its own right. While they would have believed that the god dwelled in the object and was present when worship was being performed, they would not have believed that the object was the god. Most of the idols made in the ancient Near East are indistinguishable from one another unless one observes their specific weapons. This, coupled with the idol’s anthropomorphic representation, rather than a heavenly representation, suggests that the concern for early worshipers was not to worship an inanimate image, but rather to see a representation of the god who indwelled the image if worshiped correctly. It was the presence of the god that was desired. Thus, the prohibition against images in the OT is a prohibition against trying to depict Yahweh in any physical form.
When dealing with the non-Israelite gods of the Bible, it is helpful to divide them into historical periods. Within the OT, the major groupings of non-Israelite gods should include the gods of the Canaanites and the gods of the Babylonians (which are very similar to the gods of the Assyrians). To a lesser degree the gods of the Philistines, the Egyptians, and the Persians can also be considered. In the NT, the gods of the Greeks and the Romans (which often are assimilated Greek gods with new names) can be considered. Along with these somewhat artificial historical divisions are innumerable personal gods and local gods worshiped by small groups of people or even by a single town or village. For example, Gen. 31:30 references Laban’s gods, which Rachel steals when she leaves home to travel with Jacob. These personal gods likely played a huge role in the day-to-day life of the average person, but most often they are lost to history. Similarly in the NT, the mystery religions of the Greeks and the Romans likely played an important role in the lives of many people, but they are difficult to reconstruct because of the limited amount of documentation that has survived.
Canaanite Pantheon
There is considerable overlap between the Canaanite pantheon and those of the Mesopotamian cultures, and often this can create some confusion about the deities being discussed, especially their names and functions. Further complicating matters, the descriptions of gods within the Mesopotamian pantheons often have fluid identities, as different textual traditions conflict with each other at times. Both the Canaanite and the Babylonian pantheons borrow heavily from the Sumerian pantheon, which adds both to their similarities and to the possibility of confusion.
Without question, the most important god within the Canaanite pantheon was Baal. The story of Baal, often called the “Baal Cycle,” describes the life and deeds of Baal. The cult of Baal was a fertility religion, and all the events of Baal’s life were connected to the changing seasons and nature’s fertility. The Baal Cycle also explained how the worship of Baal affected the agricultural success of farmers. This detailed story of Baal was all but unknown, except for a few details that could be gleaned from the Bible, prior to the accidental discovery of the city of Ugarit and its extensive library in 1928 by a farmer plowing his field. The city of Ugarit appears to have been a major trading center between the years of about 1450 and 1200 BC. Besides Baal, other important deities within the pantheon were El, the elderly, long-bearded father god; Asherah, El’s wife, or occasionally portrayed as Baal’s wife or sister; and Mot, the god of death, usually represented as a snake.
Baal was the god of weather, especially thunder, lightning, and rain (Baal is almost always depicted with a lightning bolt in one hand and a rod of power in the other). Other representations or symbols of Baal include the bull (the strongest and most powerful animal of the ancient Near East), water, mist, dew, grain, oil, and any other symbol of fertility. Worship of Baal was intended to keep him happy in order to assure the coming of spring (preferably, early), the necessary rain for crops, and finally the lengthening of summer so that two crops could be planted and harvested. The second crop, which often was the crop that a farmer could sell for a profit (the first being reserved for the farmer’s own food), was especially tied to the favor of Baal. Baal was worshiped not only in hope of agricultural prosperity but also for family fertility in terms of children and for help in battle. The primary means for producing and keeping the favor of Baal was by offering the firstfruits of any harvest to him. When the first portion of a crop was harvested, it was expected that a portion of that harvest (most often a tithe) be offered to Baal in hopes of receiving his favor and extending the growing season. Not only were the first of the crops to be given to Baal but also the firstborn of all herded animals. It was also a common practice for the firstborn of a family to be given to Baal in human sacrifice. Baal is often referred to as Molek in the Bible (e.g., Jer. 19) when describing human sacrifice. Another practice of Baal worship was ritual sexual intercourse between a worshiper and a priest or a priestess. This ritual sexual activity was thought to increase the fertility of the worshiper, thereby increasing the chances of having more children.
Apparently for much of the history of Israel, especially during the monarchy, Baal worship offered an enticing alternative to the worship of Yahweh. In fact, the stories of Elijah and Elisha serve as a direct polemic against Baal worship. Most of the stories of Elijah and Elisha use the symbols of Baal to demonstrate that Yahweh is much stronger than Baal. By the time of the first century AD, Baal worship was a thing of the past, but some vestiges of the worship remained. For example, in the Gospels Jesus says that a person cannot worship both “God and money” (KJV: “mammon”) (Matt. 6:24; Luke 16:13). The Greek word translated “money,” mamōnas, is borrowed from Aramaic and actually refers to the worship of Baal, but by Jesus’ time it had evolved to take on the more generic definition “prosperity.”
Along with Baal, the worship of Asherah, a female member of the pantheon, was common. Although scholars are not completely sure of its form, it is believed that the reference in the OT to “Asherah poles” was likely a reference to a phallic symbol that represented fertility (Judg. 6:26; 1 Kings 14:23). Recently, several references to Asherah have been discovered in Kuntillet ‘Ajrud in northeastern Sinai, dated to about the eighth century. These inscriptions say that Asherah was the consort of Yahweh rather than Baal, providing further evidence for the amount of syncretism present in Israel during the monarchy. Another female deity, Ashtoreth (known also by her Mesopotamian name, “Ishtar”), is called “Queen of Heaven” several times in the book of Jeremiah (7:18; 44:17–19, 25).
In relationship to the infiltration of Baal worship into the northern kingdom is the debate about the nature of the “sin of Jeroboam” that was instituted by Jeroboam I when he, along with the ten northern tribes, ceded from Israel (1 Kings 12:25–33). At issue is whether Jeroboam was instituting a new religion based on the calves, thus becoming syncretistic with these tribes’ northern Phoenician neighbors (which would have been tantamount to introducing Baal worship into Israel), or simply rejecting the centrality of Jerusalem for Yahweh worship (which only a few years before had been centralized in Jerusalem by Solomon’s temple, resulting in the disenfranchisement of the Levites outside Jerusalem). Clearly, the southern kingdom viewed the events as apostasy, but whether the northern tribes did is unclear. Amos, for example, seems to focus his criticism of the cult at Bethel not on the worship itself but rather on the hypocrisy of the worshipers, who were not following the law as prescribed in the Torah.
Babylonian Pantheon
Although debate continues over the exact relationship between the two, the Babylonian pantheon had many elements similar to the Canaanite pantheon. There are dozens of primary documents about the religion of Babylon; the most important of them include the Enuma Elish, a creation story and apologetic for Marduk the chief of gods; the Atrahasis Epic, which has a version of the flood story in it; and the Epic of Gilgamesh, which describes the quest for eternal life by King Gilgamesh. Within the Babylonian pantheon, Marduk is the chief of gods, who is also the patron god of Babylonia. The Enuma Elish, which describes the creation of the world, deals primarily with the ascension of Marduk to the role of chief god by destroying the forces of chaos represented by the monster Tiamat and bringing order to both the pantheon and the natural world. Marduk, like Baal, had retained the most powerful cosmic weapons, which include water, rain, and war. The Epic of Gilgamesh describes the journey of King Gilgamesh, who is part human and part divine, in search of immortality. During the course of his trip, he learns that eternal life is reserved for the gods, and humans must make their mark on the world by what they do during their lives. The Babylonian religion and pantheon exerted its strongest influence on Israel during the exile. The biblical text clearly has been influenced by these Babylonian beliefs. However, the Bible consistently presents these viewpoints as contrary to the true worship of Yahweh and insists that only Yahweh deserves worship as the true creator of the world, vanquisher of chaos, and provider of prosperity and life.
Other Ancient Near Eastern Pantheons
The Egyptian gods are mentioned only briefly in the Bible. The most overt references to the gods of Egypt are found in the story of the ten plagues, which most scholars believe was a direct attack on the deities of Egypt by Yahweh. It is unclear if the calf described in Exod. 32 should be understood as an Egyptian god, a completely new or different god, or as a forbidden representation of Yahweh.
Little is known about the Philistine pantheon of gods, but it appears to be quite similar to the Canaanite pantheon (if not the same with local variations). The Philistines’ chief god, referred to in the Bible as “Dagon” (Judg. 16:23; 1 Sam. 5:2–7; 1 Chron. 10:10), likely also went by the name “Baal-Zebul” (“Lord Prince”), which in the OT is mocked by being changed to “Baal-Zebub” (“Lord of the Flies”) (2 Kings 1:2–3, 6, 16). In the NT, this god is recalled when the Pharisees accuse Jesus of being in league with Satan (Matt. 12:24; Luke 11:15 [Gk. Beelzeboul]). Because the Philistines were known as the Sea Peoples, it is not surprising that this deity had several fishlike qualities (including a fish tail).
New Testament Religion
In the NT, the Greek pantheon that was subsumed by the Roman pantheon was the common religious expression of the day. Like other ancient pantheons, these pantheons tried to explain the natural world by the involvement of various deities in nature. Proof that Jews living in the province of Judah were under constant pressure to assimilate to the Greek religion is provided in the reports of the books of Maccabees that describe the Jewish revolt against the Seleucids in what was essentially a religious war against assimilation. In the Gospels, little is said about the Greek or Roman pantheons, but the book of Acts contains several reports of Paul’s interaction with the Greeks and their religious practices. Especially notable is Paul’s interaction with the Athenians when he debated philosophers who were followers of the “Unknown God” (Acts 17:23). Three other deities are named in Acts, including Artemis in Ephesus (Acts 19:24, 27–28, 34–35), whom the Romans called “Diana,” and Zeus and Hermes (Acts 14:12–13), called “Jupiter” and “Mercury” by the Romans, whom Paul and Barnabas were mistaken for in Lystra when Paul preached and healed a crippled man.
Summary
The problem of God’s people Israel worshiping other gods permeates most of biblical history. These reports range over time from the early story of Rachel in Genesis, to the period of the judges when Micah’s images (Judg. 17:1–6) and Gideon’s ephod (Judg. 8:26–27) were worshiped, to when Solomon and his wives were worshiping foreign gods (1 Kings 11:5–8), to the time of Ahab when all Israel followed Baal, whom Elijah vanquished on Mount Carmel (1 Kings 18:16–46). Depending on when one dates the book of Deuteronomy, the strong prohibitions against idolatry either went unheeded (if Moses wrote the book) or were a culminating statement of the anti-idolatry Deuteronomistic writer just before the exile. There is considerable debate about when Israel became an exclusively monotheistic nation (if it ever did), but by the eighth century BC, Isaiah and Amos castigate worshipers of these false gods. Clearly, by the time of Jeremiah, some factions within Israel (the prophet included) have begun to question whether the gods of the other nations even exist (Jer. 2:28). Finally, with the destruction of the temple in Jerusalem, ironically, the worship of other gods is ended. It is certain that by the time of the first century AD, the evolution to a monotheistic view is complete, and Paul can claim that an “idol is nothing” (1 Cor. 8:4), and that any sin is tantamount to idolatry (Eph. 5:5).
A pejorative term for those who follow deities other than the true God. The noun is used to describe people who practice undesirable behavior (Isa. 2:6; Matt. 6:7; 1 Cor. 10:20; 12:2) and who are held up as unlikely models to shame believers (Matt. 5:47; 1 Cor. 5:1). It is also used of people whom believers should point to God through their exemplary behavior (1 Pet. 2:12) or avoid completely (Matt. 18:17). The adjective is used to describe ungodly priests (2 Kings 23:5; Zeph 1:4), nations (Lam. 1:10; Amos 7:17), or behavior (1 Cor. 10:7).
The son of Okran, he was the tribal leader of Asher during the wilderness wanderings. He helps Moses during the taking of the military registration (Num. 1:13), and he leads Asher when the tribe departs from Sinai along with the rest of Israel (Num. 10:26). Pagiel is mentioned in the description of the layout of the camp (Num. 2:27), and he is the one who presents Simeon’s offering for the sanctuary (Num. 7:72, 77).
The head of a clan that was part of the early return to Judah from Babylonian captivity sometime between 539 and 520 BC (Ezra 2:6; Neh. 7:11). The same clan sent Eliehoenai and two hundred men at the time of Ezra, around 458 BC (Ezra 8:4). Eight members of this clan were later found guilty of intermarriage with foreign women (Ezra 10:30). Pahath-Moab is also listed as one who sealed the covenant renewal led by Ezra (Neh. 10:14).
The capital of Edom during the time of Hadad (1 Chron. 1:50), though the name of the city is given as “Pau” in Gen. 36:39. The NIV uses “Pau” in both verses. See also Pau.
An extremely fine black mineral powder used as a cosmetic around the eye to increase its apparent size. The practice of painting the eyes was intended to highlight beauty or to demonstrate status. In 2 Kings 9:30, Queen Jezebel “painted her eyes” (ESV) when she heard Jehu, the new king of Israel, was coming to her, probably as an attempt to assert her status as queen. From the narrator’s point of view, the makeup likely symbolizes Jezebel’s vacuous and fleeting authority. Jeremiah questions the harlot city Jerusalem, saying, “Why enlarge your eyes with paint?” (Jer. 4:30 ESV), and Ezekiel says to Judah-Israel, “For them you bathed yourself, painted your eyes, and adorned yourself with ornaments” as the adulteress prepares herself for her lover (Ezek. 23:40 ESV).
In the OT, many palaces are referenced, but the first of importance is that of Pharaoh as Abraham sojourned in Egypt (Gen. 12:15). When the children of Israel moved to Egypt because of the famine, they did not know that Joseph was in charge of the palace (Gen. 41:40; 45:16; Acts 7:10). Later, even the palace of Pharaoh was overrun by the plagues sent by God upon Egypt (Exod. 8:3, 24).
King Hiram of Tyre sent cedar logs and carpenters to David so that a house could be built for him (2 Sam. 5:11). It later vexed David that he himself lived in a palace while the ark of God was housed in a tent. This prompted David to prepare for building the temple after consulting with Nathan (2 Sam. 7:2–29).
Even more extensive discussion is given about the palace of Solomon. It took thirteen years to complete and was built with wood from the cedars of Lebanon. It was 150 feet long, 75 feet wide, and 45 feet high, with foundations of high-quality hewn stone, cedar columns, and beam supports. From foundation to roof the sides were trimmed with high-grade chiseled stone. There was a throne room lined with cedar from floor to ceiling. There were similarly designed living quarters for Solomon and for the daughter of Pharaoh (1 Kings 7:1–12). The account of the tremendous labor and cost for the palace and temple is given in 1 Kings 9:10–23. Later, Solomon decorated the inside of the palace extensively with gold (1 Kings 10:16–22). Eventually, the king of Babylon took these treasures from the royal palace and burned it down (2 Kings 24:13; 25:9).
In the NT, the Greek word basileios is used in reference to a palace once, when Jesus notes that in contrast to John the Baptist, those who wear soft clothing and have luxurious lifestyles live in royal palaces (Luke 7:25). The home of the Roman governor (praitōrion) is referred to as a palace in some translations (e.g., John 18:28, 33; 19:9 NIV). John explains that the Jews did not actually enter the praetorium, so as not to be defiled for the Passover feast (John 18:28). Other NT references note the palace of Herod where Paul was kept under guard (Acts 23:35) and that of Caesar where Paul may have been imprisoned in Rome (Phil. 1:13). The testimony of Paul was apparently well known there, and some of his guards became converts to Christianity (Phil. 1:13; 4:22).
A building constructed by Solomon as part of the palace compound. It was a large, detached building that possibly served as a royal reception hall. The dimensions were twenty-five by fifty meters (1 Kings 7:2–5). The name derives from its cedar pillars, imported from Lebanon and constructed to resemble a forest. The Hebrew text records four rows with fifteen pillars, while the LXX records three rows.
Solomon appears in a carriage as he arrives for his wedding in Song 3:7, 9. This carriage may be a palanquin (KJV), an enclosed transportation platform without wheels, on poles, carried by porters. The two synonymous underlying Hebrew words may also be translated sedan chair or ornamental litter.
In Exod. 15:14; Isa. 14:29, 31 the KJV translates the Hebrew word peleshet as “Palestina,” referring to Philistia.
Terminology
The word “Palestine” is derived from the name of one of the Sea Peoples (Heb. pelishtim) who migrated to the southern coastal region of the Fertile Crescent from one or more of the coastal regions of the Mediterranean (see Philistines).
The word “Palestine” has at times been used to refer to an area as small as this southwestern coastal region (functioning at times as a synonym for “Philistia”) and as large as the land on both sides of the Jordan River, including the Negev in the south.
Most English versions of the Bible do not mention “Palestine,” although in the KJV the Hebrew word peleshet (usually rendered “Philistia” or “Philistines”) is translated as “Palestina” in Exod. 15:14; Isa. 14:29, 31 and as “Palestine” in Joel 3:4.
Other designations of this region within the Scripture include “Canaan” (Gen. 10:19; Josh. 22:9), “the land” (Gen. 13:17; Josh. 2:1), “the land of Canaan” (Gen. 17:8; Num. 13:2), “the land of the Hebrews” (Gen. 40:15), “the land . . . promised on oath” (Gen. 50:24; Deut. 6:23), in various combinations and order “the land of the Canaanites, Hittites, Amorites, Hivites, Periz-zites, Jebusites, and Girgashites” (Exod. 3:17; 13:5; 23:23), “the Lord’s land” (Josh. 22:19), “the land of Israel” (1 Sam. 13:19; Ezek. 47:18), and “Trans-Euphrates,” which was “beyond the river” from the perspective of those in Persia (Ezra 4:10; Neh. 2:7). Compare also “the tribes of Israel” (2 Sam. 24:2; Ezek. 47:13), “Israel and Judah” (2 Sam. 5:5; 2 Chron. 30:6), and “from Dan to Beersheba” (Judg. 20:1; 1 Kings 4:25).
In the NT, this territory is usually designated by reference to the provinces of Judea and Galilee (Matt. 2:22; John 7:1), which sometimes are mentioned with the Decapolis (Matt. 4:25) and Samaria (Acts 9:31; cf. Luke 3:1).
Boundaries and Size
Boundaries. Palestine is in the southwestern portion of the Fertile Crescent (i.e., western Iraq, Syria, Lebanon, Jordan, and Israel). It is located northeast of the Nile River basin and west-southwest of the basins of the Tigris and Euphrates rivers.
Generally speaking, it is bounded by Lebanon to the north, the Mediterranean Sea (= the Sea, the Great Sea, or the western sea) on the west, Wadi el-Arish (= the river of Egypt, the Wadi of Egypt) in the southwest, the Sinai Peninsula in the south, and the Transjordan in the east (Gen. 15:18; Num. 34:3–7, 11–12; Deut. 1:7; 11:24; 34:2; Josh. 1:4; 11:16; 2 Kings 24:7). When the Transjordan is considered part of Palestine (cf. Deut. 34:1), the eastern boundary is the Syrian (Syro-Arabian) Desert. In several biblical texts the northeast boundary of this region is “the great river, the Euphrates” (Gen. 15:18; Deut. 1:7; 11:24; Josh. 1:4; 1 Chron. 5:9; cf. 2 Sam. 8:3).
Size. Because of fluidity in the use of the term “Palestine,” it is difficult to speak precisely of the land area designated by it. Palestine west of the Jordan River is about six thousand square miles, similar to the land area of the state of Hawaii.
A description of “the whole land” viewed by Moses included both the Negev and Gilead, part of the Transjordan (Deut. 34:1–3). In the OT, the Negev is regularly included as one of the regions of the land on the west side of the Jordan (Deut. 1:7; Josh. 10:40; 11:16; Jer. 17:26). The unity of the land on both sides of the Jordan is reflected in texts that focus on Israel’s inheritance of land (Deut. 3:12–17), cities of refuge (Num. 35:14; Josh. 20:7–8), and military victories (Josh. 12:1–8; 24:8–13).
The land area of Palestine increases considerably if one includes these areas, for the Transjordan region is about 4,000 square miles, while the Negev is about 4,600 square miles.
Topographical Regions
Frequent seismic activity, the rising and falling of the landmass, and deposits from the inundation and withdrawal of seas produced seven topographical regions current in Palestine.
Coastal plain. The coastal plain is the fertile terrain bordering the Mediterranean, though the coastline itself consists of beaches, sand dunes, wetlands, and rock cliffs.
The southern portion of the coastal plain was once inhabited by the Philistines (with the coastal cities of Gaza, Ashkelon, and Ashdod). Moving north of the Yarkon River, we pass through the marshy Plain of Sharon and the Dor Plain. In the north, hills rise near Carmel and extend west to the central highlands. North of the Carmel range lie the Acco Plain, the Asher Plain, and the coastlands of Phoenicia (including Tyre and Sidon).
Hill country. The hill country is located between, and runs parallel to, the coastal plain on the west and the Jordan Valley on the east. The hills, ridges, plateaus, and valleys of the hill country are the setting for most of the OT narratives.
The hill country is bisected by the Jezreel Valley, which runs east-west from the Jordan Valley to the Bay of Acco (Haifa Bay), north of Carmel.
The hill country south of the Jezreel Valley is called “the central highlands,” which consist of the rough and rocky hills of Samaria in the north (such as Mount Gerizim and Mount Ebal) and the more arid (and, historically, less populated) Judean hill country in the south. The highest hills of this area exceed three thousand feet.
In Scripture the southern hill country (or portions of it) is called “the hill country of Judah/Judea” (Josh. 11:21; Luke 1:39) and “the hill country of Bethel” (Josh. 16:1; 1 Sam. 13:2), while the northern (Samarian) hill country (or portions of it) is called “the hill country of Israel” (Josh. 11:21), “the hill country of Naphtali” (Josh. 20:7), and, most frequently, “the hill country of Ephraim” (Josh. 17:15; Judg. 2:9; 1 Kings 4:8).
The hill country north of the Jezreel Valley consists of two parts, Lower and Upper Galilee, divided by the fault through which runs Wadi esh-Shaghur. Lower Galilee has fertile basins and hills about two thousand feet above sea level. Farther north is Upper Galilee, with hills averaging about three thousand feet. It forms a transition to the mountains of Lebanon, which lie to the north.
The Shephelah (“lowland” or “piedmont”) is the region of gentle and rolling hills between five hundred and one thousand feet above sea level between the Judean hill country and the coastal plain. These hills formerly were covered with sycamore trees and provided Judeans with protection against an attack from the west.
Jezreel Valley. The Jezreel Valley is often equated with the Plain of Esdraelon, though some distinguish the fault basin (Esdraelon) from the rift valley (Jezreel).
On its west side, this fertile plain begins north of Carmel at the coast, moving east to the Jordan Valley. The central highlands lie to the north (Galilee) and south (Samaria) of this plain.
The fertile soil of this low-lying basin was valued for farming. Traders and armies regularly passed through this great plain, and it was often the place of military conflict (cf. Judg. 6:33; 1 Sam. 29:1, 11; Hos. 1:5).
Jordan Valley. The Jordan Valley (also known as the Jordan Rift Valley or the Dead Sea Rift) begins near the base of Mount Hermon in the north (9,232 feet). Moving south, the rift continues to the Hula Valley, through which the Jordan River flows to the Sea of Galilee (Sea of Gennesaret, Lake Kinnereth). The Sea of Galilee is about twelve miles long and five miles wide, located within an area of hills and valleys.
The Jordan River meanders south, flowing through a deep gorge and falling three thousand feet before coming to the Dead Sea (also called “the Sea of the Arabah” [Deut. 4:49; Josh. 3:16] and “the Salt Sea” [Num. 34:3, 12; Josh. 15:2, 5 ESV, NASB]), the lowest place on earth. At its lowest point, the Dead Sea is more than 2,600 feet below sea level.
The Jordan Valley rises as one continues south from the Dead Sea (forty-eight miles long and eight miles wide) through the arid Arabah (cf. Isa. 33:9; Zech. 14:10) to the Gulf of Aqaba.
The term “Arabah” is generally used to refer to the extension of the rift south of the Dead Sea, though at one time in the history of ancient Israel it referred to a region that included the Jordan Valley between the Sea of Galilee and the Dead Sea, on both the east (Deut. 3:17; Josh. 12:1–3) and the west (Deut. 11:30; Josh. 11:2; Ezek. 47:8) sides of the Jordan River.
Transjordan. The Transjordan region is located east of the Jordan Valley and west of the Syrian (Syro-Arabian) Desert. Three major rivers run across this region, each moving from east to west. The Yarmouk (Yarmuk) and the Jabbok (Zarqa) rivers empty into the Jordan River, while the Arnon River (Wadi el-Mujib) flows into the Dead Sea.
In ancient Israel, regions of the Transjordan, from north to south, included Bashan (Karnaim), north of the Yarmuk River; Gilead, south of the Yarmuk; Ammon, the region of modern-day Amman, southeast of Gilead; Moab, south of the Arnon River; and Edom, south of Wadi el-Hesa (Zered River [cf. Num. 21:12; Deut. 2:13–14]).
The capture of the territory belonging to Sihon between the Jabbok and the Arnon rivers was a significant event in the history of ancient Israel (Num. 21:24; Josh. 12:1–2).
Although the Transjordan is often excluded from “Palestine,” there were times in biblical history when the land on both sides of the Jordan was considered a unit. For example, “the other half of Manasseh, the Reubenites and the Gadites” received their tribal inheritance east of the Jordan (cf. Josh. 13:8–32). They inhabited Bashan, Gilead, and the land of the Amorites (cf. Deut. 3:12–17; 34:1; Judg. 20:1).
According to 2 Sam. 8, David established control over Moab (vv. 2, 12), the Beqaa Valley (“along the Euphrates River” [v. 3 GW]), Aram (v. 6; vv. 12–13 MT), Ammon and Amalek (v. 12), and Edom (v. 14; vv. 12–13 LXX, Syriac; cf. 1 Chron. 18:2–13).
In Scripture, the central Transjordan hill country is sometimes called “the hill country of Gilead” (Gen. 31:21, 23, 25; Deut. 3:12). The southern elevated region in Edom is called “the hill country of Seir” (Gen. 36:8–9; Deut. 2:5).
Negev. The Negev (Negeb) is shaped like an inverted triangle with its peak at the southern city of Eilat (Elath) near the biblical Ezion Geber (cf. 1 Kings 9:26). It is bounded on the north by the Judean hill country, on the west by Sinai, and on the east by the Arabah Valley (which lies along the rift south of the Dead Sea).
The Negev is an extremely dry area, with the most rain found in the northern (twelve inches annually) and western (ten inches annually) sections, and the least in the Arabah Valley (two inches annually). It is a place of sand dunes, rocky desert, and brown hills that increase in height as one moves toward Sinai.
Although the Negev is described as “a land of hardship and distress, of lions and lionesses, of adders and darting snakes” (Isa. 30:6), it was also a place of wells and springs, in addition to cities and towns such as Beersheba (Josh. 15:21–32; 2 Sam. 24:7).
Sinai peninsula. The Sinai peninsula is about twenty-three thousand square miles. It consists primarily of plains, plateaus, and hills (the highest of which is Jebel Yiallaq, at 3,656 feet), with a coastline along the Mediterranean of 145 miles.
The longest river in the region is the Wadi el-Arish, which runs 155 miles northward from central Sinai to the Mediterranean.
Israel’s activities in the Desert of Sinai are often mentioned in the Pentateuch (e.g., Exod. 19:1–2; Num. 1:1; 9:5).
The Desert of Sinai is distinguished from the Desert of Sin (Exod. 16:1) and the Desert of Paran (Num. 10:12). Other arid areas within the Sinai Peninsula include the Desert of Zin (Num. 34:3), the Desert of Shur (Exod. 15:22), and the Desert of Etham (Num. 33:8).
Climate
The climate of Palestine consists of a dry and hot season from June to August and a wet season from mid-October to mid-April. It is common for the wet season to consist of two distinct periods of heavy rain, one at the beginning and one toward the end of this period (cf. “spring and autumn rains” [Deut. 11:14; Joel 2:23; James 5:7]).
Two transitional seasons of about six weeks each bridge the wet and the dry seasons. One occurs between early September and the end of October, the other between early April and the middle of June.
Average temperatures throughout the region range from 46.5–55 degrees (Fahrenheit) in January (both the coldest and the wettest month in Palestine) to 71.5–93 degrees in August.
Most rainfall in Palestine occurs as cyclonic storm systems (about twenty-five each year) bring warm air from North Africa eastward over the Mediterranean, clashing with cooler air from Europe and Asia. As clouds move over the land, precipitation falls heaviest on the west side of the hills, leaving the east side of the hills with less rain.
Typically, rainfall is heaviest in the northern areas of Palestine, the regions closest to the Mediterranean, and in the Transjordan. The area around the Dead Sea is extremely dry, with evaporation exceeding precipitation. In contrast, the northern highlands have forty inches of annual rainfall.
In Palestine, precipitation can also take the form of both snow (cf. 2 Sam. 23:20; Prov. 25:13) and, in a significant way, dew (cf. Judg. 6:37–40; Song 5:2). Dew provides moisture for agriculture especially in the coastal plain, the central highlands, and the Jezreel Valley.
During the transitional seasons, desiccating winds (sometimes called sirocco winds) bring warm desert air from the east (and at times from the south), raising the temperature and lowering the relative humidity throughout Palestine. These winds often bring fine dust from the desert. The effects are most onerous in the Jordan Valley. References to an east wind in Scripture are common (Gen. 41:6; Hos. 13:15; Jon. 4:8; see also “south wind” in Job 37:17; Luke 12:55).
Roads
Two major highways passed through Palestine: “the Way of the Sea,” or Via Maris (cf. Isa. 9:1; Matt. 4:15), and “the King’s Highway” (cf. Num. 20:17; 21:22).
The Way of the Sea moved north from Egypt through the coastal plain, heading east through the Jezreel Valley. From this point it branched out in three directions: northwest through Phoenicia, north toward Damascus, and east to join with the King’s Highway.
The King’s Highway was a Transjordanian route passing from the Gulf of Aqaba in the south (cf. Deut. 2:8) through Edom, Moab, Gilead, and Bashan to Damascus in the north.
Merchants and armies used these highways to pass through Palestine, while local traffic often used east-west roads to move throughout the area.
A thin mattress or a makeshift bed. In several Gospel stories invalids appear with mats in public spaces (e.g., John 5:1–15). Once, a paralytic was lowered through a roof into a house on his mat (Mark 2:4). Both of these persons were able to pick up and carry their mats after being healed by Jesus (Mark 2:11–12; John 5:8–9).
The second son of Reuben (Gen. 46:9; Exod. 6:14; 1 Chron. 5:3), the father of Eliab (Num. 26:8), and the ancestor of the Palluites (Num. 26:5).
The second son of Reuben (Gen. 46:9; Exod. 6:14; 1 Chron. 5:3), the father of Eliab (Num. 26:8), and the ancestor of the Palluites (Num. 26:5).
The palmerworm is a destructive hairy caterpillar or, in North America, the larva of a particular moth. Although several translations follow the KJV in using this word to translate gazam (Joel 1:4; 2:25; Amos 4:9), gazam is actually one of the many Hebrew words for the locust, possibly referring to a particular stage of development.
Many species are included under this general designation. The date palm tree often attains a height of eighty feet, but more commonly forty to fifty. It begins bearing fruit six to eight years after being planted and continues to be productive for a century. Its trunk is straight and tall and terminates in a crown of emerald green plumes. Its leaves are often about twenty feet long and whisper melodiously in the breeze. Jericho was the “City of Palms” (Judg. 1:16; 3:13 NIV mg.). The Greek word phoinikē (“Phoenicia” [Acts 11:19; 15:3]) probably is derived from the Greek word for “palm” (phoinix). In Ps. 92:12 the prosperity of the righteous is likened to the palm tree. The glorified saints will be dressed in white robes with palm branches in their hands as a sign of victory and peace (Rev. 7:9). See also Plants.
The word “palsy” is a shorter form of “paralysis.” Jesus and the apostles cured many afflicted by paralysis (Matt. 4:24; 8:5–13; 9:2–7; Mark 2:3–11; Luke 5:18; 7:2–10; John 5:5–7; Acts 8:7; 9:34). Affecting the motor centers of the brain or spinal cord, paralysis is characterized by the extreme loss of the power of motion. It is always serious, usually irreversible, and generally sudden in onset.
A shortened form of the Hebrew name “Paltiel.” (1) The son of Raphu from Benjamin, he was one of the scouts who returned a negative report about the inhabitants of Canaan to Moses (Num. 13:9). (2) The son of Laish from Gallim who lost his wife Michal, whom Saul had given to him (1 Sam. 25:44 [NIV: “Paltiel”]), because of a previous marriage contract that Saul had made with David involving a bride-price of a hundred Philistine foreskins (2 Sam. 3:13–16).
(1) A tribal chief from Issachar involved in the division of the land (Num. 34:26). (2) The son of Laish, from Gallim, to whom Saul gave Michal when he took her from David (1 Sam. 25:44, here called “Palti” in some versions). He tearfully followed her when Ish-Bosheth returned her to David (2 Sam. 3:15–16).
One of David’s elite warriors, Helez, is so designated (2 Sam. 23:26), though in 1 Chron. 11:27 the variant “Pelonite” occurs.
A small Roman province on the south coast of central Asia Minor (modern Turkey). Pamphylia was a flat plain of approximately eighty by twenty miles. Jews from this region were present at Pentecost (Acts 2:10). Its capital city of Perga was Paul’s first entry into Asia Minor on his first missionary journey with Barnabas (13:13). After traveling northward to preach the gospel in the cities of Lycaonia, they returned to Pamphylia, preaching in Perga and sailing from the port city of Attalia (14:25). Paul and Barnabas split over their disagreement about John Mark, who had deserted them in Pamphylia (15:38). See also Acts 27:5.
A cooking implement typically made from clay and, less frequently, of metal (Ezek. 4:3), it was used to cook grain offerings (Lev. 2:7; 7:9; 1 Sam. 2:14), serve bread (2 Sam. 13:9), boil holy offerings (2 Chron. 35:13), or cook meat (Mic. 3:3). One thousand silver pans taken by Nebuchadnezzar from Jerusalem were recovered from the Persian treasury and returned by Cyrus to Sheshbazzar, prince of Judah (Ezra 1:9).
The meaning of the Hebrew term pannag is uncertain. It appears only in a list of items that Israel and Judah traded with Tyre (Ezek. 27:17). The KJV interprets it as a location, “Pannag.” More-recent translations have understood the term as some kind of grain or grain product (NRSV: “millet”) or perhaps a prepared food (NIV: “confections”; NASB: “cakes”).
In the Bible, writing was carved into stone (Exod. 24:12; Josh. 8:32) or stone covered with plaster (Deut. 27:1–10), metal (Exod. 28:36), or wood (Num. 17:2–3; Ezek. 37:16). Clay tablets or wooden tablets covered with wax were also used (Isa. 8:1; 30:8; Hab. 2:2; Luke 1:63). However, while clay tablets were common in Mesopotamia and among the Hittites in Anatolia, they were used more rarely in Israel or Egypt because of the accessibility of papyrus and parchment.
Writing implements are mentioned occasionally in the Bible. A stylus—a sharpened instrument fashioned from materials such as reed, bone, or metal (e.g., Job 19:24; Jer. 17:1)—was used to carve letters into clay or wax. A sharpened reed could also be dipped in ink to function as a pen for writing on papyrus or parchment (Ps. 45:1; Isa. 8:1; Matt. 5:18; Luke 16:17; 2 John 13). A scribe would often need additional implements to prepare the writing surface, to remove or rub out an error, to mix the ink, or to sharpen the stylus (cf. “writing kit” in Ezek. 9:2–3, 11; “scribe’s knife” in Jer. 36:23).
During Old and New Testament times, papyrus was one of the two most common types of writing material. The tall, marshy papyrus reed (Cyperus papyrus) grew abundantly in Lower Egypt in ancient times (Job 8:11) and was used for baskets (Exod. 2:3), mats, ropes, sandals, and even boats (Isa. 18:2). As early as 3000 BC, however, the papyrus reed was most known for making a kind of paper referred to simply as “papyrus.” Literary and archaeological evidence demonstrates that papyrus was used extensively across the Near East well into the first Christian millennium.
Papyrus stalks are typically the diameter of a human palm and roughly triangular in shape. Sections were cut about a foot long. The inner fibrous pith was cut lengthwise into thin strips that were placed side by side on a board. A second layer of strips was placed at right angles. The resulting “sheet” was pounded together. Pliny the Elder (Nat. 13.11–13) claimed that the Nile water glued the strips together, but actually the crushed pulp did so. The dried sheets were trimmed to a standard size, varying by “factory,” typically ten inches high by eight inches wide.
Sheets (with the horizontal fibers on top) were glued side by side with the sheet on the left slightly lapping over the right, so that a scribe’s pen slid “downhill” when moving onto the next sheet. It was not uncommon for a column of text to be on a joint (unlike leather sheets, whose sewn joint would not hold text). The joined sheets formed a roll (scroll) of standard length (about twelve feet) called a chartēs (2 John 12), the typical unit of sale. It is estimated that in NT times a chartēs cost four denars (= approximately U.S. $450). Secretaries cut sheets off a chartēs or glued on additional length as the task required, but the typical ancient letter, such as 3 John, was about one sheet in length.
The other most common type of writing material was leather parchment. Made chiefly from the skins of sheep or goats, parchment would be prepared by soaking, dehairing, scraping, and washing the hide. The skin would be stretched on a frame and smoothed with a pumice stone. Vellum is a finer grade of parchment and is made from calfskin or kidskin. Sections of parchment also were sewn together to make a roll. Paul asked Timothy to bring him “the parchments” (2 Tim. 4:13).
Papyrus had the advantage of being lightweight and durable, and perhaps less expensive, so it was often preferred over clay, wooden, metal, or stone tablets, or even parchment (at least until the third century AD). However, papyrus had two major disadvantages: it deteriorated rapidly in water and was almost exclusively from Egypt. Since ink was water-soluble, all documents were routinely protected from moisture, so trade issues with Egypt may be to blame for major shifts to parchment. Unfortunately, only ancient papyri left in dry locations in dry climates have survived, explaining why the bulk of known papyri are from the Egyptian desert.
Paper made of wood pulp or similar fibers was invented in China and was not adopted in the West until the eighth century or later.
A Roman city rebuilt by Augustus and located on the southwest coast of the island of Cyprus. Paul and Barnabas traveled to the new Paphos, where they encountered the Jewish magician Elymas (Bar-Jesus) and converted the Roman official Sergius Paulus to faith in Jesus (Acts 13:6–13).
The KJV word for “breasts” (Ezek. 23:21; Luke 23:29) or “chest” (Rev. 1:13) (cf. Luke 11:27 [NIV: “who . . . nursed you”]).
In the Bible, writing was carved into stone (Exod. 24:12; Josh. 8:32) or stone covered with plaster (Deut. 27:1–10), metal (Exod. 28:36), or wood (Num. 17:2–3; Ezek. 37:16). Clay tablets or wooden tablets covered with wax were also used (Isa. 8:1; 30:8; Hab. 2:2; Luke 1:63). However, while clay tablets were common in Mesopotamia and among the Hittites in Anatolia, they were used more rarely in Israel or Egypt because of the accessibility of papyrus and parchment.
Writing implements are mentioned occasionally in the Bible. A stylus—a sharpened instrument fashioned from materials such as reed, bone, or metal (e.g., Job 19:24; Jer. 17:1)—was used to carve letters into clay or wax. A sharpened reed could also be dipped in ink to function as a pen for writing on papyrus or parchment (Ps. 45:1; Isa. 8:1; Matt. 5:18; Luke 16:17; 2 John 13). A scribe would often need additional implements to prepare the writing surface, to remove or rub out an error, to mix the ink, or to sharpen the stylus (cf. “writing kit” in Ezek. 9:2–3, 11; “scribe’s knife” in Jer. 36:23).
During Old and New Testament times, papyrus was one of the two most common types of writing material. The tall, marshy papyrus reed (Cyperus papyrus) grew abundantly in Lower Egypt in ancient times (Job 8:11) and was used for baskets (Exod. 2:3), mats, ropes, sandals, and even boats (Isa. 18:2). As early as 3000 BC, however, the papyrus reed was most known for making a kind of paper referred to simply as “papyrus.” Literary and archaeological evidence demonstrates that papyrus was used extensively across the Near East well into the first Christian millennium.
Papyrus stalks are typically the diameter of a human palm and roughly triangular in shape. Sections were cut about a foot long. The inner fibrous pith was cut lengthwise into thin strips that were placed side by side on a board. A second layer of strips was placed at right angles. The resulting “sheet” was pounded together. Pliny the Elder (Nat. 13.11–13) claimed that the Nile water glued the strips together, but actually the crushed pulp did so. The dried sheets were trimmed to a standard size, varying by “factory,” typically ten inches high by eight inches wide.
Sheets (with the horizontal fibers on top) were glued side by side with the sheet on the left slightly lapping over the right, so that a scribe’s pen slid “downhill” when moving onto the next sheet. It was not uncommon for a column of text to be on a joint (unlike leather sheets, whose sewn joint would not hold text). The joined sheets formed a roll (scroll) of standard length (about twelve feet) called a chartēs (2 John 12), the typical unit of sale. It is estimated that in NT times a chartēs cost four denars (= approximately U.S. $450). Secretaries cut sheets off a chartēs or glued on additional length as the task required, but the typical ancient letter, such as 3 John, was about one sheet in length.
The other most common type of writing material was leather parchment. Made chiefly from the skins of sheep or goats, parchment would be prepared by soaking, dehairing, scraping, and washing the hide. The skin would be stretched on a frame and smoothed with a pumice stone. Vellum is a finer grade of parchment and is made from calfskin or kidskin. Sections of parchment also were sewn together to make a roll. Paul asked Timothy to bring him “the parchments” (2 Tim. 4:13).
Papyrus had the advantage of being lightweight and durable, and perhaps less expensive, so it was often preferred over clay, wooden, metal, or stone tablets, or even parchment (at least until the third century AD). However, papyrus had two major disadvantages: it deteriorated rapidly in water and was almost exclusively from Egypt. Since ink was water-soluble, all documents were routinely protected from moisture, so trade issues with Egypt may be to blame for major shifts to parchment. Unfortunately, only ancient papyri left in dry locations in dry climates have survived, explaining why the bulk of known papyri are from the Egyptian desert.
Paper made of wood pulp or similar fibers was invented in China and was not adopted in the West until the eighth century or later.
The word “parable” is used to speak of a particular literary form that communicates indirectly by means of comparative language, often for the purpose of challenging the listener to accept or reject a new way of thinking about a particular matter. Parables regularly incorporate concrete and accessible images from the daily life of the audience, and often they are terse and pointed, mentioning only the details relevant for an effective comparison. However, any attempt to define the term “parable” in a clear and concise way is complicated by the fact that both the Hebrew (mashal) and the Greek (parabolē) words regularly translated by the English word “parable” have much broader connotations. For instance, in the OT mashal can designate proverbs (Prov. 1:1), riddles (Ezek. 17:2), prophetic utterances (Num. 23:7, 18; 24:3, 15, 20, 21, 23), and sayings (1 Sam. 10:12); similarly, in the NT parabolē denotes proverbs (Luke 4:23), riddles (Mark 3:23), analogies (Mark 7:17), and more. Therefore, no comprehensive definition of parables is agreed upon by biblical scholars, and very little said about parables in general will apply to every parable.
Parables in the Bible
Although not designated with the Hebrew word mashal, the story of the trees (Judg. 9:7–15) and the story of the ewe lamb (2 Sam. 12:1–4) may be considered to be parables. Like many parables, the story about the ewe lamb told by Nathan prompts its audience, in this case David, to condemn the actions of a character in the parable before being confronted with the fact that the character and his conduct are symbolic of David himself. The parable is the vehicle used to bring about self-condemnation of its audience.
Although Jesus is not the only speaker of parables in the ancient world, the Gospels narrate a tremendous number of parables within his teaching. The major parables of Jesus are listed in table 4. The diversity of form represented in this list is striking. Some of the parables consist of short, relatively simple comparisons that lack the development of any significant story line. This is true, for instance, of the parables of the mustard seed, yeast, hidden treasure, and the pearl. Each of these offers a simple simile to explain some feature of the kingdom of God, a frequent topic in Jesus’ parables, and may include an additional sentence of clarification.
Table 4. Major Parables of Jesus
Wise and foolish builders (Matt. 7:24-27; Luke 6:46-49)
Sower and the soils (Matt. 13:3–8, 18–23; Mark 4:3–8, 14–20; Luke 8:5–8, 11–15)
Weeds (Matt. 13:24-30, 36-43)
Mustard seed (Matt. 13:31–32; Mark 4:30–32; Luke 13:18–19)
Yeast (Matt. 13:33; Luke 13:20-21)
Hidden treasure (Matt. 13:44)
Pearl (Matt. 13:45-46)
Net (Matt. 13:47-50)
Lost sheep (Matt. 18:12-14; Luke 15:4-7)
Unmerciful servant (Matt. 18:23-35)
Workers in the vineyard (Matt. 20:1-16)
Two sons (Matt. 21:28-32)
Wicked tenants (Matt. 21:33–44; Mark 12:1–11; Luke 20:9–18)
Wedding banquet (Matt. 22:2-14)
Faithful and wise servant (Matt. 24:45-51; Luke 12:42-48)
Ten virgins (Matt. 25:1-13)
Talents (Matt. 25:14–30; Luke 19:12–27)
Sheep and goats (Matt. 25:31-46)
Growing seeds (Mark 4:26-29)
Money lender (Luke 7:41-47)
Good Samritan (Luke 10:30-37)
Friend in need (Luke 11:5-8)
Rich fool (Luke 12:16-21)
Unfruitful fig tree (Luke 13:6-9)
Lowest seat (Luke 14:7-14)
Great banquet (Luke 14:16-24)
Cost of discipleship (Luke 14:28-33)
Lost coin (Luke 15:8-10)
Lost (prodigal) son (Luke 15:11-32)
Shrewd manager (Luke 16:1-8)
Rich man and Lazarus (Luke 16:19-31)
Persistent widow (Luke 18:2-8)
Pharisee and tax collector (Luke 18:10-14)
Parables such as the good Samaritan and the prodigal son, on the other hand, are significantly longer, contain developed plots, and present several central characters. Stories of this sort may use the characters as examples of behavior to be either emulated or avoided, as in the parable of the Pharisee and the tax collector. Such parables may remain open-ended in an attempt to force the listeners into a decision about what should happen (the unfruitful fig tree), or they may include a clear, concluding explanation that leaves no doubt as to how the audience should change their belief or behavior as a result of the parable’s teaching (the moneylender). The degree to which each of these parables directly addresses the intended audience and the intended topic can vary greatly. For instance, although the parable of the rich fool directly addresses the subject matter of material wealth, the anonymity of the rich man in the story does not openly condemn any particular member of Jesus’ audience. Alternatively, a parable may treat a subject that differs from the intended one and expect the listener to transfer the lesson to another topic. This is the case with the parable of the weeds, which speaks explicitly about farming. Nonetheless, when the disciples seek an explanation of this parable, Jesus indicates that it is to be understood as speaking about that feature of the kingdom of heaven whereby the sons of the kingdom and the sons of the evil one intermingle in the world until the end of the age, when the sons of the evil one will be separated to face a fiery judgment (Matt. 13:36–43).
Other parables, such as that of the lost sheep, revolve around a central question posed to the listeners. By asking “who among you” would behave in the way described, the parable anticipates a negative response that asserts that no one would act in the manner detailed in the parable. The NIV frequently inserts the phrase “suppose one of you” in places where the introductory question “who among you” appears in Greek.
Purpose of Jesus’ Teaching in Parables
It is quite clear that Jesus regularly employed parables in his teaching, but his reason for doing so is less evident. Jesus’ own somewhat perplexing statement in Mark 4:10–12 indicates that his parables have the dual purpose of both revealing and concealing the secret of the kingdom, but one may wonder how it is that parables perform both functions simultaneously. If the goal of comparative language is to make clearer a concept or idea that is difficult, then certainly Jesus’ parables function in this way. Through the simple, accessible, and concrete word pictures that are his parables, Jesus discloses many characteristics and features of the kingdom of God, which is at best something of an enigma to his audience. By speaking to the crowds, albeit at times in an exaggerated fashion, about the things that they know, such as farming, banquets, baking, and other elements of everyday life, Jesus expands their understanding of what they do not know. However, the indirect quality of parables simultaneously blocks spontaneous understanding and therefore requires the audience to engage in additional reflection to ensure that they have truly grasped what is being taught. Likewise, the ability to address an issue by slyly sneaking up on it from behind results in parables that initially conceal their true purpose of convincing the listeners of a new way of thinking or behaving such that the conviction they are meant to induce comes with a surprise kick at the end.
Interpretation of Parables
Interpretation over the centuries. Throughout church history until the nineteenth century, parables were widely interpreted by means of the allegorical method. That is, all the surface details of parables were identified as symbols of some deeper spiritual truth. A classic example of allegorizing is Augustine’s interpretation of the parable of the good Samaritan, whereby he interpreted surface details of the text according to allegorical equations (see table 5). Allegorical interpretations of the same parable by other Christians, however, did not always result in the same interpretations of the symbols. For this reason, most scholars today reject the excessive allegorization of Augustine and others throughout church history. However, how many details in a parable, if any, are to be interpreted allegorically remains a central question in parable interpretation. For instance, in the parable of the mustard seed, are the mustard seed and the plant that it produces allegories for the unobtrusive beginnings yet manifest results of the kingdom? If so, what then of the man and the birds also mentioned in the parable? Are they symbols of a deeper spiritual truth such that the man is to be equated with God, or are they included only to augment the teaching of the parable such that the birds merely highlight the extreme size of the tree into which the seed has grown?
Table 5. Augustine’s Allegorical Interpretation of the Good Samaritan
Details in the Parable and its Allegorical Equivalent:
The man = Adam
Jerusalem = The heavenly city
Jericho = The moon (a symbol of mortality)
The robbers = The devil
Beating the man = Persuading him to sin
Priest and Levite = The Old Testament priesthood
Samaritan = Christ
Binding of wounds = Restraint of sin
Oil = Comfort of hope
Animal = Incarnation
Inn = Church
Innkeeper = Apostle Paul
The work of the German scholar Adolf Jülicher at the end of the nineteenth century has widely affected parable interpretation since that time. Jülicher asserted that parables are not allegories and therefore should not be interpreted allegorically at all. Instead, he argued that parables have only one main point, normally a general, religious statement. Interpreters since Jülicher continue to debate how much of a parable is significant and how many points of correspondence are intended. More-recent views have posited that Jülicher went too far in maintaining a strict distinction between parable and allegory, and many interpreters believe that allegorical elements are present in parables, with perhaps the main characters in a parable being the most likely candidates for allegorical interpretation. This renewed openness to allegorical features in parables is due in part to the recognition that the Gospels record Jesus’ own tendency to offer allegorical interpretations of his parables when his disciples inquire as to their meaning. This is most clearly seen in the parable of the sower and the soils, which includes details such as seed, birds, the sun, and thorns. Jesus reveals that the seed is to be interpreted as the message about the kingdom, the birds stand for the evil one, the sun is representative of persecution because of the gospel, and the thorns indicate worries and wealth (Matt. 13:18–23).
Guidelines for interpreting parables. It is generally best to recognize that not all parables are identical, and that one should consider several possible interpretive strategies before determining which approach best fits any given parable. Nonetheless, some broad guidelines for the interpretation of parables include the following:
1. The characters and plots within parables are literary creations and are not historical. The parable of the lost sheep is not a historical rec-ord of a certain shepherd whose sheep went missing. No actual invitation was issued for the great banquet in the parable. Rather, in a parable the listener is brought into a narrative world controlled by the storyteller and by implication has no need for details that the speaker fails to provide. Therefore, it does not matter whether the shepherd himself was at fault in the loss of the sheep, and the choice of food set before the banquet guests is inconsequential.
2. Parables often follow the principle of end stress. Interpreters should carefully consider how the parable ends when determining the meaning the parable is intended to convey. At times an explanatory conclusion to the parable is included and may be helpful in directing the reader toward the topic that is really being addressed. This is the case in the parable of the two sons, in which Jesus’ concluding explanation identifies tax collectors and prostitutes as those who are entering the kingdom ahead of those who have received John’s prophetic message but failed to accept it.
Recent studies on parables that reflect issues raised by two fields of study respectively known as form criticism and redaction criticism are likely to question the accuracy of such concluding statements as well as any introductory comments to parables that may also be presented in the Gospel text. Many scholars ask if and to what extent the Gospel writers made changes to the parables that they record. They wonder whether it is possible to discern the original context and circumstance in which Jesus relayed his parables, or whether the details of the original context had been forgotten by the time that the evangelists wrote. Could it be that any introductory and concluding comments included with some parables are not authentic to Jesus’ ministry but instead reflect issues that arose in the early church? In spite of the doubts of some, more-conservative scholars have presented arguments for the continued trustworthiness of the Gospel accounts about Jesus’ teaching including introductory or concluding statements associated with his parables.
3. Look for the use of OT symbols in Jesus’ parables. The parables of Jesus and the parables recorded in other rabbinical literature are replete with similar figures and images. Kings, banquets, weddings, farmers, debtors, and more appear with frequency; they perhaps developed into stock images to be used in stories in the ancient world. If such details appear in a parable, the interpreter should consider strongly whether some allegorical meaning is intended whereby a kingly figure represents God, a son represents the people of God, and a banquet indicates a time of coming judgment or reward.
4. Interpreters should exercise extreme caution regarding doctrinal teaching drawn from a parable, particularly if such doctrine cannot be confirmed by the theological teaching found in a nonparabolic portion of Scripture. For instance, in the parable of the rich man and Lazarus, is one to conclude that conversations can occur between the dead who reside in hell and those who reside in heaven? Likewise, should one learn that it is possible for the deceased human to be sent back to the living with a message from God? These doctrinal issues seem to be outside the range of teaching intended by the parable, and support for these ideas cannot be found in other biblical texts.
5. In recognition of the indirect nature of the communication in parables, some interpreters question whether a parable’s meaning can be reproduced in propositional language. In other words, can the meaning of a parable be expressed in nonparabolic language, or is some necessary component lost when one changes the form? Similarly, is it possible for people who have heard the story of the good Samaritan repeatedly to be struck by the confrontational force that was central to its initial reception? Not only are the images of Samaritans and Levites foreign to the modern listener, but also the familiarity with the story that has resulted from its retelling over time has domesticated the parable such that the details that were meant to shock and surprise are now anticipated and predictable. In this way, are parables like jokes that have been repeated too many times until one becomes inoculated against the punch line? Because of these concerns about the inability of today’s listeners to truly hear the parable as it was meant to be heard, some interpreters may wish to consider how it could be recast with images common to today’s audience and retold in such a way that the listeners experience the surprising twist that the initial audiences felt.
Four times in John’s Gospel (14:16, 26; 15:26; 16:7) Jesus refers to the Holy Spirit as the “Paraclete” (NIV, NRSV: “Advocate”; NASB: “Helper”; KJV: “Comforter”). The Greek word (paraklētos) is difficult to translate and has connotations of “comforter,” “counselor,” or “advocate.” The Paraclete is sent by both the Father (14:26) and the Son (15:26; 16:7). Jesus indicates that the Holy Spirit is “another advocate” (14:16), implying that the Spirit in some way continues the work of Jesus. The Paraclete does this by doing three things for believers, all of which are necessary because Jesus is going to the Father (14:3): the Paraclete lives with and in the believer (14:16–17), teaches believers all things (14:26), and reminds believers of all that Jesus said (14:26). But the activity of the Paraclete is not limited to believers, for he also “prove[s] the world to be in the wrong about sin and righteousness and judgment” (16:8). As the Spirit of truth, the Paraclete reveals the sin of the world, its lack of righteousness, and its status as under God’s judgment. The same Greek word is applied to Jesus in 1 John 2:1. When believers sin, “we have an advocate with the Father [paraklētos]—Jesus Christ, the Righteous One.”
Paradise is a place of blessing associated with God’s presence. The word comes from an old Iranian root meaning a walled enclosure and came to refer to a garden setting. In the Bible the word “paradise” looks back to the garden of Eden when life was as God originally created it to be before it was marred by sin, and it looks ahead to how God will one day re-create it anew in the new heaven and the new earth. Jesus told the thief on the cross, “Truly I tell you, today you will be with me in paradise” (Luke 23:43). Paul had a taste of this when he “was caught up to paradise” (2 Cor. 12:4). Jesus promises, “To the one who is victorious, I will give the right to eat from the tree of life, which is in the paradise of God” (Rev. 2:7).
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A site appearing only once in the Bible, in the list of towns allotted to the tribe of Benjamin (Josh. 18:23). Parah apparently is identified with Khirbet Abu Musarrah (Ein Fara), located approximately five miles northeast of Jerusalem, in the wilderness between the central hill country and the Rift Valley. The name “Parah” means “heifer” or “cow,” perhaps suggesting that the site, blessed with a spring, was used to graze cattle.
About a third of the OT is poetic. Poetry is a more elevated way of speaking and writing than prose. It is a departure from normal patterns of speech and exhibits a high degree of attention to literary artifice. In poetry, how something is said is as important as what is said. Poetry employs various poetic devices and conventions that are less frequent in or completely absent from ordinary speech. Among these are acrostic, inclusion, chiasm, succinctness, parallelism, and the heightened use of imagery (see also Acrostic).
Hebrew poetry also employs the full range of figures of speech, including metaphor, simile, synecdoche (substituting part for whole or vice versa, such as “set sail” or “lying in wait for blood”), anthimeria (substituting one part of speech for another, such as “let the dry appear”), merism (the whole expressed with two opposites, such as “day and night”), anthropomorphism, personification (“let the rivers clap their hands” [Ps. 98:8]), and so on.
Inclusion and Chiasm
Inclusion (or inclusio) is a structuring device whereby a unit of text begins and ends with the same or a very similar word or phrase. Thus the included material is bounded and defined as a unit of text. For example, Song 2:8–17 begins, “Listen! My beloved! Look! Here he comes, leaping across the mountains, bounding over the hills. My beloved is like a gazelle or a young stag,” and it ends, “Until the day breaks and the shadows flee, turn, my beloved, and be like a gazelle or like a young stag on the rugged hills.” This opening and closing with the same metaphor bounds the enclosed material as a unit of text. Another example is the way Prov. 1:2–7 (NRSV) begins and ends with the words “wisdom,” “instruction,” and “understanding/knowledge,” which delineates these verses as a block of text.
Chiasm (or chiasmus) is a way of organizing material whereby the second half of a text is a mirror image of the first half. “The Sabbath was made for man, not man for the Sabbath” (Mark 2:27 pars.) can be diagrammed as A/B/Bʹ/Aʹ. More and more elaborate chiasms have been proposed for various parts of Scripture, with many elements on each side. The flood narrative, the Abraham cycle, the book of Ruth, and so on may be written to a chiastic structure.
Succinctness and Imagery
One of the characteristics of Hebrew poetry is its succinctness; it says a lot with a few words. One way this is accomplished is through the use of imagery. “The Lord is my rock” (Ps. 18:2) compresses volumes of theology into a single image, thus requiring far less verbosity than if the concept had been stated without imagery. However, the trade-off is that more is required of the reader. The reader must ask, “How is the Lord like a rock?” and fill in the blank. This is true also of other ways that poetry is succinct—for example, its tendency to leave out particles and connectives. For example, “The Lord is my shepherd, / I lack nothing” (Ps. 23:1) leaves out a needed conjunction between the two phrases, which the reader must supply. Is it “The Lord is my shepherd, sooner or later I shall need nothing”? “The Lord is my shepherd, even so I shall need nothing”? Or “The Lord is my shepherd, therefore I shall need nothing.” The reader must decide the correct association between the two lines because the conjunction is purposely left out of the verse. Thus poetry engages the reader and must be read slowly and carefully.
Parallelism
The most recognizable feature of biblical poetry is the phenomenon of parallelism. This is the counterweight to succinctness. While poetry is designed to say much with few words, these words occur in line pairs, the second of which takes the thought further. For example, “Why do the nations conspire / and the peoples plot in vain?” (Ps. 2:1). Obviously, “nations” is parallel with “peoples,” and “conspire” with “plot in vain.” Line A and line B state in essence the same thought with different words, and they state it in the same way. This is called synonymous parallelism. “Lazy hands make for poverty, / but diligent hands bring wealth” (Prov. 10:4). In this verse, the parallel elements are opposites: lazy and diligent, poverty and wealth. This is called antithetical parallelism.
Sometimes, the second line completes the thought of the first line, forming complementary parallelism: “Israel, put your hope in the Lord / both now and forevermore” (Ps. 131:3). When a symbol is set in parallel with the thing symbolized, this is emblematic parallelism: “As the deer pants for streams of water, / so my soul pants for you, my God” (Ps. 42:1). Sometimes line B follows line A in time, forming sequential parallelism: “I call out to the Lord, / and he answers me from his holy mountain” (Ps. 3:4). When line B follows logically from line A, this is consequential parallelism: “In peace I will lie down and sleep, / for you alone, Lord, make me dwell in safety” (Ps. 4:8). Traditionally, when the relation between the lines does not fit into any defined category, the parallelism is called synthetic.
(Disabilities; Disability; Deformity; Deformities; Sickness] The Bible often speaks of health, healing, disease, and illness. Good health was a sign of God’s favor, and healing was also the work of God and his divinely empowered agents. These agents included the prophets (1 Kings 17:8–23; 2 Kings 5:1–15), the apostles (Acts 3:1–10), and the messiah (Mal. 4:2). The divine prerogative of Jesus was to heal (Mark 1:32; 6:56; Matt. 4:23; 8:16; 15:30; 21:14; Luke 6:10, 17–19), and miraculous healings were a sign of his messianic office (Luke 7:20–23). Disease, on the other hand, was regarded as a sign of God’s disfavor. Within a covenantal context, God could send disease to punish the sinner (Exod. 4:11; 32:35).
The Bible assigns a wide variety of names to various diseases and their symptoms. These terms are nontechnical and generally descriptive. Some are uncertain in meaning. In most cases they describe the symptoms of the disease, not the disease itself. Diagnosis often was based on incomplete observation and nonclinical examination. The Bible also presupposes supernatural intervention in the life of a person. Healing occurred when God’s agents touched individuals, cast out demons, and resurrected the dead.
Ancient Near Eastern Influences
In the ancient Near East the knowledge of disease and medicine was precritical. Bacteria and viruses were virtually unknown. Mesopotamian literature contains many references to medicine, physicians, and medical practice. Minerals, salts, herbs, and other botanicals were used to make up treatments. Babylonian physicians also administered prescriptions accompanied by incantations. Disease was considered to be the result of a violation of a taboo or possession by a demon. The Code of Hammurabi (1750 BC) includes laws regulating the practice of medicine and surgery by physicians. In Egypt medicine and healing were connected to the gods. Tomb paintings and several papyrus documents describe the developing state of Egyptian medicine, pharmacy, and surgery.
Greek physicians admired and sought to learn the skills of the Egyptians. However, the early Greek doctor Hippocrates (460–370 BC), called the “Father of Medicine,” is credited with being the first physician to reject the belief that supernatural or divine forces cause illness. He argued that disease is the result of environmental factors, diet, and living habits, not a punishment imposed by the gods.
It is clear that the biblical world shared with the ancient Near East the same types of maladies common to tropical or subtropical climates. These include malaria, tropical fevers, dysentery, and sunstroke. The tendency of the hot climate to produce frequent droughts and famine certainly contributed to similar types of diseases throughout the Fertile Crescent. Additionally, it must be remembered that Palestine was a land bridge between the Mesopotamian and Egyptian worlds. Migrations carry not only goods and products, but also parasites, communicable disease, and epidemics.
Biblical Concept of Disease
The religious tradition of the Hebrews repudiated the magical or demonic origin of disease. Hence, moral, ethical, and spiritual factors regulated disease and illness. This was true for the individual as well as the community. The Hebrews, like the Egyptians, also recognized that much sickness arose from the individual’s relationship to the physical environment. Great stress was placed on hygiene and preventive medicine.
Pentateuchal legislation offered seven covenantal principles designed to prevent the possibility of disease and sickness: (1) Sabbath observance for humans, animals, and the land, which enforced regular periods of rest (Gen. 2:3); (2) dietary regulations, which divided food into efficient categories of clean and unclean (Lev. 11); (3) circumcision, which carried physical benefits as well as religious and moral implications (Gen. 17:9; circumcision is the only example of Hebrew surgery); (4) laws governing sexual relationships and health, including a list of forbidden degrees of marital relationships (Lev. 18–20); (5) provisions for individual sexual hygiene (Lev. 15); (6) stipulations for cleanliness and bodily purification (Lev. 14:2; 15:2); (7) sanitary and hygienic regulations for camp life (Num. 31:19; Deut. 23:12).
In NT times magical charms and incantations were used along with folk remedies in an effort to cure disease. Jesus repudiated these means. He also suggested that sickness and disease were not direct punishments for sin (John 9:2). In the Sermon on the Mount (Matt. 5–7), Jesus confirmed that the ethical and religious standards of the new covenant promoted the total health of the community and the individual.
Circulatory Diseases
Nabal most likely suffered a cerebrovascular accident or stroke (1 Sam. 25:36–38). After a heavy bout of drinking, his heart “died” (KJV; NIV: “failed”), and he became paralyzed, lapsed into a coma, and died ten days later. Psalm 137:5–6 may contain a clinical example of the symptoms of stroke. The psalmist wrote, “If I forget you, Jerusalem, may my right hand forget its skill. May my tongue cling to the roof of my mouth if I do not remember you.” This description points to a paralysis of the right side of the body (right hemiplegia) and the loss of speech (motor aphasia) that result from a stroke on the left side of the brain. Basically, the exiled psalmist is wishing upon himself the effects of a stroke if he held anything other than Jerusalem as his highest priority. Some have considered the collapse of Uzzah when he reached out to stabilize the ark of the covenant (2 Sam. 6:6–7) to be the consequence of an apoplectic seizure. But since no actual paralysis was described and death occurred immediately, this seems unlikely. It is more probable that God struck him down with an aortic aneurism or a coronary thrombosis.
Paralysis
A possible case of paralysis may be described in the shriveled (atrophic) hand of Jeroboam I (1 Kings 13:4–6). In an angry outburst Jeroboam ordered the arrest of a prophet who condemned the altar at Bethel. When Jeroboam stretched out his hand, it “shriveled up, so that he could not pull it back.” Several complicated diagnoses have been offered to explain the “withered” hand, but it is possibly an example of cataplexy, a sudden loss of muscle power following a strong emotional stimulus. After intercession by the man of God, and the subsiding of the emotional outburst, the arm was restored.
The threat against the faithless shepherd of God’s people (Zech. 11:17), which included a withered arm and blindness in the right eye, may refer to a form of paralysis known as tabes dorsalis, or locomotor ataxia. Knifelike pains in the extremities and blindness characterize this disease.
Paralysis is frequently mentioned in the NT (Matt. 8:6; 9:2, 6; 12:10; Mark 2:3–5, 9, 10; 3:1, 3, 5; Luke 5:18, 24; 6:6; John 5:3; Acts 9:33; Heb. 12:12). The exact diagnosis for each of these cases remains uncertain.
The physician Luke’s use of the Greek medical term paralelymenos (Luke 5:18, 24) suggests that some of these cases were caused by chronic organic disease. Others clearly were congenital (Acts 3:2; cf. 14:8). It is not necessary to rationalize the origin of these examples of paralysis as hysteria or pretense. The NT writers regarded the healing of these individuals by Jesus and the apostles as miraculous.
Mental Illness and Brain Disorders
Cases of mental disease are generally described in the Bible by noting the symptoms produced by the disorder. The particular cause of a mental illness in the NT is often blamed on an unknown evil spirit or spirits (Luke 8:2). Such spirits, however, were subject to God’s control and operated only within the boundaries allowed by him (1 Sam. 16:14–16, 23; 18:10; 19:9). Accordingly, in the OT “madness” and “confusion of mind” were regarded as consequences of covenantal disobedience (Deut. 28:28, 34).
It has been argued that King Saul displayed early indications of personality disorder. Symptoms included pride, self-aggrandizement (1 Sam. 11:6; 13:12; 15:9, 19), and ecstatic behavior (10:11–12). A rapid deterioration in Saul’s character transpired after David was anointed and became more popular (16:14; 18:10–11). Since Saul demonstrated fear, jealousy, a sense of persecution, and homicidal tendencies, some scholars argue that he suffered from paranoid schizophrenia.
Nebuchadnezzar suffered a rare form of monomania in which he lived like a wild beast in the field eating grass (Dan. 4:33). David, in order to save his own life, feigned insanity or perhaps epilepsy before the Philistine king Achish (1 Sam. 21:12–15).
In the NT, individuals with mental disorders went about naked, mutilated themselves, lived in tombs (Mark 5:2), and exhibited violent behavior (Matt. 8:28). Such mental disorientation was often linked to demon possession. Examples include the Syrophoenician’s child (Matt. 15:22; Mark 7:25), the demoniacs at Gerasa (Matt. 8:28; Mark 5:2; Luke 8:27) and Capernaum (Mark 1:23; Luke 4:33), a blind and mute demoniac (Matt. 12:22; Luke 11:14), and a fortune-telling slave girl (Acts 16:16). While such behavior is clinically suggestive of paranoid schizophrenia or other mental disorders, the mind-controlling influence of some extraneous negative force cannot be ruled out.
Epilepsy (grand mal) causes the afflicted person to fall to the ground, foam at the mouth, and clench or grind the teeth (Matt. 17:15; Mark 9:17–18; Luke 9:39). The description of Saul falling to the ground in an ecstatic state (1 Sam. 19:23–24) and Balaam falling with open eyes may be indicative of an epileptic seizure. In the NT, Jesus healed many who suffered from epilepsy (Matt. 4:24; 17:14–18; Mark 9:17–18; Luke 9:38–42). Some scholars have linked the light seen by Paul on the road to Damascus with the aura that some epileptics experience prior to a seizure. His subsequent blindness has also been attributed to the epileptic disturbance of the circulation of the blood in the brain.
Childhood Diseases
The cause of the death of the widow’s son at Zarephath is unknown (1 Kings 17:17–22). The death of the Shunammite woman’s son has been attributed to sunstroke (2 Kings 4:18–37), although a headache is the only symptom recorded (v. 19). In both cases there is too little evidence to present an accurate diagnosis.
In the first case, the boy at Zarephath stopped breathing (1 Kings 17:17). This may leave the door open to argue that Elijah resuscitated the child. However, in the second case, the text clearly states that the Shunammite boy died (2 Kings 4:20), implying a resurrection.
Infectious and Communicable Diseases
Fever and other calamities are listed among the punishments for covenantal infidelity (Deut. 28:22). Three different types of fever may be intentionally described here: “fever,” “inflammation,” and “scorching heat” (ESV: “fiery heat”). Fever is also mentioned frequently in the NT (Matt. 8:15; Mark 1:30–31; Luke 4:38–39; John 4:52; Acts 28:8). Both Jesus and Paul healed individuals who had a fever. A number of these fevers were likely caused by malaria, since the disease was known to be endemic to the Jordan Valley and other marshy areas in Palestine.
Several epidemics in which numerous people died of pestilence or plague are mentioned in the OT (Exod. 11:1; 12:13; Num. 14:37; Zech. 14:12). The fifth plague of Egypt (Exod. 9:3–6) has been attributed to Jordan Rift Valley fever, which is spread by flies. Bubonic plague has been blamed for the malady that struck the Philistines (1 Sam. 5–6). However, it may have been the result of a severe form of tropical dysentery. Acute bacillary dysentery contracted in the military camp may also have been responsible for the epidemic that killed a large number of the Assyrian army (2 Kings 19:35).
Parasitic Diseases
Some scholars have repeatedly argued that the “fiery serpents” (NIV: “venomous snakes”) encountered by Moses and the children of Israel (Num. 21:6–9) were in reality an infestation of the parasitic guinea worm (Dracunculus medinensis). Microscopic fleas ingested in drinking water carry the larvae of this slender nematode into the body. The larvae move from the digestive tract to the skin. The adult worm, which may grow to a length of several feet, discharges its eggs into an ulcer on the skin. Death of the host occurs because of the resulting infection of the skin ulcers.
After the conquest of Jericho, Joshua cursed the individual who would endeavor to rebuild the city (Josh. 6:26). Later, Hiel of Bethel attempted to rebuild the city and lost two of his sons as a result of the curse (1 Kings 16:34). Elisha was then asked to purify the bad water at Jericho in order to allow a new settlement (2 Kings 2:19). Elisha obliged by throwing salt into the spring and thereby making the water potable (2:20–22). Recent archaeological study has discovered the remains of certain snails in the mud-bricks used to construct Jericho in the Bronze Age. These types of snails are now known to serve as intermediate hosts for the flatworm parasite that can cause schistosomiasis. The Schistosoma haematobium trematode infects the urinary tract and the bladder. It is possible that this type of parasite was responsible for the death of Hiel’s two sons.
In NT times, Herod Agrippa apparently died of the complications of a parasitic disease, perhaps being infested by the larvae of flies (myiasis) in the bowels. Luke mentions that he was “eaten by worms” (skōlēkobrōtos [Acts 12:23]). The father of Publius also suffered from dysentery (Acts 28:8).
Physical Deformities and Abnormalities
Individuals with deformities were disqualified from priestly service (Lev. 21:18–20). The list included lameness, limb damage, and dwarfism. The deformities mentioned here might have been congenital or acquired. Mephibosheth was dropped by his nurse (2 Sam. 4:4) and perhaps suffered damage to the spinal cord. Jacob possibly sustained injury to an intervertebral disk (Gen. 32:32) causing a deformity and a limp. The woman who was “bent over” (Luke 13:10–17) might have suffered from an abnormality of the spine similar to scoliosis. It is difficult to ascertain the origin of the “shriveled hand” of the unnamed individual healed by Jesus (Matt. 12:10–13; Mark 3:1–5; Luke 6:6–10). It could be congenital in character or a paralysis caused by any number of factors.
Diseases and Disabilities of the Eyes and Ears
Physical blindness is mentioned several times in the Bible. Blindness excluded one from serving as a priest (Lev. 21:18, 20). Blindness and deafness, however, were disabilities requiring special care from the community (Lev. 19:14; Deut. 27:18). The “weak eyes” of Leah may refer to an eye condition (Gen. 29:17).
Blindness in the biblical world was caused by various factors. Leviticus 26:16 speaks of a fever that destroys the eyes. Flies probably were responsible for much of the conjunctivitis found in children. John 9:1 mentions congenital blindness, which Jesus cured using mud made from spittle and dirt (John 9:6). In Mark 8:22–26 Jesus healed a blind man by spitting in his eye and laying hands on him (cf. Matt. 20:34 with Mark 10:52).
Congenital deafness would also be associated with mutism and speech defects because a child learning to speak depends on imitation and mimicry. Jesus healed a man who was deaf and could barely talk (Mark 7:32–37). The man’s inability to say much possibly pointed to a loss of hearing early in life.
Skin Conditions
Various skin and hair abnormalities are described in the Bible. Some made the individual unclean (Lev. 13:30; 14:54). The OT speaks of “the boils of Egypt” (Deut. 28:27; cf. Exod. 9:9). Skin ailments included tumors, festering sores, boils, infections, and the itch (Deut. 28:27, 35; Isa. 3:7). Job complained of a litany of ailments: broken and festering skin (7:5), multiple wounds (9:17), black peeling skin and fever (30:30), gnawing bone pain (2:5; 19:20; 30:17), insomnia (7:3–4), and wasting away (33:21). These symptoms have been diagnosed as indications of yaws or eczema. A poultice made of figs cured Hezekiah’s boil (2 Kings 20:7).
Leprosy was once thought to be a common problem in the biblical world. Leprosy (Hansen’s disease) is a slow, progressive chronic infectious disease caused by a bacterium. Symptoms include loss of sensation and loss of parts of the body. Evidence for this type of disease in Palestine is rare. Uzziah may have had a true case of Hansen’s disease. He was quarantined until the day he died (2 Chron. 26:21).
Scholars now suggest that the symptoms of the disease described in the Bible do not fit this pattern and thus do not signify leprosy (Hansen’s disease) as it is known today. Instead, the word that English versions translate as “leprosy” (Heb. root tsr’) probably refers to different types of infectious skin disease, often characterized by a long-standing, patchy skin condition associated with peeling or flakiness and redness of skin. Evidence points more toward psoriasis, fungal infections, or dermatitis.
This disease could appear in humans (Lev. 14:2), on buildings (14:34), and on clothing (14:55). It was not limited to the extremities but could occur on the head (14:42–44). It could run its course quickly (13:5–8). It made the individual ceremonially unclean, but it was also curable (Lev. 14:3; 2 Kings 5:1–27). Individuals with the disease were not necessarily shunned (2 Kings 7; Matt. 26:6 // Mark 14:3). Moses (Exod. 4:6), Miriam (Num. 12:10), and Naaman experienced this type of skin disease (2 Kings 5:1–27). Jesus healed many suffering from skin ailments (Matt. 8:2–3; Mark 1:40–42; Luke 5:12–13), including the ten “men who had leprosy” (Luke 17:12–14).
Ailments of an Unknown Nature
Some cases in the Bible present insufficient evidence for scholars to render a clear diagnosis. King Asa suffered a disease in his feet (2 Chron. 16:12). However, in the OT the Hebrew expression for “feet” is sometimes used euphemistically for the sexual organs (Judg. 3:24 KJV). Because of this, the exact nature of the disease is ambiguous. Jehoram was afflicted with “an incurable disease of the bowels” (2 Chron. 21:18–19). Other unknown ailments factor in the deaths of the firstborn son of David and Bathsheba (2 Sam. 12:15), of Jeroboam’s son in infancy (1 Kings 14:17), of Elisha (2 Kings 13:14), and of Ezekiel’s wife (Ezek. 24:16).
A word used in some Bible versions (e.g., KJV, NKJV, NASB, RSV) to describe the illicit “lovers” of Judah in the allegory of Ezek. 23:20. The RSV also uses the term in Hos. 3:1 to refer to the lover of Hosea’s wife (NIV: “another man”).
The desert to which the Israelites journeyed after leaving the Desert of Sinai (Num. 10:11–12). The location is never explicitly mentioned, but it can be inferred from some of the descriptions of the Israelites’ wilderness journey. It is a desert region south of Judah, west of Edom, and north of Sinai, within the region known as the Negev. This is the location from which Moses sent spies to explore the promised land (Num. 13:3). They subsequently returned to the Desert of Paran at Kadesh (Num. 13:26), giving us a geographical reference near Kadesh. Other references to the Desert of Paran confirm this location. Genesis 21:21 specifies the Desert of Paran as the place to which Abraham banished Ishmael, and specific references to Egypt and Beersheba clarify its location between them. See also 1 Kings 11:18.
The transliteration of a rare Hebrew term that refers to a colonnade. The Chronicler lists this as one of the locations where the temple gatekeepers were stationed (1 Chron. 26:18 [NIV: “court”]). The meaning and origin of the word have long been debated. Suggestions have ranged from a word of Persian origin meaning “open court” to an association with “forecourt” in 2 Kings 23:11 (NIV: “court”). One other suggestion is that it is a colonnaded porch located west of the temple.
Grain that was parched or roasted over fire and eaten or used as the primary part of the meal offering (Lev. 2:14). It appears often as a food (Lev. 23:14; Ruth 2:14; 1 Sam. 17:17; 25:18; 2 Sam. 17:28), suggesting that it served as a basic part of people’s diet. Parched grain typically appears with other staples such as bread, beans, flour, and unroasted wheat and barley.
In the Bible, writing was carved into stone (Exod. 24:12; Josh. 8:32) or stone covered with plaster (Deut. 27:1–10), metal (Exod. 28:36), or wood (Num. 17:2–3; Ezek. 37:16). Clay tablets or wooden tablets covered with wax were also used (Isa. 8:1; 30:8; Hab. 2:2; Luke 1:63). However, while clay tablets were common in Mesopotamia and among the Hittites in Anatolia, they were used more rarely in Israel or Egypt because of the accessibility of papyrus and parchment.
Writing implements are mentioned occasionally in the Bible. A stylus—a sharpened instrument fashioned from materials such as reed, bone, or metal (e.g., Job 19:24; Jer. 17:1)—was used to carve letters into clay or wax. A sharpened reed could also be dipped in ink to function as a pen for writing on papyrus or parchment (Ps. 45:1; Isa. 8:1; Matt. 5:18; Luke 16:17; 2 John 13). A scribe would often need additional implements to prepare the writing surface, to remove or rub out an error, to mix the ink, or to sharpen the stylus (cf. “writing kit” in Ezek. 9:2–3, 11; “scribe’s knife” in Jer. 36:23).
During Old and New Testament times, papyrus was one of the two most common types of writing material. The tall, marshy papyrus reed (Cyperus papyrus) grew abundantly in Lower Egypt in ancient times (Job 8:11) and was used for baskets (Exod. 2:3), mats, ropes, sandals, and even boats (Isa. 18:2). As early as 3000 BC, however, the papyrus reed was most known for making a kind of paper referred to simply as “papyrus.” Literary and archaeological evidence demonstrates that papyrus was used extensively across the Near East well into the first Christian millennium.
Papyrus stalks are typically the diameter of a human palm and roughly triangular in shape. Sections were cut about a foot long. The inner fibrous pith was cut lengthwise into thin strips that were placed side by side on a board. A second layer of strips was placed at right angles. The resulting “sheet” was pounded together. Pliny the Elder (Nat. 13.11–13) claimed that the Nile water glued the strips together, but actually the crushed pulp did so. The dried sheets were trimmed to a standard size, varying by “factory,” typically ten inches high by eight inches wide.
Sheets (with the horizontal fibers on top) were glued side by side with the sheet on the left slightly lapping over the right, so that a scribe’s pen slid “downhill” when moving onto the next sheet. It was not uncommon for a column of text to be on a joint (unlike leather sheets, whose sewn joint would not hold text). The joined sheets formed a roll (scroll) of standard length (about twelve feet) called a chartēs (2 John 12), the typical unit of sale. It is estimated that in NT times a chartēs cost four denars (= approximately U.S. $450). Secretaries cut sheets off a chartēs or glued on additional length as the task required, but the typical ancient letter, such as 3 John, was about one sheet in length.
The other most common type of writing material was leather parchment. Made chiefly from the skins of sheep or goats, parchment would be prepared by soaking, dehairing, scraping, and washing the hide. The skin would be stretched on a frame and smoothed with a pumice stone. Vellum is a finer grade of parchment and is made from calfskin or kidskin. Sections of parchment also were sewn together to make a roll. Paul asked Timothy to bring him “the parchments” (2 Tim. 4:13).
Papyrus had the advantage of being lightweight and durable, and perhaps less expensive, so it was often preferred over clay, wooden, metal, or stone tablets, or even parchment (at least until the third century AD). However, papyrus had two major disadvantages: it deteriorated rapidly in water and was almost exclusively from Egypt. Since ink was water-soluble, all documents were routinely protected from moisture, so trade issues with Egypt may be to blame for major shifts to parchment. Unfortunately, only ancient papyri left in dry locations in dry climates have survived, explaining why the bulk of known papyri are from the Egyptian desert.
Paper made of wood pulp or similar fibers was invented in China and was not adopted in the West until the eighth century or later.
A term often synonymous with “forgive” (see Num. 14:19). Forgiveness, however, refers more to the disposition of the injured party, while pardon refers to the remission of legal consequences for the offender. Both people (e.g., 2 Chron. 30:18) and wrongs (e.g., Exod. 23:21) can be pardoned. In almost all biblical references to pardon, God is the source of pardon; in one notable instance, however, Saul asks Samuel for pardon after disobeying the word of the Lord through Samuel (1 Sam. 15:24–25). Frequently in the Bible, people request God’s pardon (e.g., Exod. 34:9; 2 Kings 5:18; Amos 7:2). Given God’s character, this is reasonable, “for [God] will freely pardon” (Isa. 55:7).
Used in some English Bible versions in Deut. 21:12 to describe the cutting or trimming of fingernails (e.g., NRSV [NIV: “trim”]). In this circumstance, paring nails is included among the ritual mourning practices for a beautiful female captive of Israel, along with shaving her head and removing a lavish garment. She is given a month to grieve for her parents prior to being married to her captor.
Most families in the ancient world were agrarian or engaged in raising livestock. Families that lived in cities led preindustrial lifestyles, often dwelling in cramped quarters. The majority of families resided in rural areas and villages.
People in the Bible were family-centered and staunchly loyal to their kin. Families formed the foundation of society. The extended family was the source of people’s status in the community and provided the primary economic, educational, religious, and social interactions.
Marriage was not an arrangement merely between two individuals; rather, marriage was between two families. Family members and kin therefore took precedence over individuals. In the worlds of both Testaments, authority within families and communities was determined by rank among kin. Christianity was looked upon with hostility because it overthrew foundational values of Jewish and even Greco-Roman tradition. Service rather than rank became normative in family and community relationships.
Patriarchal Structures
A patrilineal system ruled in ancient Israel. Every family and every household belonged to a lineage. These lineages made up a clan in which kinship and inheritance were based on the patriarchs, the fathers of the families. These clans in turn made up larger clan groups and then tribal groups. The later Hellenistic and Roman world maintained patriarchal and patrilineal social structures as well.
Family discipline was in the hands of the father, the patriarch. The honor of the father depended on his ability to keep every family member under his authority (1 Tim. 3:4). Other male members of the family assisted the father in defending the honor of the family (Gen. 34).
Aristotelian Household Codes
Not only was the biblical world patriarchal (male dominated), but also the later societal influence by Greek philosophers impacted the biblical text. The ancient Greeks viewed the household as a microcosm of society. Greek philosophers offered advice regarding household management, seeking to influence society for the greater good. This advice was presented in oral and written discourses known as “household codes.” Aristotle’s household codes, written in the fourth century BC, were among the most famous. Such codes consisted of instructions on how the paterfamilias (the male head of the household) should manage his wife, children, and slaves. The Stoic philosopher Arius Didymus summarized Aristotle’s household codes for Caesar Augustus. He argued, “A man has the rule of this household by nature, for the deliberative faculty in a woman is inferior, in children it does not yet exist, and in the case of slaves, it is completely absent.”
The Aristotelian household codes appear to be the background to NT texts that, at face value, appear to treat women as inferior to men (Eph. 5:22–6:9; Col. 3:18–4:1; 1 Pet. 3:1–7). All these texts are set in a Greco-Roman matrix, and the advice given to the congregations seems to have been of contextual missional value for the sake of the gospel rather than as a guide for family living for all times in all contexts.
Marriage and Divorce
Marriage in the ancient Near East was a contractual arrangement between two families, arranged by the bride’s father or a male representative. The bride’s family was paid a dowry, a “bride’s price.” Paying a dowry was not only an economic transaction but also an expression of family honor. Only the rich could afford multiple dowries. Thus, polygamy was minimal. The wedding itself was celebrated with a feast provided by the father of the groom.
The primary purpose for marriage in the ancient Near East was to produce a male heir to ensure care for the couple in their old age. The concept of inheritance was a key part of the marriage customs, especially with regard to passing along possessions and property.
Marriage among Jews in the NT era still tended to be endogamous; that is, Jews sought to marry close kin without committing incest violations (Lev. 18:6–17). A Jewish male certainly was expected to marry a Jew. Exogamy, marrying outside the remote kinship group, and certainly outside the ethnos, was understood as shaming God’s holiness. Thus, a Jew marrying a Gentile woman was not an option. The Romans did practice exogamy. For them, marrying outside one’s kinship group (not ethnos) was based predominantly on creating strategic alliances between families.
In Jewish customs, marriage was preceded by a period of betrothal. This state of betrothal was legally binding and left the survivor of the man’s death a widow. A betrothed couple, like Joseph and Mary (Matt. 1:18), did not live together or have sexual intercourse. Yet their union was as binding as marriage and could be dissolved only through death or divorce.
Greek and Roman law allowed both men and women to initiate divorce. In Jewish marriages, only the husband could initiate divorce proceedings. If a husband divorced his wife, he had to release her and repay the dowry. Divorce was common in cases of infertility (in particular if the woman had not provided male offspring). Ben Sira comments that barrenness in a woman is a cause of anxiety to the father (Sir. 42:9–10). Another reason for divorce was adultery (Exod. 20:14; Deut. 5:18). Jesus, though, taught a more restrictive use of divorce than the Old Testament (Mark 10:1–12).
Children, Parenting, and Education
Childbearing was considered representative of God’s blessing on a woman and her entire family, in particular her husband. In contrast to this blessing, barrenness brought shame on women, their families, and specifically their husbands.
Abortion commonly took place in the Greco-Roman world. Women therefore had to be encouraged to continue in their pregnancies (1 Tim. 2:15).
Children were of low social status in society. Infant mortality was high. An estimated 60 percent of the children in the first-century Mediterranean society were dead by the age of sixteen.
Ancient Near Eastern and Mediterranean societies exhibited a parenting style based on their view of human nature as a mixture of good and evil tendencies. Parents relied on physical punishment to prevent evil tendencies from developing into evil deeds (Prov. 29:15). The main concern of parents was to socialize the children into family loyalty. Lack of such loyalty was punished (Lev. 20:9). At a very early stage children were taught to accept the total authority of the father. The rearing of girls was entirely the responsibility of the women. Girls were taught domestic roles and duties as soon as possible so that they could help with household tasks.
Early education took place in the home. Jewish education was centered around the teaching of Torah. At home it was the father’s responsibility to teach the Torah to his children (Deut. 6:6–7), especially his sons. By the first century, under the influence of Hellenism, Judaism had developed its own school system. Girls, however, did not regularly attend school. Many of the boys were educated in primary and secondary schools, learning written and oral law. Sometimes schools were an extension of the synagogues. Roman education was patterned after Greek education. Teachers of primary schools often were slaves. Mostly boys attended schools, but in some cases girls were allowed to attend school as well.
Family as an Analogy
The relationship between Israel and God. Family identity was used as a metaphor in ancient Israel to speak of fidelity, responsibility, judgment, and reconciliation. In the OT, the people of Israel often are described as children of God. In their overall relationship to God, the people of Israel are referred to in familial terms—sons and daughters, spouse, and firstborn (Exod. 4:22). God is addressed as the father of the people (Isa. 63:16; 64:8) and referred to as their mother (Isa. 49:14–17).
The prophet Hosea depicts Israel as sons and daughters who are offspring of a harlot. The harlot represents faithless Israel. God is portrayed as a wronged father and husband, and both children and wife as rebellious and adulterous (Hos. 1–3). Likewise, the prophet Jeremiah presents the Mosaic covenant as a marriage soured by the infidelity of Israel and Judah (e.g., Jer. 2:2–13). The familial-marriage metaphor used by the prophets is a vehicle for proclaiming God’s resolve to go beyond customary law and cultural expectations to reclaim that which is lost. A similar picture of reclaiming and restoring is seen in Malachi. One interpretation of Mal. 4:6 holds that it implicitly preserves an eschatological tradition of family disruption with a future restoration in view. The restored family in view is restored Israel.
The church as the family of God. Throughout his ministry, Jesus called his disciples to follow him. This was a call to loyalty (Matt. 10:32–40; 16:24–26; Mark 8:34–38; Luke 9:23–26), a call to fictive kinship, the family of God (Matt. 12:48–50; Mark 3:33–35). Jesus’ declaration “On this rock I will build my church” (Matt. 16:18) was preceded by the call to community. Entrance into the community was granted through adopting the values of the kingdom, belief, and the initiation rite of baptism (Matt. 10:37–39; 16:24–26; Mark 8:34–38; Luke 9:23–26, 57–63; John 1:12; 3:16; 10:27–29; Acts 2:38; 16:31–33; 17:30; Rom. 10:9). Jesus’ presence as the head of the community was eventually replaced by the promised Spirit (John 14:16–18). Through the Spirit, Jesus’ ministry continues in the community of his followers, God’s family—the church. See also Adoption.
Most families in the ancient world were agrarian or engaged in raising livestock. Families that lived in cities led preindustrial lifestyles, often dwelling in cramped quarters. The majority of families resided in rural areas and villages.
People in the Bible were family-centered and staunchly loyal to their kin. Families formed the foundation of society. The extended family was the source of people’s status in the community and provided the primary economic, educational, religious, and social interactions.
Marriage was not an arrangement merely between two individuals; rather, marriage was between two families. Family members and kin therefore took precedence over individuals. In the worlds of both Testaments, authority within families and communities was determined by rank among kin. Christianity was looked upon with hostility because it overthrew foundational values of Jewish and even Greco-Roman tradition. Service rather than rank became normative in family and community relationships.
Patriarchal Structures
A patrilineal system ruled in ancient Israel. Every family and every household belonged to a lineage. These lineages made up a clan in which kinship and inheritance were based on the patriarchs, the fathers of the families. These clans in turn made up larger clan groups and then tribal groups. The later Hellenistic and Roman world maintained patriarchal and patrilineal social structures as well.
Family discipline was in the hands of the father, the patriarch. The honor of the father depended on his ability to keep every family member under his authority (1 Tim. 3:4). Other male members of the family assisted the father in defending the honor of the family (Gen. 34).
Aristotelian Household Codes
Not only was the biblical world patriarchal (male dominated), but also the later societal influence by Greek philosophers impacted the biblical text. The ancient Greeks viewed the household as a microcosm of society. Greek philosophers offered advice regarding household management, seeking to influence society for the greater good. This advice was presented in oral and written discourses known as “household codes.” Aristotle’s household codes, written in the fourth century BC, were among the most famous. Such codes consisted of instructions on how the paterfamilias (the male head of the household) should manage his wife, children, and slaves. The Stoic philosopher Arius Didymus summarized Aristotle’s household codes for Caesar Augustus. He argued, “A man has the rule of this household by nature, for the deliberative faculty in a woman is inferior, in children it does not yet exist, and in the case of slaves, it is completely absent.”
The Aristotelian household codes appear to be the background to NT texts that, at face value, appear to treat women as inferior to men (Eph. 5:22–6:9; Col. 3:18–4:1; 1 Pet. 3:1–7). All these texts are set in a Greco-Roman matrix, and the advice given to the congregations seems to have been of contextual missional value for the sake of the gospel rather than as a guide for family living for all times in all contexts.
Marriage and Divorce
Marriage in the ancient Near East was a contractual arrangement between two families, arranged by the bride’s father or a male representative. The bride’s family was paid a dowry, a “bride’s price.” Paying a dowry was not only an economic transaction but also an expression of family honor. Only the rich could afford multiple dowries. Thus, polygamy was minimal. The wedding itself was celebrated with a feast provided by the father of the groom.
The primary purpose for marriage in the ancient Near East was to produce a male heir to ensure care for the couple in their old age. The concept of inheritance was a key part of the marriage customs, especially with regard to passing along possessions and property.
Marriage among Jews in the NT era still tended to be endogamous; that is, Jews sought to marry close kin without committing incest violations (Lev. 18:6–17). A Jewish male certainly was expected to marry a Jew. Exogamy, marrying outside the remote kinship group, and certainly outside the ethnos, was understood as shaming God’s holiness. Thus, a Jew marrying a Gentile woman was not an option. The Romans did practice exogamy. For them, marrying outside one’s kinship group (not ethnos) was based predominantly on creating strategic alliances between families.
In Jewish customs, marriage was preceded by a period of betrothal. This state of betrothal was legally binding and left the survivor of the man’s death a widow. A betrothed couple, like Joseph and Mary (Matt. 1:18), did not live together or have sexual intercourse. Yet their union was as binding as marriage and could be dissolved only through death or divorce.
Greek and Roman law allowed both men and women to initiate divorce. In Jewish marriages, only the husband could initiate divorce proceedings. If a husband divorced his wife, he had to release her and repay the dowry. Divorce was common in cases of infertility (in particular if the woman had not provided male offspring). Ben Sira comments that barrenness in a woman is a cause of anxiety to the father (Sir. 42:9–10). Another reason for divorce was adultery (Exod. 20:14; Deut. 5:18). Jesus, though, taught a more restrictive use of divorce than the Old Testament (Mark 10:1–12).
Children, Parenting, and Education
Childbearing was considered representative of God’s blessing on a woman and her entire family, in particular her husband. In contrast to this blessing, barrenness brought shame on women, their families, and specifically their husbands.
Abortion commonly took place in the Greco-Roman world. Women therefore had to be encouraged to continue in their pregnancies (1 Tim. 2:15).
Children were of low social status in society. Infant mortality was high. An estimated 60 percent of the children in the first-century Mediterranean society were dead by the age of sixteen.
Ancient Near Eastern and Mediterranean societies exhibited a parenting style based on their view of human nature as a mixture of good and evil tendencies. Parents relied on physical punishment to prevent evil tendencies from developing into evil deeds (Prov. 29:15). The main concern of parents was to socialize the children into family loyalty. Lack of such loyalty was punished (Lev. 20:9). At a very early stage children were taught to accept the total authority of the father. The rearing of girls was entirely the responsibility of the women. Girls were taught domestic roles and duties as soon as possible so that they could help with household tasks.
Early education took place in the home. Jewish education was centered around the teaching of Torah. At home it was the father’s responsibility to teach the Torah to his children (Deut. 6:6–7), especially his sons. By the first century, under the influence of Hellenism, Judaism had developed its own school system. Girls, however, did not regularly attend school. Many of the boys were educated in primary and secondary schools, learning written and oral law. Sometimes schools were an extension of the synagogues. Roman education was patterned after Greek education. Teachers of primary schools often were slaves. Mostly boys attended schools, but in some cases girls were allowed to attend school as well.
Family as an Analogy
The relationship between Israel and God. Family identity was used as a metaphor in ancient Israel to speak of fidelity, responsibility, judgment, and reconciliation. In the OT, the people of Israel often are described as children of God. In their overall relationship to God, the people of Israel are referred to in familial terms—sons and daughters, spouse, and firstborn (Exod. 4:22). God is addressed as the father of the people (Isa. 63:16; 64:8) and referred to as their mother (Isa. 49:14–17).
The prophet Hosea depicts Israel as sons and daughters who are offspring of a harlot. The harlot represents faithless Israel. God is portrayed as a wronged father and husband, and both children and wife as rebellious and adulterous (Hos. 1–3). Likewise, the prophet Jeremiah presents the Mosaic covenant as a marriage soured by the infidelity of Israel and Judah (e.g., Jer. 2:2–13). The familial-marriage metaphor used by the prophets is a vehicle for proclaiming God’s resolve to go beyond customary law and cultural expectations to reclaim that which is lost. A similar picture of reclaiming and restoring is seen in Malachi. One interpretation of Mal. 4:6 holds that it implicitly preserves an eschatological tradition of family disruption with a future restoration in view. The restored family in view is restored Israel.
The church as the family of God. Throughout his ministry, Jesus called his disciples to follow him. This was a call to loyalty (Matt. 10:32–40; 16:24–26; Mark 8:34–38; Luke 9:23–26), a call to fictive kinship, the family of God (Matt. 12:48–50; Mark 3:33–35). Jesus’ declaration “On this rock I will build my church” (Matt. 16:18) was preceded by the call to community. Entrance into the community was granted through adopting the values of the kingdom, belief, and the initiation rite of baptism (Matt. 10:37–39; 16:24–26; Mark 8:34–38; Luke 9:23–26, 57–63; John 1:12; 3:16; 10:27–29; Acts 2:38; 16:31–33; 17:30; Rom. 10:9). Jesus’ presence as the head of the community was eventually replaced by the promised Spirit (John 14:16–18). Through the Spirit, Jesus’ ministry continues in the community of his followers, God’s family—the church. See also Adoption.
A dated word used on three occasions in the KJV to refer to a room or area in a physical structure: the location of Eglon, the obese ruler of Moab, as he was relieving himself just prior to being impaled by Ehud (Judg. 3:20–25); the location on the high place to which Samuel brought Saul and his servant for a meal with about thirty invited guests (1 Sam. 9:22); a designated outer room or porch on the plans that David gave to Solomon for the Jerusalem temple (1 Chron. 28:11).
One of Haman’s ten sons, who were killed by the Jews during the reign of the Persian king Xerxes (Ahasuerus), who had granted them permission to “destroy, kill and annihilate” their enemies (Esther 8:11). At the request of Esther, the king ordered that the corpses of Parmashta and his brothers be hung in public display (9:7–14).
One of the seven men chosen to help distribute food to widows in the Jerusalem church (Acts 6:1–6). Tradition suggests he was one of the seventy disciples sent out by Jesus (cf. Luke 10:1), a bishop of Soli on Cyprus, and a martyr at Philippi.
One of Zebulun’s tribal leaders, his son was chosen to help allocate Canaanite lands prior to the conquest (Num. 34:25).
One of Zebulun’s tribal leaders, his son was chosen to help allocate Canaanite lands prior to the conquest (Num. 34:25).
The head of a clan that was part of the early return to Judah from Babylonian captivity sometime between 539 and 520 BC (Ezra 2:3; Neh. 7:8). The same clan sent Zechariah and 150 men at the time of Ezra around 458 BC (Ezra 8:3). Seven members of this clan were later found guilty of intermarriage with foreigners (Ezra 10:25). Parosh is also listed as one who sealed the covenant renewal led by Ezra (Neh. 10:14). He is also the father of Pedaiah, one of the wall builders (Neh. 3:25).
The Greek word parousia is used frequently in the NT to refer to “the coming of the Lord,” when believers “will be caught up [or ‘raptured’] . . . to meet the Lord in the air” (1 Thess. 4:15, 17). Literally, parousia means “presence” or “arrival” and was used in reference to visiting dignitaries. See also Second Coming.
One of Haman’s ten sons, who were killed by the Jews during the reign of the Persian king Xerxes (Ahasuerus), who had granted them permission to “destroy, kill and annihilate” their enemies (Esther 8:11). At the request of Esther, the king ordered that the corpses of Parshandatha and his brothers be hung in public display (9:7–14).
At King Belshazzar’s feast in the book of Daniel an apparitional hand appeared and wrote a mysterious inscription on the wall. According to the Aramaic text, it read mene’ mene’ teqel uparsin (Dan. 5:25). Daniel alone was able to identify God as the source of the message, read the writing, and decipher its significance (Dan. 5:24–28). In the Old Greek version of Daniel, the inscription differs in wording (mene is not repeated), order (mane phares thekel ), position (it comes at the beginning of the story), and interpretation.
As a result of this evidence from ancient versions and the intrinsic difficulty of the Aramaic text, the phrase is a subject of much debate. Scholars have noted that each of the words resembles a unit of weight (cf. the biblical mina and shekel). The Old Greek arranges these in descending order (a prs being a half-mina, and a shekel one-fiftieth of a mina). The phrase may originally have referred to a succession of kings of declining power (beginning with Nebuchadnezzar), in which case Daniel’s interpretation in the biblical (Aramaic) text differs somewhat from the original sense of the riddle. In this scenario, the Aramaic text has changed the order of the terms so that parsin, which sounds like “Persians,” comes last.
At King Belshazzar’s feast in the book of Daniel an apparitional hand appeared and wrote a mysterious inscription on the wall. According to the Aramaic text, it read mene’ mene’ teqel uparsin (Dan. 5:25). Daniel alone was able to identify God as the source of the message, read the writing, and decipher its significance (Dan. 5:24–28). In the Old Greek version of Daniel, the inscription differs in wording (mene is not repeated), order (mane phares thekel ), position (it comes at the beginning of the story), and interpretation.
As a result of this evidence from ancient versions and the intrinsic difficulty of the Aramaic text, the phrase is a subject of much debate. Scholars have noted that each of the words resembles a unit of weight (cf. the biblical mina and shekel). The Old Greek arranges these in descending order (a prs being a half-mina, and a shekel one-fiftieth of a mina). The phrase may originally have referred to a succession of kings of declining power (beginning with Nebuchadnezzar), in which case Daniel’s interpretation in the biblical (Aramaic) text differs somewhat from the original sense of the riddle. In this scenario, the Aramaic text has changed the order of the terms so that parsin, which sounds like “Persians,” comes last.
The descendants of the Parni tribe. They claimed independence from Seleucid dominance and rose to power under King Mithridates I (r. 171–138 BC). At its height, the Parthian Empire extended from the Euphrates River to the Indus Valley. Parthian horsemen were notorious for having forced out the remnants of Alexander’s empire from Persia and for having crushed the Roman army at Carrhae in 53 BC. One specific reason for the latter historical and humiliating defeat was the specific tactic used by the Parthian cavalry of feigning retreat and then using bows and arrows to deliver the famous “Parthian shot.” The Romans never conquered them, but the Sasanian Persians overthrew the Parthian Empire in AD 224. In Acts 2:9 Parthian Jews are mentioned as present in Jerusalem on the day of Pentecost.
Israel has several indigenous species of partridge corresponding to different habitats, including the rock partridge, the black francolin, and the sand partridge. They prefer running to flying, and when threatened, they often crouch motionless on the ground, well camouflaged. In ancient times they were a plentiful source of eggs and meat, so that David’s comparison of himself, fleeing from Saul, with a hunted partridge is easily understood (1 Sam. 26:20). However, Jeremiah’s comparison of the nesting habits of the partridge with “those who gain riches by unjust means” (Jer. 17:11) is more difficult. Partridges do not hatch eggs that they do not lay, and there is no independent evidence of an ancient belief that they did. One plausible suggestion is that this verse refers to partridges raising chicks that they did not hatch (so the ESV); a hen rock partridge sometimes cares for a large number of chicks from multiple broods, some of which will leave her when the growing flock splits up.
The father of Jehoshaphat, who was one of the men in charge of providing the court of King Solomon with provisions for one month of the year (1 Kings 4:17).
The place that provided gold used to adorn Solomon’s temple (2 Chron. 3:6). The location, perhaps somewhere in Arabia, is unknown. One of the DSS (1QapGen ar 2:23) gives Parvaim as the home of Enoch.
A grandson of Jacob, a son of Judah by Tamar, and the father of Hezron listed in the ancestry of David and Jesus (Gen. 46:12; Ruth 4:18; 1 Chron. 2:4–5; 4:1; Matt. 1:3; Luke 3:33). His was a key ancestral touchstone name (Num. 26:20–21; Ruth 4:12; 1 Chron. 9:4; 27:3; Neh. 11:4–6), meaning “breach” or “breaking out,” as he broke out of the womb ahead of his firstborn twin brother, Zerah (Gen. 38:29).
The uncertain location of an Israelite victory over the Philistines. There Eleazar, one of David’s mighty warriors, took a stand to gain victory (1 Chron. 11:13; cf. 2 Sam. 23:9). Logically, Pas Dammim would have been located somewhere in the foothills between Judah and Philistia.
The first of the three sons of Japhlet of the tribe of Asher (1 Chron. 7:33).
The first of the three sons of Japhlet of the tribe of Asher (1 Chron. 7:33).
Formed from “Pascha” (a Latin-ized version of Pesach, the Hebrew term for “Passover”), this adjective pertains to the Feast of Passover. Most commonly, the adjective is used in connection with the lamb offered as a sacrifice on the eve of the feast. The unblemished year-old male lamb is roasted (Exod. 12:5, 8–9; but see Deut. 16:7, where boiling is mentioned as an alternative) and eaten with unleavened bread and bitter herbs. The Feast of Passover, combined with that of Unleavened Bread, is set in place by divine initiative to commemorate God’s “passing over” Israelite households while smiting Egyptian firstborns, the final plague to secure the freedom of the Israelites from Egypt (Exod. 12:23–28).
Beyond the institution of the rite in Exod. 12:1–27 and its immediate environs, the OT refers to the feast in Num. 9:1–14 (allowance for a secondary observance of the festival for those unclean or away on a journey during the first); Josh. 5:10–12 (celebration at Gilgal); 2 Chron. 30:1–27 (Israel and Judah celebrate the festival at Hezekiah’s behest); 2 Kings 23:21–23 // 2 Chron. 35:1, 18–19 (reinstitution of the festival as part of religious reform under Josiah); Ezra 6:19–22 (Passover observance following dedication of the newly constructed temple by returnees from exile in Babylonia).
(1) A Judahite man of Rekah, he was one of the three sons of Eshton (1 Chron. 4:12). (2) One of the ancestors of the temple servants (Nethinim) who returned to Jerusalem after the Babylonian captivity under the leadership of Zerubbabel in 539 BC or soon after (Ezra 2:49; Neh. 7:51). (3) The father of Joiada, who helped repair the Jeshanah Gate (Neh. 3:6).
(1) A priest, the son of Immer, during the time of Jeremiah. As the “official in charge of the temple,” he put the prophet in stocks (Jer. 20:1–6). Jeremiah delivered a prophecy against him and renamed him “Magor-Missabib” (“Terror on Every Side”). (2) Jeremiah also mentions a Pashhur son of Malkijah who is not identified as a priest when he is introduced in Jer. 21:1. He was sent by King Zedekiah to encourage the prophet to beseech God for help during the Babylonian siege. In Jer. 38:1 he is part of a group that gets Jeremiah arrested. (3) Jeremiah 38:1 also mentions Pashhur as the father of Gedaliah. Gedaliah is not the governor of the same name. Pashhur here could conceivably be one of the previous two men, but we are uncertain. (4) The ancestor of a family of priests (conceivably to be identified with one of the above), numbering 1,247, who returned from Babylon to Judah with Zerubabbel right after Cyrus the Persian king issued a decree allowing the exiles to return (Ezra 2:38; Neh. 7:41). Six men of his family were guilty of intermarriage with foreign women during the time of Ezra (Ezra 10:22). (5) A man, perhaps part of the family of the priest mentioned in Jer. 20:1–6, but not the original Pashhur, who signed the covenant renewal led by Ezra (Neh. 10:3).
A term used to refer to Jesus’ suffering and death. References to the passion are attested in both canonical and extracanonical Christian writings. Most scholars agree that the first narrative about Jesus by the Christian community was a version of the passion narrative. The first extant references to this tradition are found in Paul’s letters (1 Cor. 2:2; Gal. 3:1). Scholars postulate that a continuous passion narrative circulated in the early churches, predating the Gospel of Mark.
All four NT Gospels spend a large percentage of their text on the passion events. Some scholars speak of the Gospels as “passion narratives with a long introduction.” The passion events commenced with the celebration of the Passover, the Last Supper. The new meaning of the Passover directed the focus toward the suffering and upcoming sacrifice of Jesus. Jesus’ agonizing prayer in Gethsemane tied the Passover to his suffering (Mark 14:23–24, 36; John 18:11). His subsequent betrayal, arrest, trial, beatings, and mocking are narrated in detail in the Gospels. The passion finds its climax in the crucifixion. The Gospels record different details of the execution scene, depending on their intended audiences. However, all four depict the same execution charge (Matt. 27:37; Mark 15:26; Luke 23:38; John 19:19).
The celebration and commemoration of God’s protection of the Israelite firstborn during the final plague on Egypt in Exod. 12:29–50. See also Festivals.
Pastors provide spiritual oversight for God’s people. The fact that the term “pastor” appears only a single time in most English translations (Eph. 4:11) has more to do with the peculiarities of the English language than anything else. In Greek, the same word, poimēn, is used for both “shepherd” and “pastor,” so that all the references in Scripture to shepherds and sheep need to be studied together. Ultimately, Jesus is the “great Shepherd of the sheep” (Heb. 13:20) and the “Shepherd and Overseer of your souls” (1 Pet. 2:25), so everything from Ps. 23 to Jesus’ story of the good shepherd (John 10) are relevant role models for being a pastor. In the NT, this responsibility was entrusted to called and gifted leaders. For example, Peter is called to “take care of” (Gk. poimainō, “to shepherd”) Jesus’ sheep (John 21:16). This responsibility is given to the Ephesian elders/overseers in Acts 20:17, 28 and to the elders/overseers in 1 Pet. 5:1–2. God warns of the curse of “shepherds who lack understanding” (Isa. 56:11), who “do not inquire of the Lord” (Jer. 10:21), and who scatter the sheep (Jer. 23:1). One of God’s greatest blessings is giving his people shepherds (or pastors) after his own heart to lead them “with knowledge and understanding” (Jer. 3:15).
The letters of 1 Timothy, 2 Timothy, and Titus are referred to as the Pastoral Letters (or Pastoral Epistles). This name reflects that these letters are directed to persons serving with pastoral responsibilities. They might be better called “missionary letters,” since Timothy and Titus were serving in missionary settings. But the traditional name “Pastorals” has been used since the eighteenth century.
Authorship. Since the nineteenth century, many scholars have questioned the Pauline authorship of these letters for several reasons. First, critics of Pauline authorship stress the differences in vocabulary and style from the other Pauline Letters. Indeed, the Pastorals do include some terminology that separates them from the rest of the Paulines. However, arguments based upon vocabulary and style are somewhat subjective. Some who favor Pauline authorship suggest the possible use of a secretary as a reason for style differences in the Pastorals. Others suggest that the Pastorals are simply too short to make much of vocabulary or style studies.
A second reason for questioning Pauline authorship has to do with the fact that the letters address elements not known until the second century. Critics suggest that the heresy refuted in the letters and the organizational features of the churches associated with the Pastorals better fit the second century than a time when Paul was alive. The heresy in the Pastorals has gnostic tendencies, and gnosticism is not known to have been fully developed until the second century. Thus, some have suggested the letters were not written in the first century. However, the problems in the Pastorals may reflect elements of gnosticism without implying that the heresy was fully developed. The arguments about church organization seem to miss the emphasis of these letters. Paul did write about church offices such as deacon and elder, but his focus seems to be on the gifts and character of the individuals in leadership positions of the church rather than on describing the function of the offices. The book of Acts demonstrates that the position of elder existed in at least some of the Pauline churches (14:23; 20:17). Therefore, Pauline authorship is not ruled out by these arguments.
Scholars also question the Pauline authorship of these letters because of proposed doctrinal differences. They allege that the Pastorals do not emphasize key Pauline doctrines. Also, at times in the Pastorals the author appears to argue for an existing body of teaching to be defended (1 Tim. 4:6), which, it is argued, reflects a later time frame. However, Paul’s arguments are often driven by the context of the audience to whom he is writing, and claiming to know what Paul would have written seems highly speculative.
Finally, the events of the Pastorals do not fit with Paul’s journeys described in Acts. Opponents of Pauline authorship of the Pastorals suggest that the discrepancy is related to a second-century writer. Those who defend Pauline authorship of these letters suggest that Paul was released from the Acts 28 imprisonment and later imprisoned again in Rome. Thus, references to Paul’s travels cannot be placed within the description of Paul’s life in Acts because they happened at a later date.
Scholars who oppose Pauline authorship of these letters argue for pseudonymous authorship, normally by an associate of Paul at some point in the second century. The early church, however, typically opposed the acceptance of pseudonymous writings into the NT. One need not appeal to pseudonymity when dealing with the Pastorals if Paul was released from his first Roman imprisonment and later imprisoned there again.
Audience. These letters are addressed to Paul’s companions Timothy and Titus while they were at Ephesus and Crete respectively. Paul encouraged Timothy to stop the false teaching in Ephesus (1 Tim. 1:3–4), and 1 Timothy is filled with encouragement for Timothy to instruct the people in Ephesus about right living and belief (3:14–15; 4:11; 6:2). The Second Letter to Timothy focuses more on Timothy and his ministry than does the first letter (2 Tim. 1:6–8, 13; 2:1; 4:1–2). Titus was written to help Paul’s companion as he appointed elders and set things right in Crete (Titus 1:5).
In each of the Pastorals, Paul encouraged and instructed his friends to be faithful in the ministry given to them.
The letters of 1 Timothy, 2 Timothy, and Titus are referred to as the Pastoral Letters (or Pastoral Epistles). This name reflects that these letters are directed to persons serving with pastoral responsibilities. They might be better called “missionary letters,” since Timothy and Titus were serving in missionary settings. But the traditional name “Pastorals” has been used since the eighteenth century.
Authorship. Since the nineteenth century, many scholars have questioned the Pauline authorship of these letters for several reasons. First, critics of Pauline authorship stress the differences in vocabulary and style from the other Pauline Letters. Indeed, the Pastorals do include some terminology that separates them from the rest of the Paulines. However, arguments based upon vocabulary and style are somewhat subjective. Some who favor Pauline authorship suggest the possible use of a secretary as a reason for style differences in the Pastorals. Others suggest that the Pastorals are simply too short to make much of vocabulary or style studies.
A second reason for questioning Pauline authorship has to do with the fact that the letters address elements not known until the second century. Critics suggest that the heresy refuted in the letters and the organizational features of the churches associated with the Pastorals better fit the second century than a time when Paul was alive. The heresy in the Pastorals has gnostic tendencies, and gnosticism is not known to have been fully developed until the second century. Thus, some have suggested the letters were not written in the first century. However, the problems in the Pastorals may reflect elements of gnosticism without implying that the heresy was fully developed. The arguments about church organization seem to miss the emphasis of these letters. Paul did write about church offices such as deacon and elder, but his focus seems to be on the gifts and character of the individuals in leadership positions of the church rather than on describing the function of the offices. The book of Acts demonstrates that the position of elder existed in at least some of the Pauline churches (14:23; 20:17). Therefore, Pauline authorship is not ruled out by these arguments.
Scholars also question the Pauline authorship of these letters because of proposed doctrinal differences. They allege that the Pastorals do not emphasize key Pauline doctrines. Also, at times in the Pastorals the author appears to argue for an existing body of teaching to be defended (1 Tim. 4:6), which, it is argued, reflects a later time frame. However, Paul’s arguments are often driven by the context of the audience to whom he is writing, and claiming to know what Paul would have written seems highly speculative.
Finally, the events of the Pastorals do not fit with Paul’s journeys described in Acts. Opponents of Pauline authorship of the Pastorals suggest that the discrepancy is related to a second-century writer. Those who defend Pauline authorship of these letters suggest that Paul was released from the Acts 28 imprisonment and later imprisoned again in Rome. Thus, references to Paul’s travels cannot be placed within the description of Paul’s life in Acts because they happened at a later date.
Scholars who oppose Pauline authorship of these letters argue for pseudonymous authorship, normally by an associate of Paul at some point in the second century. The early church, however, typically opposed the acceptance of pseudonymous writings into the NT. One need not appeal to pseudonymity when dealing with the Pastorals if Paul was released from his first Roman imprisonment and later imprisoned there again.
Audience. These letters are addressed to Paul’s companions Timothy and Titus while they were at Ephesus and Crete respectively. Paul encouraged Timothy to stop the false teaching in Ephesus (1 Tim. 1:3–4), and 1 Timothy is filled with encouragement for Timothy to instruct the people in Ephesus about right living and belief (3:14–15; 4:11; 6:2). The Second Letter to Timothy focuses more on Timothy and his ministry than does the first letter (2 Tim. 1:6–8, 13; 2:1; 4:1–2). Titus was written to help Paul’s companion as he appointed elders and set things right in Crete (Titus 1:5).
In each of the Pastorals, Paul encouraged and instructed his friends to be faithful in the ministry given to them.
An open area where herders tended sheep, goats, or cattle (Joel 1:18) or where wild donkeys (Job 39:8) or deer (Lam. 1:6) grazed. The best pasture was open, quiet, and peaceful (1 Chron. 4:40), but it might be the result of God’s destruction (Isa. 32:14). Conversely, good pasture represented God’s restoration (Ezek. 34:14) or God himself (Jer. 50:7).
A track worn by footsteps (Gen. 49:17; Num. 22:32; Neh. 9:19; Mark 4:4), often distinguished from a wider, smoother road (Num. 22:24; 2 Sam. 22:37; Matt. 7:13–14). The Bible exhorts the reader toward the “path of life” (Ps. 16:11; Prov. 15:24) in contrast to the way leading to death (Deut. 30:1–20; Prov. 14:12; Jer. 21:8; James 5:20). The good path is characterized by pursuing God’s presence through obedience to his will (Deut. 11:28; Pss. 27:11; 44:18; 119:32). John the Baptist was called to prepare the path of the Messiah (Mark 1:3; cf. Isa. 40:3). Jesus presents himself as a path back to God (John 14:6). Early Christianity was called “the Way” (Acts 9:2; 19:9; 24:22). Paul exhorts Christians to walk in the humility and gentleness of Christ, which is worthy of God’s calling (Eph. 4:1–2).
A region associated with Mizraim (Egypt) in Isa. 11:11; Jer. 44:1, 15; Ezek. 29:14; 30:14. Most likely it is Upper Egypt (so the NIV), the region just south of Mizraim (Lower Egypt). The Egyptian name for the “south land” refers to the area between Memphis and Aswan and is philologically similar to “Pathros.”
Descendants of Ham and Mizraim and connected to the Philistines (Gen. 10:14; 1 Chron. 1:12).
Descendants of Ham and Mizraim and connected to the Philistines (Gen. 10:14; 1 Chron. 1:12).
Patience is a moral attribute that God possesses and that humans may possess. One who has patience allows time to pass while maintaining a positive disposition, often in the face of suffering (Hab. 3:16; 2 Tim. 3:10–11; James 5:10), as the KJV translation “longsuffering” implies (cf. Prov. 14:29 NASB: “slow to anger”). The Scriptures universally speak of patience as an admirable quality and associate patience with other virtues, such as inner peace (Ps. 37:7), wisdom (Prov. 19:11), persuasiveness (Prov. 25:15), humility (Eccles. 7:8), and kindness (Rom. 2:4; 1 Cor. 13:4).
Numerous passages praise God’s patience. Humans try (Isa. 7:13) and show contempt for (Rom. 2:4) God’s patience, sometimes by refusing to be patient with others even though they themselves have received mercy from God (Matt. 18:23–35). Nonetheless, God displays his patience by granting them eternal life through faith in Christ (1 Tim. 1:16). In fact, God has patiently delayed destroying the world because he is compassionate and wants all to come to repentance (2 Pet. 3:9). God’s patience is evident even toward those who are destined for destruction (Rom. 9:22; 1 Pet. 3:20).
Just as God is patient, he imparts patience to the Christian through his Holy Spirit (Gal. 5:22). Like Abraham, the prophets, and any farmer, Christians are to exhibit patience, bearing with people both inside and outside the church (Eph. 4:2; 1 Thess. 5:14–15) as they wait eagerly for Christ’s return (Heb. 6:12–15; James 5:7–10). Those in Christian leadership must model patience and encourage others with patience (2 Tim. 3:10; 4:2).
Patience is a moral attribute that God possesses and that humans may possess. One who has patience allows time to pass while maintaining a positive disposition, often in the face of suffering (Hab. 3:16; 2 Tim. 3:10–11; James 5:10), as the KJV translation “longsuffering” implies (cf. Prov. 14:29 NASB: “slow to anger”). The Scriptures universally speak of patience as an admirable quality and associate patience with other virtues, such as inner peace (Ps. 37:7), wisdom (Prov. 19:11), persuasiveness (Prov. 25:15), humility (Eccles. 7:8), and kindness (Rom. 2:4; 1 Cor. 13:4).
Numerous passages praise God’s patience. Humans try (Isa. 7:13) and show contempt for (Rom. 2:4) God’s patience, sometimes by refusing to be patient with others even though they themselves have received mercy from God (Matt. 18:23–35). Nonetheless, God displays his patience by granting them eternal life through faith in Christ (1 Tim. 1:16). In fact, God has patiently delayed destroying the world because he is compassionate and wants all to come to repentance (2 Pet. 3:9). God’s patience is evident even toward those who are destined for destruction (Rom. 9:22; 1 Pet. 3:20).
Just as God is patient, he imparts patience to the Christian through his Holy Spirit (Gal. 5:22). Like Abraham, the prophets, and any farmer, Christians are to exhibit patience, bearing with people both inside and outside the church (Eph. 4:2; 1 Thess. 5:14–15) as they wait eagerly for Christ’s return (Heb. 6:12–15; James 5:7–10). Those in Christian leadership must model patience and encourage others with patience (2 Tim. 3:10; 4:2).
A small island in the Aegean Sea, thirty-seven miles from Miletus. While under Roman rule, it was used as a place of political exile. Around AD 95–97 John the Seer was exiled to the island, where he wrote the book of Revelation: “I, John . . . was on the island of Patmos because of the word of God and the testimony of Jesus” (Rev. 1:9). According to tradition, John communicated with God while in a cave, which exists until today and is called the “Holy Cave of Revelation.”
The male head of a family. The OT describes the Israelite nation as an extended family descended from a line of common ancestors, the patriarchs Abraham, Isaac, and Jacob (also called “Israel” [see Gen. 32:28]). Each of Jacob’s sons (or his grandsons Ephraim and Manasseh) traditionally gave his name to one of the tribes that made up the Israelite people. The NT applies the term “patriarch” to individuals of the generations from Abraham (Heb. 7:4) to his twelve great-grandsons (Acts 7:8) and, in one case, to the tenth-century king David (Acts 2:29). In the OT the term “patriarch” is not used, though the concept of Abraham, Isaac, and Jacob as national fathers is frequently expressed, as in Exod. 3:15, which refers to Israel’s God as “the Lord, the God of your fathers—the God of Abraham, the God of Isaac and the God of Jacob.”
The Bible regards the patriarchs as the original recipients of God’s promises, as in Deut. 6:10, which speaks of “the land [God] swore to your fathers, to Abraham, Isaac and Jacob, to give you.” Similarly, Rom. 15:8 speaks of the patriarchs as the recipients of God’s promises. The reference to David as a patriarch in Acts 2:29 also has in view his role as the recipient of a divine promise. The terminology of national fatherhood is applied particularly to the unnamed ancestors of the generation of the exodus (Josh. 24:6; 1 Kings 8:21) and to the line of Judahite and Israelite kings, as in 2 Chron. 25:28, where Amaziah is said to have been buried “with his fathers” (ESV, NASB) (i.e., his royal predecessors) in Jerusalem. In fact, the deaths of several kings are described as going to rest “with his fathers” (cf. Luke 16:22, where Lazarus is taken to Abraham when he dies).
The patriarchs are most significant in the Bible for explaining Israelite national origins (descent from the patriarchs), the Israelite position in the land of Canaan (the land promised to the patriarchs), the origins of Israelite religion (“the God of the fathers”), and the nature of death (going to be with the fathers).
The Patriarchs and History
The implied chronology of the Bible places Abraham in the mid-second millennium BC, in the Middle Bronze Age. A more precise date depends on the controversial matter of dating the exodus from Egypt. The traditional date of the exodus in the fifteenth century BC places the patriarchs in the final centuries of the third millennium BC, based on the tabulation of life spans reported in the Bible and anchored to the date of Solomon’s temple given in 1 Kings 6:1. One recent calculation dates the birth of Abraham to 2166 BC. A low date for the exodus (in the thirteenth century BC) in turn lowers the date of Abraham. Because they pertain to the story of a single family, it is difficult to date the patriarchal stories based on extrabiblical historical records and archaeological findings. When Abraham and his descendants interact with figures of international prominence, they are either unnamed (the unnamed pharaohs of Egypt), have generic royal names (Abimelek), or are otherwise unknown in extrabiblical historical records (the many kings named in Gen. 14:1–2). In contrast, the biblical history of the monarchic period of Israel and Judah names several Mesopotamian and Egyptian kings known from securely dated inscriptions.
In light of this methodological difficulty, some have examined the cultural world of the patriarchal narratives and attempted to correlate customs attested in the stories to those known from datable external sources. In particular, proponents of this approach have sought connections between the customs pertaining to marriage and family depicted in the Nuzi tablets (fifteenth century BC), thought to reflect earlier customs on the basis of their similarities to texts found at Mari (eighteenth century BC). Certain behaviors of the patriarchs, including their use of cultic practices known to have been condemned in first-millennium BC biblical texts, suggest that the patriarchal narratives are an authentic reflection of the early second millennium BC. On the other hand, the patriarchal narratives contain some information inconsistent with an early-second-millennium date, notably the presence of Philistines (Gen. 21:22–34), who did not appear in the region until the twelfth century BC. The cultural history of the patriarchal narratives remains disputed.
The Importance of the Patriarchs
Apart from the historical questions treated above, one thing is clear: for Israelites of the first millennium BC who wrote, edited, and read the book of Genesis, the patriarchs held great interest and importance.
For the biblical authors, the God of Israel was the “God of the fathers,” and the Israelite religion was understood as a special relationship between God and the nation that began with the famous ancestors. The patriarchal stories explained other social “facts” observable in Iron Age Israel. The relationship between the Israelites and the Edomites alternated between peace and hostility. Linguistically, culturally, and geographically, the two peoples were closely connected, so it is not surprising that the biblical stories about Jacob (or Israel) and Esau (or Edom) show a brotherly relationship that mirrored the later regional rivalry of their descendants. Similar observations can be made regarding the Ishmaelites (descended from the brother of Isaac), the Moabites and the Ammonites (both descended from Abraham’s nephew Lot), and the Midianites (from Abraham through his wife Keturah). Other local groups, such as the Philistines, are not incorporated into the patriarchal extended family, accurately reflecting the origin of this population and its culture outside the land of Palestine. The patriarchal stories account for the founding of several important cultic sites. Thus, the patriarchal stories served to organize the social and geographical world of the Israelites, who cherished them as their national history.
Within Israel itself, the status and relationships of various tribes corresponded to the depiction of the eponymous patriarchal ancestors. The special prominence of the Levites, the Ju-dah-ites, and the Ephraimites is explained by stories focusing on the exploits of Levi, Judah, and Joseph (the father of Ephraim). The presentation of the tribes as coming from twelve brothers of four different mothers reflects the complex political parity and disparity of the “twelve tribes.” Apart from the twelve-tribe structure, other, less prominent Israelite groups are known from the Bible. “Makir” is a prominent group in Judg. 5:14 (one of the earliest biblical texts), where it is listed on an equal footing among the other tribes. In the usual twelve-tribe “patriarchal” depiction of Israel, however, Makir recedes in importance and is named as a son of Manasseh (a tribe not mentioned in the list of Judg. 5) in Gen. 50:23. Presumably, the two texts represent varying conceptions of which groups were most important in the Israelite society of their respective times. For the author of Judg. 5, Makir was one of the principal groups in Israel; for the author of Gen. 50:23, Makir was less important than Manasseh.
Outside Genesis, the names of Abraham and Isaac usually appear only in the formula “Abraham, Isaac, and Jacob.” The name of Jacob or Israel, in contrast, is regularly used to denote the people of Israel, as are the names of Jacob’s son Judah (for the southern part of the country) and his grandson Ephraim (for the northern part). The name of Isaac is used twice in Amos 7:9, 16 to refer to an apparently northern entity, the “high places of Isaac.”
A believer whom Paul greets at the church in Rome (Rom. 16:14). The masculine name may be a shortened form of “Patrobios,” which means “life of/from father.”
A city in Edom, it was the home of Hadad, the Edomite king who succeeded Baal-Hanan to the throne (Gen. 36:39; 1 Chron. 1:50). Its Greek name in the LXX is Phogōr, which also translates “Peor” (Num. 23:28; Deut. 3:29), but these are different places.
A Pharisee commissioned by Jesus Christ to preach the gospel to Gentiles. His Jewish name was “Saul” (Acts 9:4; 13:9), but he preferred using his Roman name, especially when he signed his letters. Actually, “Paul” was his last name. Roman citizens had three names; the last name was the family name, called the “cognomen.” We do not know Paul’s first and middle Roman name, but his last name is derived from the Latin Paulus (Sergius Paulus, the proconsul of Cyprus, had the same family name [13:7]). Most people were known and called by their last name because group identity was more important in the first-century Mediterranean world than individual recognition. For example, when speaking publicly, Paul did not use his favorite self-designations, “apostle to the Gentiles” or “slave of Christ Jesus”; instead, he identified himself as a Jew, a citizen of Tarsus, a student of Gamaliel (21:39; 22:3). His social identity was embedded in his ethnicity, his nativity, his religion. However, even those categories cannot adequately describe Paul. He was a Jew but also a Roman citizen. Tarsus was his home (11:25–26), but he claimed that he was brought up in Jerusalem. He spoke Aramaic but wrote Greek letters. He was once a Pharisee but then preached a circumcision-free gospel to Gentiles. In many respects, Paul is an enigma. Who was he? What did he believe? Why did he think he had to leave his previous life in Judaism to become the apostle to the Gentiles? Why is he one of the major contributors to the NT even though he was not a follower of the historical Jesus?
Paul’s Life
Paul as a converted Pharisee. Paul spent the first half of his life as a Pharisee. The Pharisees were a Jewish sect that emphasized obedience to the law of God as the means of maintaining holiness. Practically all Jews believed that they should obey the law, but what made the Pharisees unique was their emphasis on applying all commandments, even those intended only for Levites and priests, to all Jews. For example, priests were required to keep certain rituals of hand washing before they ate (Lev. 22:1–9; cf. Exod 30:19–21; 40:31–32). So the Pharisees extended these requirements to all Israel in order to show God how serious they were about obeying the law (Mark 7:3–4). Obedience was crucial to God’s blessing; disobedience brought God’s curse. Therefore, the Pharisees established many traditions, going beyond the letter of the law, to ensure compliance. To what extent the Jewish people followed the example of the Pharisees is debated, but certainly it appeared to the people that no one was more zealous for God and his law than the Pharisees—a zeal that would compel them to join in the stoning of obvious offenders (Lev. 24:14; Acts 7:58). As a Pharisee, Paul’s zeal for the law led him to persecute Jewish Christians, not only in Jerusalem but also outside Israel, in places such as Damascus (Acts 8:3; 9:1–3; 22:4–5; Gal. 1:13–14; Phil. 3:6). Neither Paul nor Luke explains what the Pharisees found objectionable about this Jewish movement known as “the Way.” In fact, Paul’s teacher, Gamaliel, advised the Sanhedrin to ignore members of the Way and not make trouble for them (Acts 5:34–39)—advice obviously not taken by Paul. Perhaps it was Jesus’ reputation as a lawbreaker or the fact that he had died a cursed death according to the law that convinced Paul to imprison Jesus’ disciples (Deut. 21:23). Whatever the reason, Paul saw his role as persecutor of the church as the ultimate proof of his blamelessness under the law (Phil. 3:6).
After Christ appeared to Paul on the road to Damascus, everything changed: his life, his mission, his worldview (Acts 9:3–30). Paul left Pharisaism and immediately began preaching the gospel (Gal. 1:11–17). Those whom he persecuted were now friends. His zeal for the law was replaced by his zeal for Christ. It was a radical reversal. The rumor spread quickly: “The man who formerly persecuted us is now preaching the faith he once tried to destroy” (Gal. 1:23). Why the sudden change? Some think that it is what Paul saw—the glorified Messiah—that changed his perspective. The resurrection of Christ turned the curse of the cross into a blessing, death into life, shame into honor. The appearance of Christ (Christophany) was a revelation, an apocalypse, an end-of-the-world event for Paul. Old things passed away; everything became new (2 Cor. 5:17). What was divided under the old age of the law—Jews and Gentiles, male and female, slave and free—was united in Christ. Other scholars emphasize it is what Paul heard during the Christophany that changed the course of his life. Paul interpreted Christ’s charge, “Go, preach to the Gentiles,” as a prophetic calling, perhaps even fulfilling Isaiah’s end-time vision of salvation of the whole world (Isa. 49:1–7; Gal. 1:15–16). Thus, Paul’s westward push to take the gospel to the coastlands (Spain) was by divine design (Rom. 15:15–24). God commissioned Saul the Pharisee of the Jews to become Paul the apostle to the Gentiles because “the culmination of the ages has come” (1 Cor. 10:11).
Paul’s ministry. By our best estimates, Paul spent about thirty years preaching the gospel of Jesus Christ (AD 34–67)—a ministry that can be divided roughly into three decades. The first decade of his ministry (AD 34–46) has been called the “silent years,” as we have few details from Acts or the Pauline Epistles about his activities. For example, we know that he preached in Damascus for a while and spent some time in Arabia (a total of three years [Gal. 1:17–18]). He made a quick trip to Jerusalem to meet Peter and James the brother of Jesus. Then he returned home to Tarsus, evidently preaching there for several years, until Barnabas brought him to Antioch in Syria to help with the ministry of this mixed congregation of Jews and Gentiles (Acts 9:26–30; 11:25–26). In the second decade of his ministry (AD 46–59), Paul spent most of his life on the road, an itinerant ministry of preaching the gospel and planting churches from Cyprus to Corinth. For most of the third decade (AD 59–67), Paul ministered the gospel from prison, spending over two years imprisoned in Caesarea, another two to three years in a Roman prison (Acts ends here), released for a brief time (two years?) before his final arrest and imprisonment in Rome, where, according to church tradition, he was executed.
During his itinerant ministry, Paul traveled Roman roads that led him to free cities (Ephesus, Thessalonica, Athens) and Roman colonies (Pisidian Antioch, Iconium, Lystra, Derbe, Troas, Philippi, Corinth). Founding churches in urban centers afforded Paul more opportunities for ministry and for his work of making and repairing tents. Traveling within the borders of the Roman Empire also provided a better chance of protection as a citizen. At first, Paul and Barnabas covered familiar territory: Cyprus (Barnabas’s home region) and Anatolia (Paul’s home region). Then, with successive journeys Paul and other missionary companions branched out to Asia Minor, Macedonia, and Achaia. Some of the towns that Paul visited were small and provincial (Derbe, Lystra); others were major cities of great economic and intellectual commerce (Ephesus, Corinth, Athens). In the midst of such cultural diversity, Paul found receptive ears among a variety of ethnic groups: Gauls, Phrygians and Lycaonians, Greeks, Romans, and Jews. Previously, Paul’s Gentile converts had worshiped many gods (local, ethnic, and imperial), offered sacrifices at many shrines and temples, and joined in all the religious festivals (often involving immoral and ungodly practices). After believing the gospel, Paul’s predominantly Gentile churches turned from their idolatrous ways to serve “the living and true God” (1 Thess. 1:9). Their exclusive devotion to one God quickly led to economic and political problems, for both Paul’s converts and the cities of their residence. No more offerings for patron gods, no more support for local synagogues or the imperial cult—Paul’s converts were often persecuted for their newly found faith by local religious guilds (idol makers!) and civic leaders courting Roman favor (Acts 17:6–9; 19:23–41; Phil. 1:27–30; 1 Thess. 2:14–16). Indeed, Paul often was run out of town as a troublemaker who preached a message that threatened both the Jewish and the Roman ways of life (Acts 16:19–24; Phil. 3:17–4:1). It is no wonder that Paul’s activities eventually landed him in a Roman prison. It was only a matter of time before his reputation as a “lawbreaker” caught up with him (Acts 21:21). But that did not stop Paul. Whether as a prisoner or a free man, Paul proclaimed the gospel of Jesus Christ until the day he died.
Paul’s Gospel
The sources of Paul’s gospel. Paul ministered his entire life without the benefit of literary Gospels. Most scholars think that the earliest Gospel, Mark, was written about the time that Paul was martyred. Since Paul was not a disciple of Jesus and probably never heard him speak or witnessed his earthly ministry, how did Paul know what to preach? Where did Paul get his gospel? Paul mentioned four sources. First, he received oral traditions about Jesus from other Christians (1 Cor. 15:1–7). For him, hearing what happened during the Lord’s Supper from those who followed Jesus was the same as receiving it from the Lord (1 Cor. 11:23). Second, the Hebrew Scriptures were a major source of Paul’s gospel (Acts 17:2). Illumined by the Holy Spirit, Paul saw the gospel proclaimed in the law (Rom. 10:6–8) and predicted by the prophets (15:12). Third, in addition to the Christophany on the road to Damascus, Paul experienced revelations of Christ as epiphanies of the gospel (Acts 18:9–10; 26:18). This gave Paul the authority to claim that he received his gospel preeminently from Christ (Gal. 1:1, 16; 2:2). Fourth, Paul saw life experiences as a resource for the gospel (2 Cor. 12:7–10). As Paul made sense of what happened to him, he shared these insights with his converts as proof that “Christ is speaking through me” (2 Cor. 13:3–4). Indeed, Paul’s ways of doing the gospel were to be taught in all the churches as gospel truth (1 Cor. 4:17), because as far as Paul was concerned, the gospel of Jesus Christ was the gospel according to Paul.
The death and resurrection of Jesus Christ. The center of Paul’s gospel was the death and resurrection of Jesus. The essence of what he preached was “Jesus Christ and him crucified” (1 Cor. 2:2). Furthermore, the resurrection of Christ was indispensable to the gospel that Paul proclaimed. Without the resurrection, Paul argued, faith in Christ would be vain because believers would still be dead in their sins with no hope of life after death—the resurrection of their bodies (1 Cor. 15:13–19). Exploring the center, Paul used several metaphors drawn from everyday life to explain the significance of Christ’s work on the cross. Paul used legal terms such as “justification”/“righteousness,” “law,” and “condemnation” when he explained how sinners are justified by faith in Christ. Paul described the implications of Christ’s death in religious terms, using words such as “sacrifice,” “sin,” “propitiation”/“expiation” (NIV: “sacrifice of atonement”), and “temple,” which would make sense to both Jews and Gentiles. He also borrowed words from the world of commerce, such as “redemption,” “purchase,” and “slave,” especially when he emphasized the obedience of Christ, of Paul, of all believers. He even used military terms to describe how God turned enemies into friends through the cross: the “reconciliation” that came through the “victory” of Christ’s death when he “disarmed” the “powers.”
Paul also relied heavily on Jewish theology as he sorted out the work of God in Christ Jesus. Paul was a monotheist but attributed divine status to Jesus (Phil. 2:6). Paul believed that Israel was God’s chosen people but maintained that his Gentile converts were the elect, calling them the “Israel of God” (Gal. 6:16). Paul affirmed the law was holy but argued that holiness came only through the indwelling Spirit (Rom. 7:12; 1 Thess. 4:7–8). Paul believed that the Messiah’s appearance would bring about the end of the world but looked forward to Christ’s parousia (“appearance”) at the end of time. In other words, the person and work of Christ formed the lens through which Paul interpreted the Bible and made sense of the world. Indeed, Paul’s gospel was built on a foundation of Jewish doctrine, Jesus tradition, and religious experience.
A way of life. For Paul, the gospel was more than a set of beliefs; it was a way of life. To believe in Christ Jesus not only entailed accepting his sacrificial death as atonement for sin but also meant following Christ by taking up his cross—a life of sacrifice. Paul believed that he experienced the cross of Christ every time he endured hardship, every time he was persecuted, every time he suffered loss (Phil. 3:7–11). And it was in the crucified life that Paul found resurrection power (3:12–21). The gospel was the divine paradigm for living. What happened to Christ is what happened to Paul, and what happened to Paul is what would happen to all his converts. “Follow my example,” he wrote, “as I follow the example of Christ” (1 Cor. 11:1). In fact, Paul believed that all Christians were constantly being conformed to the image of God’s Son (Rom. 8:29). He was convinced that God would finish what he had started: the perfecting of his converts until the day of Christ’s return and the resurrection of every believer (Phil. 1:6; 3:21). The only thing that his converts needed to imitate Christ was the indwelling power of his Spirit (the Holy Spirit), the example of Paul’s life, and a letter every now and then from their apostle.
Paul’s Letters
Paul sent letters to churches and individuals to inform his converts of his situation, offer encouragement, answer questions, and address problems that developed while he was away. There are thirteen letters of Paul in the New Testament. Nine were written to churches or groups of churches (Romans; 1 and 2 Corinthians; Galatians; Ephesians; Philippians; Colossions; 1 and 2 Thessalonians) and four to individuals (1 and 2 Timothy; Titus; Philemon).
Paul the apostle. In most of his letters, Paul was on the defense: defending his apostleship, defending his itinerary, defending his gospel. Evidently, Paul’s opponents questioned whether Paul deserved to be called “apostle,” since he had not followed the historical Jesus and used to persecute the church (1 Cor. 15:8–9). According to Acts, when the first Christians decided to replace Judas Iscariot as one of the twelve apostles, they established the following criterion: the candidate must have been a follower of Jesus from his baptism to his ascension (Acts 1:21–22). Two men were qualified; one was chosen by divine lot, implying that there could be only twelve. Did the early church’s decision to recognize only twelve apostles define apostleship once and for all? Paul did not think so. He recognized the significance of the Twelve, but he believed that there were other apostles as well: Bar-na-bas, James the brother of Jesus, and himself (1 Cor. 15:5–9; Gal. 2:8–9). Paul knew that there were false apostles causing trouble in the churches (2 Cor. 11:13), some even carrying “letters of recommendation” (2 Cor. 3:1). But only those who had seen the resurrected Christ and were commissioned by him to preach the gospel were legitimate apostles (1 Cor. 9:1–2). The signs of apostleship were evident when the commission was fulfilled: planting churches and dispensing the Spirit (2 Cor. 3:2; 12:12; Gal. 3:5). Of all people, Paul’s converts should have never questioned the authority of their apostle. They were the proof of his apostleship.
Although Paul never mentioned this, the fact that he sent letters is evidence of his apostleship. Paul believed that the obedience of Gentile converts was his responsibility, a confirmation of his calling (Rom. 15:18–19). So he sent letters to make sure that they were keeping the traditions that he had taught them (1 Cor. 11:2). Sometimes, all that his readers needed was a little encouragement to keep up the good work (most of 1 Thessalonians and 2 Timothy are exhortations to keep doing what they were doing) or a more detailed explanation of what they already knew (Ephesians, Philippians, 1 Timothy, Titus). Many times, Paul sent letters to correct major problems within his churches. For example, some of the Galatians were submitting to the law and being circumcised (Gal. 4:21; 5:2–7). Some of the Colossians were involved in strange practices of asceticism and angel worship (Col. 2:16–23). Some of the Thessalonians had quit working for a living (2 Thess. 3:6–15). And, worst of all, the Corinthians were plagued with all kinds of problems: factions, lawsuits, incest, prostitutes, idolatry. Some of the Corinthians were also espousing false theological ideas, such as denying the resurrection (1 Cor. 15:12). Other churches had problems sorting out Paul’s theology as well. For example, the Thessalonians were confused about life after death, end times, and the return of Christ (1 Thess. 4:13–18; 2 Thess. 2:1–12), and the Romans needed, among other things, instruction about the role of Israel in the last days (Rom. 9:1–11:32). The fact that Paul felt obliged to send his lengthiest letter, loaded with some of his most sophisticated theological arguments, to the church in Rome, which he did not start and had not visited, says much about the way Paul saw the authority of his apostleship. Because he was the apostle to the Gentiles, Paul operated as if he were the mentor of all churches with Gentile members.
Church unity. Paul believed in the unity of the church. Indeed, he used several metaphors to help his readers see why it was important that one Lord and one faith should form one church. He described the church as a temple (1 Cor. 3:16–17), a family (Eph. 2:19), and a body—his favorite metaphor (1 Cor. 12:12–27). He warned of desecrating the temple with divisive teaching and immoral behavior (1 Cor. 3:1–6:20). He rebuked his children when they refused to obey him as their father (1 Cor. 3:14–21) or mother (Gal. 4:19–20). And, more than any other analogy, Paul likened the church to a human body that could be maimed by prejudice and threatened by sickness (1 Cor. 11:17–34). To him, a dismembered body was an unholy body; a segregated church meant that Christ was divided (1 Cor. 1:10–13). The ethnic, religious, social, political, geographical, and economic differences evident in one of the most diverse collections of people in the first-century Mediterranean world made Paul’s vision of a unified church appear like an impossible dream. Yet the apostle to the Gentiles believed that the unity of the body of Christ was indispensable not only to his mission but also to the gospel of Jesus Christ (Eph. 4:1–6). So he collected a relief offering among his Gentile converts to help poor Jewish Christians in Jerusalem (Rom. 15:26–27). He taught masters to treat their slaves like siblings (Philem. 16). And he solicited Romans to fund his mission trip to Spain (Rom. 15:24). As far as Paul was concerned, the gospel brought down every wall that divides humanity because all people need salvation in Christ (Eph. 2:14–18).
Conclusion
Paul was a tentmaker, a missionary, a writer, a preacher, a teacher, a theologian, an evangelist, a mentor, a prophet, a miracle worker, a prisoner, and a martyr. His life story reads like the tale of three different men: a devout Pharisee, a tireless traveler, an ambitious writer. He knew the Scriptures better than did most people. He saw more of the world than did most merchants. He wrote some of the longest letters known at that time. To his converts, he was a faithful friend. To his opponents, he was an irrepressible troublemaker. But, according to Paul, he was nothing more or less than the man whom God had called through Jesus Christ to take the gospel to the ends of the earth.
A Pharisee commissioned by Jesus Christ to preach the gospel to Gentiles. His Jewish name was “Saul” (Acts 9:4; 13:9), but he preferred using his Roman name, especially when he signed his letters. Actually, “Paul” was his last name. Roman citizens had three names; the last name was the family name, called the “cognomen.” We do not know Paul’s first and middle Roman name, but his last name is derived from the Latin Paulus (Sergius Paulus, the proconsul of Cyprus, had the same family name [13:7]). Most people were known and called by their last name because group identity was more important in the first-century Mediterranean world than individual recognition. For example, when speaking publicly, Paul did not use his favorite self-designations, “apostle to the Gentiles” or “slave of Christ Jesus”; instead, he identified himself as a Jew, a citizen of Tarsus, a student of Gamaliel (21:39; 22:3). His social identity was embedded in his ethnicity, his nativity, his religion. However, even those categories cannot adequately describe Paul. He was a Jew but also a Roman citizen. Tarsus was his home (11:25–26), but he claimed that he was brought up in Jerusalem. He spoke Aramaic but wrote Greek letters. He was once a Pharisee but then preached a circumcision-free gospel to Gentiles. In many respects, Paul is an enigma. Who was he? What did he believe? Why did he think he had to leave his previous life in Judaism to become the apostle to the Gentiles? Why is he one of the major contributors to the NT even though he was not a follower of the historical Jesus?
Paul’s Life
Paul as a converted Pharisee. Paul spent the first half of his life as a Pharisee. The Pharisees were a Jewish sect that emphasized obedience to the law of God as the means of maintaining holiness. Practically all Jews believed that they should obey the law, but what made the Pharisees unique was their emphasis on applying all commandments, even those intended only for Levites and priests, to all Jews. For example, priests were required to keep certain rituals of hand washing before they ate (Lev. 22:1–9; cf. Exod 30:19–21; 40:31–32). So the Pharisees extended these requirements to all Israel in order to show God how serious they were about obeying the law (Mark 7:3–4). Obedience was crucial to God’s blessing; disobedience brought God’s curse. Therefore, the Pharisees established many traditions, going beyond the letter of the law, to ensure compliance. To what extent the Jewish people followed the example of the Pharisees is debated, but certainly it appeared to the people that no one was more zealous for God and his law than the Pharisees—a zeal that would compel them to join in the stoning of obvious offenders (Lev. 24:14; Acts 7:58). As a Pharisee, Paul’s zeal for the law led him to persecute Jewish Christians, not only in Jerusalem but also outside Israel, in places such as Damascus (Acts 8:3; 9:1–3; 22:4–5; Gal. 1:13–14; Phil. 3:6). Neither Paul nor Luke explains what the Pharisees found objectionable about this Jewish movement known as “the Way.” In fact, Paul’s teacher, Gamaliel, advised the Sanhedrin to ignore members of the Way and not make trouble for them (Acts 5:34–39)—advice obviously not taken by Paul. Perhaps it was Jesus’ reputation as a lawbreaker or the fact that he had died a cursed death according to the law that convinced Paul to imprison Jesus’ disciples (Deut. 21:23). Whatever the reason, Paul saw his role as persecutor of the church as the ultimate proof of his blamelessness under the law (Phil. 3:6).
After Christ appeared to Paul on the road to Damascus, everything changed: his life, his mission, his worldview (Acts 9:3–30). Paul left Pharisaism and immediately began preaching the gospel (Gal. 1:11–17). Those whom he persecuted were now friends. His zeal for the law was replaced by his zeal for Christ. It was a radical reversal. The rumor spread quickly: “The man who formerly persecuted us is now preaching the faith he once tried to destroy” (Gal. 1:23). Why the sudden change? Some think that it is what Paul saw—the glorified Messiah—that changed his perspective. The resurrection of Christ turned the curse of the cross into a blessing, death into life, shame into honor. The appearance of Christ (Christophany) was a revelation, an apocalypse, an end-of-the-world event for Paul. Old things passed away; everything became new (2 Cor. 5:17). What was divided under the old age of the law—Jews and Gentiles, male and female, slave and free—was united in Christ. Other scholars emphasize it is what Paul heard during the Christophany that changed the course of his life. Paul interpreted Christ’s charge, “Go, preach to the Gentiles,” as a prophetic calling, perhaps even fulfilling Isaiah’s end-time vision of salvation of the whole world (Isa. 49:1–7; Gal. 1:15–16). Thus, Paul’s westward push to take the gospel to the coastlands (Spain) was by divine design (Rom. 15:15–24). God commissioned Saul the Pharisee of the Jews to become Paul the apostle to the Gentiles because “the culmination of the ages has come” (1 Cor. 10:11).
Paul’s ministry. By our best estimates, Paul spent about thirty years preaching the gospel of Jesus Christ (AD 34–67)—a ministry that can be divided roughly into three decades. The first decade of his ministry (AD 34–46) has been called the “silent years,” as we have few details from Acts or the Pauline Epistles about his activities. For example, we know that he preached in Damascus for a while and spent some time in Arabia (a total of three years [Gal. 1:17–18]). He made a quick trip to Jerusalem to meet Peter and James the brother of Jesus. Then he returned home to Tarsus, evidently preaching there for several years, until Barnabas brought him to Antioch in Syria to help with the ministry of this mixed congregation of Jews and Gentiles (Acts 9:26–30; 11:25–26). In the second decade of his ministry (AD 46–59), Paul spent most of his life on the road, an itinerant ministry of preaching the gospel and planting churches from Cyprus to Corinth. For most of the third decade (AD 59–67), Paul ministered the gospel from prison, spending over two years imprisoned in Caesarea, another two to three years in a Roman prison (Acts ends here), released for a brief time (two years?) before his final arrest and imprisonment in Rome, where, according to church tradition, he was executed.
During his itinerant ministry, Paul traveled Roman roads that led him to free cities (Ephesus, Thessalonica, Athens) and Roman colonies (Pisidian Antioch, Iconium, Lystra, Derbe, Troas, Philippi, Corinth). Founding churches in urban centers afforded Paul more opportunities for ministry and for his work of making and repairing tents. Traveling within the borders of the Roman Empire also provided a better chance of protection as a citizen. At first, Paul and Barnabas covered familiar territory: Cyprus (Barnabas’s home region) and Anatolia (Paul’s home region). Then, with successive journeys Paul and other missionary companions branched out to Asia Minor, Macedonia, and Achaia. Some of the towns that Paul visited were small and provincial (Derbe, Lystra); others were major cities of great economic and intellectual commerce (Ephesus, Corinth, Athens). In the midst of such cultural diversity, Paul found receptive ears among a variety of ethnic groups: Gauls, Phrygians and Lycaonians, Greeks, Romans, and Jews. Previously, Paul’s Gentile converts had worshiped many gods (local, ethnic, and imperial), offered sacrifices at many shrines and temples, and joined in all the religious festivals (often involving immoral and ungodly practices). After believing the gospel, Paul’s predominantly Gentile churches turned from their idolatrous ways to serve “the living and true God” (1 Thess. 1:9). Their exclusive devotion to one God quickly led to economic and political problems, for both Paul’s converts and the cities of their residence. No more offerings for patron gods, no more support for local synagogues or the imperial cult—Paul’s converts were often persecuted for their newly found faith by local religious guilds (idol makers!) and civic leaders courting Roman favor (Acts 17:6–9; 19:23–41; Phil. 1:27–30; 1 Thess. 2:14–16). Indeed, Paul often was run out of town as a troublemaker who preached a message that threatened both the Jewish and the Roman ways of life (Acts 16:19–24; Phil. 3:17–4:1). It is no wonder that Paul’s activities eventually landed him in a Roman prison. It was only a matter of time before his reputation as a “lawbreaker” caught up with him (Acts 21:21). But that did not stop Paul. Whether as a prisoner or a free man, Paul proclaimed the gospel of Jesus Christ until the day he died.
Paul’s Gospel
The sources of Paul’s gospel. Paul ministered his entire life without the benefit of literary Gospels. Most scholars think that the earliest Gospel, Mark, was written about the time that Paul was martyred. Since Paul was not a disciple of Jesus and probably never heard him speak or witnessed his earthly ministry, how did Paul know what to preach? Where did Paul get his gospel? Paul mentioned four sources. First, he received oral traditions about Jesus from other Christians (1 Cor. 15:1–7). For him, hearing what happened during the Lord’s Supper from those who followed Jesus was the same as receiving it from the Lord (1 Cor. 11:23). Second, the Hebrew Scriptures were a major source of Paul’s gospel (Acts 17:2). Illumined by the Holy Spirit, Paul saw the gospel proclaimed in the law (Rom. 10:6–8) and predicted by the prophets (15:12). Third, in addition to the Christophany on the road to Damascus, Paul experienced revelations of Christ as epiphanies of the gospel (Acts 18:9–10; 26:18). This gave Paul the authority to claim that he received his gospel preeminently from Christ (Gal. 1:1, 16; 2:2). Fourth, Paul saw life experiences as a resource for the gospel (2 Cor. 12:7–10). As Paul made sense of what happened to him, he shared these insights with his converts as proof that “Christ is speaking through me” (2 Cor. 13:3–4). Indeed, Paul’s ways of doing the gospel were to be taught in all the churches as gospel truth (1 Cor. 4:17), because as far as Paul was concerned, the gospel of Jesus Christ was the gospel according to Paul.
The death and resurrection of Jesus Christ. The center of Paul’s gospel was the death and resurrection of Jesus. The essence of what he preached was “Jesus Christ and him crucified” (1 Cor. 2:2). Furthermore, the resurrection of Christ was indispensable to the gospel that Paul proclaimed. Without the resurrection, Paul argued, faith in Christ would be vain because believers would still be dead in their sins with no hope of life after death—the resurrection of their bodies (1 Cor. 15:13–19). Exploring the center, Paul used several metaphors drawn from everyday life to explain the significance of Christ’s work on the cross. Paul used legal terms such as “justification”/“righteousness,” “law,” and “condemnation” when he explained how sinners are justified by faith in Christ. Paul described the implications of Christ’s death in religious terms, using words such as “sacrifice,” “sin,” “propitiation”/“expiation” (NIV: “sacrifice of atonement”), and “temple,” which would make sense to both Jews and Gentiles. He also borrowed words from the world of commerce, such as “redemption,” “purchase,” and “slave,” especially when he emphasized the obedience of Christ, of Paul, of all believers. He even used military terms to describe how God turned enemies into friends through the cross: the “reconciliation” that came through the “victory” of Christ’s death when he “disarmed” the “powers.”
Paul also relied heavily on Jewish theology as he sorted out the work of God in Christ Jesus. Paul was a monotheist but attributed divine status to Jesus (Phil. 2:6). Paul believed that Israel was God’s chosen people but maintained that his Gentile converts were the elect, calling them the “Israel of God” (Gal. 6:16). Paul affirmed the law was holy but argued that holiness came only through the indwelling Spirit (Rom. 7:12; 1 Thess. 4:7–8). Paul believed that the Messiah’s appearance would bring about the end of the world but looked forward to Christ’s parousia (“appearance”) at the end of time. In other words, the person and work of Christ formed the lens through which Paul interpreted the Bible and made sense of the world. Indeed, Paul’s gospel was built on a foundation of Jewish doctrine, Jesus tradition, and religious experience.
A way of life. For Paul, the gospel was more than a set of beliefs; it was a way of life. To believe in Christ Jesus not only entailed accepting his sacrificial death as atonement for sin but also meant following Christ by taking up his cross—a life of sacrifice. Paul believed that he experienced the cross of Christ every time he endured hardship, every time he was persecuted, every time he suffered loss (Phil. 3:7–11). And it was in the crucified life that Paul found resurrection power (3:12–21). The gospel was the divine paradigm for living. What happened to Christ is what happened to Paul, and what happened to Paul is what would happen to all his converts. “Follow my example,” he wrote, “as I follow the example of Christ” (1 Cor. 11:1). In fact, Paul believed that all Christians were constantly being conformed to the image of God’s Son (Rom. 8:29). He was convinced that God would finish what he had started: the perfecting of his converts until the day of Christ’s return and the resurrection of every believer (Phil. 1:6; 3:21). The only thing that his converts needed to imitate Christ was the indwelling power of his Spirit (the Holy Spirit), the example of Paul’s life, and a letter every now and then from their apostle.
Paul’s Letters
Paul sent letters to churches and individuals to inform his converts of his situation, offer encouragement, answer questions, and address problems that developed while he was away. There are thirteen letters of Paul in the New Testament. Nine were written to churches or groups of churches (Romans; 1 and 2 Corinthians; Galatians; Ephesians; Philippians; Colossions; 1 and 2 Thessalonians) and four to individuals (1 and 2 Timothy; Titus; Philemon).
Paul the apostle. In most of his letters, Paul was on the defense: defending his apostleship, defending his itinerary, defending his gospel. Evidently, Paul’s opponents questioned whether Paul deserved to be called “apostle,” since he had not followed the historical Jesus and used to persecute the church (1 Cor. 15:8–9). According to Acts, when the first Christians decided to replace Judas Iscariot as one of the twelve apostles, they established the following criterion: the candidate must have been a follower of Jesus from his baptism to his ascension (Acts 1:21–22). Two men were qualified; one was chosen by divine lot, implying that there could be only twelve. Did the early church’s decision to recognize only twelve apostles define apostleship once and for all? Paul did not think so. He recognized the significance of the Twelve, but he believed that there were other apostles as well: Bar-na-bas, James the brother of Jesus, and himself (1 Cor. 15:5–9; Gal. 2:8–9). Paul knew that there were false apostles causing trouble in the churches (2 Cor. 11:13), some even carrying “letters of recommendation” (2 Cor. 3:1). But only those who had seen the resurrected Christ and were commissioned by him to preach the gospel were legitimate apostles (1 Cor. 9:1–2). The signs of apostleship were evident when the commission was fulfilled: planting churches and dispensing the Spirit (2 Cor. 3:2; 12:12; Gal. 3:5). Of all people, Paul’s converts should have never questioned the authority of their apostle. They were the proof of his apostleship.
Although Paul never mentioned this, the fact that he sent letters is evidence of his apostleship. Paul believed that the obedience of Gentile converts was his responsibility, a confirmation of his calling (Rom. 15:18–19). So he sent letters to make sure that they were keeping the traditions that he had taught them (1 Cor. 11:2). Sometimes, all that his readers needed was a little encouragement to keep up the good work (most of 1 Thessalonians and 2 Timothy are exhortations to keep doing what they were doing) or a more detailed explanation of what they already knew (Ephesians, Philippians, 1 Timothy, Titus). Many times, Paul sent letters to correct major problems within his churches. For example, some of the Galatians were submitting to the law and being circumcised (Gal. 4:21; 5:2–7). Some of the Colossians were involved in strange practices of asceticism and angel worship (Col. 2:16–23). Some of the Thessalonians had quit working for a living (2 Thess. 3:6–15). And, worst of all, the Corinthians were plagued with all kinds of problems: factions, lawsuits, incest, prostitutes, idolatry. Some of the Corinthians were also espousing false theological ideas, such as denying the resurrection (1 Cor. 15:12). Other churches had problems sorting out Paul’s theology as well. For example, the Thessalonians were confused about life after death, end times, and the return of Christ (1 Thess. 4:13–18; 2 Thess. 2:1–12), and the Romans needed, among other things, instruction about the role of Israel in the last days (Rom. 9:1–11:32). The fact that Paul felt obliged to send his lengthiest letter, loaded with some of his most sophisticated theological arguments, to the church in Rome, which he did not start and had not visited, says much about the way Paul saw the authority of his apostleship. Because he was the apostle to the Gentiles, Paul operated as if he were the mentor of all churches with Gentile members.
Church unity. Paul believed in the unity of the church. Indeed, he used several metaphors to help his readers see why it was important that one Lord and one faith should form one church. He described the church as a temple (1 Cor. 3:16–17), a family (Eph. 2:19), and a body—his favorite metaphor (1 Cor. 12:12–27). He warned of desecrating the temple with divisive teaching and immoral behavior (1 Cor. 3:1–6:20). He rebuked his children when they refused to obey him as their father (1 Cor. 3:14–21) or mother (Gal. 4:19–20). And, more than any other analogy, Paul likened the church to a human body that could be maimed by prejudice and threatened by sickness (1 Cor. 11:17–34). To him, a dismembered body was an unholy body; a segregated church meant that Christ was divided (1 Cor. 1:10–13). The ethnic, religious, social, political, geographical, and economic differences evident in one of the most diverse collections of people in the first-century Mediterranean world made Paul’s vision of a unified church appear like an impossible dream. Yet the apostle to the Gentiles believed that the unity of the body of Christ was indispensable not only to his mission but also to the gospel of Jesus Christ (Eph. 4:1–6). So he collected a relief offering among his Gentile converts to help poor Jewish Christians in Jerusalem (Rom. 15:26–27). He taught masters to treat their slaves like siblings (Philem. 16). And he solicited Romans to fund his mission trip to Spain (Rom. 15:24). As far as Paul was concerned, the gospel brought down every wall that divides humanity because all people need salvation in Christ (Eph. 2:14–18).
Conclusion
Paul was a tentmaker, a missionary, a writer, a preacher, a teacher, a theologian, an evangelist, a mentor, a prophet, a miracle worker, a prisoner, and a martyr. His life story reads like the tale of three different men: a devout Pharisee, a tireless traveler, an ambitious writer. He knew the Scriptures better than did most people. He saw more of the world than did most merchants. He wrote some of the longest letters known at that time. To his converts, he was a faithful friend. To his opponents, he was an irrepressible troublemaker. But, according to Paul, he was nothing more or less than the man whom God had called through Jesus Christ to take the gospel to the ends of the earth.
A large tent or canopy or something that resembles such a covering; also, a separately identified section of a building, possibly partially detached. In English, the word “pavilion” conveys a sense of lavishness or grandeur, and it is used only twice by a significant number of translators: in Job 36:29 as a metaphor for the spread of clouds covering God, and in Jer. 43:10 to refer to a canopy for a royal throne. A few versions use “pavilion” to translate several different Hebrew words with the following meanings: booth (2 Sam. 22:12; 1 Kings 20:12, 16; Ps. 31:20; Isa. 4:6); tent (2 Sam. 6:17; Ps. 27:5; Dan. 11:45); high architectural structure (Ezek. 16:24, 25, 31, 39); cloth covering, sometimes specifically referring to a ceremonial Jewish wedding tent, or chuppah (Ps. 19:5; Isa. 4:5); the women’s section of a tent (Num. 25:8); colonnade or courtyard (1 Chron. 26:18); covered way (2 Kings 16:18).
The word “peace” in both the OT (shalom) and the NT (eirēnē) primarily describes something sound and complete. It was a common form of greeting in both Testaments, and many word cognates from shalom are still in use among speakers of Semitic languages as daily greetings. Following the Hellenistic convention of letter writing, but with heightened appreciation for its distinctively Christian meaning, almost all letters in the NT include “peace” in their beginning or end sections.
The concept of peace in the Bible, however, goes far beyond the commonly held notions of peace as the absence of conflict and the existence of cooperation between parties. The Bible presents peace as the state of completion of God’s plan, fulfillment of his promise for his people on earth. Although peace among individuals, people groups, and nations is not absent from the biblical concept, a clear emphasis is laid on peace between humans and God. In fact, attaining peace on an individual level is tied more closely to one’s relationship with God than to one’s inner psychological state.
Old Testament. The biblical worldview maintains that this world is a broken and flawed place, a state fallen from shalom, which must be reinstated to secure peace. In the OT, the primary context in which peace is reinstated is the sacrificial system. The “peace offering” (shelamim; NIV: “fellowship offering”) requires animal slaughter and shedding of blood. Insomuch as the sacrifice of animals is painful and costly, so is the brokenness of the proper relationship between sinful humans and the holy God.
Another important dimension of restoring peace is through the coming Messiah. That the divinely appointed Messiah would someday come and institute peace in this troubled world is found in many OT prophets and is particularly vital to the theology of Isaiah. With much symbolic power, the messianic epithet in Isa. 9:6 ends with the “Prince of Peace.” The promise that this messianic king will establish peace on earth was a centerpiece of the hope that Israel held through countless crises. In one of the most passionate and powerful passages in the OT, Isa. 53 says that a figure, often called the Suffering Servant, will emerge to take the sin and guilt of God’s people upon himself and bring peace to them (vv. 5–6).
New Testament. For Christians, all these prophecies point to the person and office of Jesus Christ. Significant in their eschatological overtones, both Zechariah and Simeon mention peace in their pronouncements that the anticipated coming of the Messiah had just occurred right in their view (Luke 1:79; 2:29). At Jesus’ birth, the angels proclaim the coming of the Prince of Peace (Luke 2:14). This resonates well with the assertion that Christ is our peace (Eph. 2:14–15).
It is important that the peace mediated by sacrifices in the OT is directly dispensed by Jesus in the Gospels, as in healing the sick and comforting the downtrodden. He even commands peace over natural disturbances (a storm). Jesus specifically indicates that he will give peace to those who follow him. He greets his disciples by invoking peace (“Peace to you”), echoing the Jewish custom at that time, but certainly with a far greater and more powerful reality in mind. In the end, however, the price of true peace was the life of Christ. The peace between God and humans was shattered due to rebellion on the part of humans and the ensuing divine wrath. Since the penalty of sin and separation from God is death (Rom. 6:23), mending the broken relationship would be very costly. In some of the most theologically charged passages (Rom. 5:8–11; 2 Cor. 5:18–21; Col. 1:20–22; Eph. 2:14–17), Paul argues that God, who was the offended party in this breach of relationship, took the initiative to restore the relationship by, shockingly enough, giving up his Son as the peace offering. Thus, the gospel ministry into which Paul and all disciples are called is the ministry of reconciliation—restoring peace.
The “theology of peace” explored above has immense implications for Christian life. In some real sense, peace is the capstone of the rich blessings bestowed on the believer. Peace is a divine gift (John 14:27; 16:33; Rom. 5:1). It is God’s answer to prayer (Phil. 4:7). What armors Christians is the gospel of peace (Eph. 6:15). God is a God of peace (1 Thess. 5:23), and Christ is our peace (Eph. 2:14–15). Peace is what Christ left for his disciples (John 14:27; 16:33).
The words “sacrifice” and “offering” often are used interchangeably, but “offering” refers to a gift more generally, while “sacrifice” indicates a gift consecrated for a divine being. In biblical Hebrew “sacrifice” is more narrowly equated with the peace offering. All other “sacrifices” are referred to as gifts. Sacrifices were offered to honor God, thanking him for his goodness. More important, they enabled persons to be made right with God by atoning for their sins. Whereas sin upset the fellowship God desired to have with people and kindled his wrath, sacrifice restored the relationship.
Old Testament
OT offerings included cereals (whether the grain was whole, ground into flour, or mixed with other elements), liquids (wine, oil, or water), and animals (or parts thereof, such as the blood and fat). Although the Bible acknowledges that other ancient Near Eastern people had their own sacrificial rites, it rejects them as unworthy of the God of Israel. The people of God therefore were instructed how to sacrifice properly while at Sinai. Even so, offerings and sacrifices are recorded as taking place before the law was given.
Prior to the law. Cain and Abel brought the earliest offerings. Contrary to a common interpretation, Cain’s offering was not rejected because it did not include blood; the Hebrew word for the brothers’ gifts, minkhah, usually denotes grain offerings. A better conclusion is that Cain only brought some of his produce (no mention of firstfruits), while Abel brought the best of the best (the fat portions from the firstborn of the flock).
Immediately after the flood, Noah built an altar and presented the first burnt offering mentioned in the Bible (Gen. 8:20). That this (and other sacrifices) was received as a “pleasing aroma” indicates that God approved of and accepted it. It is significant that immediately after the offering, God made a covenant with Noah, his descendants, and every living creature. Sacrifices are closely related to covenant relationships, as can be seen in the story of Abraham enacting a covenant ceremony in Gen. 15 and in Israel receiving many instructions about sacrifice while at Sinai (cf. Gen. 31:43–54).
Sacrificial laws in Leviticus. Sacrificial laws are found throughout the Pentateuch, the most being in Lev. 1–7. As Leviticus makes clear, Israel understood sacrifice to have a number of different purposes. It was a means to bring a gift to God, to express communion with him and others in the community, to consecrate something or someone for God’s use, and to deal with personal uncleanness or sin. These ideas are developed in the descriptions of the different sacrifices that Israel was required to bring to God. In general, the sacrifices were made of clean animals raised by the one making the offering or of grain or wine produced by the person. In some cases, the offering was connected with the person’s economic ability, a poorer person being allowed to present doves or even cereal if a lamb or goat was unaffordable for a sin offering (Lev. 5:6–13). In all cases, only the best—what was “without defect”—was to be offered.
Priest as mediator. Three parties were involved in the sacrifices: the worshiper, the priest, and God. The worshiper—the person who had sinned or become unclean in some way—brought an animal to God, laid a hand upon it, and then killed it. Whether the animal’s death represents the death that the worshiper deserves due to sin or whether the sin is transferred to the animal that bears it instead is unclear. The priest served as a mediator who offered the blood of the sacrifice to God and, in many instances, burned all or part of the offering. In response to the offering, God, who had graciously given the sacrificial system so that those who had sinned could be restored to fellowship with him, forgave the person. Uniquely in the ancient world, Israelite sacrifices were not considered magical acts that could manipulate God to act on behalf of the worshiper. Presenting an improper sacrifice while exhibiting an improper attitude or motive resulted in rejection.
Types of sacrifices. Leviticus introduced five main sacrifices: the ’olah (1:1–17; 6:8–18), the minkhah (2:1–16; 6:14–23), the shelamim (3:1–17; 7:11–36), the khatta’t (4:1–5:13), and the ’asham (5:14–6:7). Most of these focused on uncleanness or sin. The worshiper who brought such an offering was not allowed to eat any of it, as it was wholly given to God. Even when priests were allowed to eat part of a sacrifice, their portion was “waved” before God, indicating that it belonged to him.
1. The ’olah, or burnt offering, is the basic OT sacrifice connected with atonement for sin (Lev. 1:4). When rightly offered, it was accepted as “an aroma pleasing to the Lord.” The worshiper brought a male animal (young bull, sheep, goat, dove, or young pigeon) without blemish, laid a hand upon it, and then killed it. After the priest sprinkled some of the blood on the altar, the rest was burned up.
2. The minkhah is simply a gift or offering. The Hebrew word is often used for a present given to another person or tribute to a ruler. When used of sacrifice, it is usually rendered as “grain offering” or “meal offering.” A minkhah can, on occasion, include flesh or fat (Gen. 4:4; Judg. 6:18–21). Considered “an aroma pleasing to the Lord,” it consisted of unground grain or fine flour mixed with oil and incense and was presented either cooked or uncooked. Part of the offering was burned as a “memorial portion,” the rest being given to the priests (Lev. 2:1–3). It usually was accompanied by a drink offering—wine poured out on the altar. Grain offerings frequently complemented burnt offerings or fellowship offerings. The showbread may have been considered a grain offering.
3. The shelamim (NIV: “fellowship offering”) has traditionally been called the “peace offering,” as the term is related to shalom. This offering most likely indicated that the worshiper was at peace with God and others; all the worshiper’s relationships were whole. Classified into three types, it could be used to express thanksgiving, to signify the fulfillment of a vow, or simply to denote one’s desire to bring an offering to God out of free will. Only those who made a vow were required to offer a shelamim; the other forms were wholly optional. The worshiper brought a male or female animal (ox, sheep, or goat) without blemish, laid a hand on its head, and slaughtered it. The priest sprinkled its blood on the sides of the altar and burned the fat surrounding the major organs. It is described as “an aroma pleasing to the Lord.”
This offering significantly recognized the covenant relationship existing between those who shared in it. God received the fatty portions, the officiating priest received the right thigh, the other priests the breast, and the remainder was shared among members of a family, clan, tribe, or some other group. According to Leviticus, a thanksgiving offering was to be eaten on the day it was offered, and a vow or freewill offering could be eaten within two days. Anything not eaten in the prescribed time period was to be burned.
4. The khatta’t, or sin offering, atoned for the sin of an individual or of the nation and cleansed the sacred items in the tabernacle that had been corrupted by sin. Since a sin offering could purify ceremonial as well as moral uncleanness, people who were unclean due to childbirth, skin diseases, bodily discharges, and so forth also brought them (Lev. 12–15).
The kind of animal sacrificed and the sacrificial ritual varied with the offender and the offense. If a priest or the entire congregation sinned, a bull was sacrificed and its blood was sprinkled before the veil of the tabernacle and on the incense altar in the holy place. The rest was burned, leaving nothing to be eaten. Leaders who sinned sacrificed a male goat. Its blood was sprinkled on the bronze altar, and the remainder was given to the priest. A commoner brought and slaughtered a she-goat or lamb, the priest sprinkled its blood on the horns of the altar, and the fat was burned for God and the rest given to the priests. A poor person could bring two doves or pigeons, and the very poor could bring a grain offering. This differentiation apparently indicated that the sins of some members of the community had more serious consequences than others. Those in closest contact with the tabernacle contaminated it at a deeper level, requiring a more costly sacrifice. The poor were not required to bring more than they could afford.
5. The ’asham, or guilt offering, provided compensation for sins. A ram without blemish was sacrificed, its blood was sprinkled on the altar, and its fatty portions, kidneys, and liver were burned. The rest was given to the priest. In addition, the value of what was misappropriated plus one-fifth of its value was given to the person wronged or to the priests.
Altars. According to Leviticus, only the Aa-ron-ic priests could handle the blood or other parts of a sacrifice brought to the altar at the tabernacle. Even so, throughout Israel’s history other sacrificial altars were built. While some of these were illicitly used for syncretistic practices, others were constructed at God’s instruction (Josh. 8:30–35; Judg. 6:25–26). Some of these were used by priests making rounds so that people from different areas could sacrifice to God (1 Sam. 7:17). Others were used by individuals who were not priests yet desired to call upon the name of the Lord or sacrifice for communal meals. The solitary altars were mainly used for burnt offerings and peace offerings, although grain and drink offerings also were known. Sin and guilt offerings were offered only at the tabernacle or temple.
Times and purposes. The OT regulates a number of different occasions upon which regular sacrifices were to be made. Burnt offerings were presented every morning and evening (Exod. 29:38–41; Num. 28:1–8). Additional offerings were sacrificed on the Sabbath and the new moon (Num. 28:9–15). Special sacrifices were brought to celebrate the major festivals of the year (Num. 28:16–29:39), particularly the Day of Atonement (Lev. 16). Sacrifices might also accompany requests for safety or deliverance or in response to God’s deliverance. Thus, burnt and fellowship offerings could be brought along with prayers that God would put an end to a plague (2 Sam. 24:18–25). King David brought burnt offerings and fellowship offerings when the ark of the covenant was returned after having been captured by the Philistines (2 Sam. 6:1–19).
Sacrifices could also be made to consecrate people or things for a special task. When the tabernacle was consecrated, special offerings were brought for twelve continuous days (Num. 7). Later, fellowship, burnt, and grain offerings were sacrificed when the temple was dedicated (1 Kings 8:62–64). Sin offerings were presented when a priest was ordained (Lev. 8–9). Those who completed a vow dedicating themselves as Naz-i-rites brought sacrifices to God so that they could again become a normal member of the congregation (Num. 6:9–21). Fellowship offerings often accompanied the announcement of or installation of a king (1 Sam. 11:14–15; 1 Kings 1:9, 25).
Although the sacrificial system was intended to bring the Israelites back into fellowship with God, at times their misuse of it separated them from him. When his people showed more interest in sacrificial ritual than in obeying God’s instructions, they were chastened (1 Sam. 15:13–22; Jer. 7:21–28). When the people of Israel were guilty of confusing the worship of Yahweh with Canaanite fertility cults, God sent prophets to warn them (Isa. 1:11–16; Amos 4:4–5). Prophetic statements denouncing sacrificial rites were aimed at the misuse of sacrifices rather than their existence. Jeremiah and Ezekiel were so positive about sacrificial worship that they looked forward to a time when it would be reestablished in its pure form (Jer. 17:26; Ezek. 43:18–27; 46:1–24).
New Testament
The NT indicates that the OT sacrificial system was still in place in the early first century AD. Following directions given in Leviticus, Mary brought a sacrifice to the temple in Jerusalem so that she could be purified after giving birth to Jesus (Luke 2:21–24; cf. Lev. 12:3, 8). Mary and Joseph would have sacrificed and eaten a Passover lamb during their annual pilgrimage to Jerusalem to celebrate the Feast of Passover. It is not recorded whether Jesus always went with them, but he did join them at the Passover celebration when he was twelve years old. It is safe to assume that at this time and after he grew up, Jesus took part in the sacrifices when he visited Jerusalem to celebrate the feasts.
Jesus’ disciples attend several feasts with him. In addition, after his resurrection they frequently went to the temple to pray at the time when sacrifices were made. Encouraged by the Jerusalem church leaders, Paul went to the temple to join in and pay for the purification rites of some men who had taken a vow, perhaps to serve as Nazirites (Acts 21:23–26). He later testified before Felix that he had returned to Jerusalem in order to bring gifts to the poor and present offerings in the temple (24:17). Although Gentile believers were exempt from these practices (15:1–29), early Jewish believers clearly saw no contradiction between believing the gospel of Jesus Christ and engaging in sacrificial rituals. They likely followed Jewish piety until the destruction of the temple in AD 70, when all sacrifices at the temple ceased.
Even so, Christians quickly came to understand Christ’s death as the final sacrifice that completed the OT system. Various NT authors consider the nature of Christ’s death and metaphorically relate it to OT sacrifices, but the writer of Hebrews develops this in the most detail. According to Hebrews, the sacrificial system was merely the shadow that pointed to Jesus. Although the blood of animals could not adequately deal with sins, Jesus’ sacrifice could (Heb. 10:1–10). Jesus is regularly identified as the sacrificial lamb whose blood purifies humanity from sin (John 1:29, 36; Rom. 8:3; 1 Cor. 5:7; Eph. 5:2; 1 Pet. 1:19; 1 John 1:7; Rev. 5:6, 12; 7:14; 12:11; 13:8). His sacrifice is considered a propitiation that turns away God’s wrath (Rom. 3:25; 1 John 2:2).
The end of the OT sacrificial system does not mean that those who come to God through Jesus Christ no longer bring sacrifices. Instead of animal and grain offerings, spiritual sacrifices are to be made (1 Pet. 2:5). Emulating their Savior, Christ’s followers should offer themselves as living sacrifices, devoted to God (Rom. 12:1). This implies that everything done in this life could be considered a sacrifice. Simply believing the gospel makes one an acceptable offering to God (Rom. 15:16). Labor for the sake of the gospel, or perhaps martyrdom, can be viewed as a drink offering (Phil. 2:17). The author of Hebrews identifies three types of sacrifices that believers should offer: praise, good deeds, and sharing with those in need (13:15–16). In line with the last of these points, Paul counts the gift sent by the Philippian church as a fragrant offering that pleases God (Phil. 4:18).
Those who bring rest, harmony, and well-being into their environment. Jesus pronounces blessing upon peacemakers and promises that God will call them his children (Matt. 5:9; see also Rom. 14:19; Heb. 12:14). We are to make peace with God, other people, and the rest of creation. Within the context of the Sermon on the Mount, the vehicles for peace are love and forgiveness (Matt. 5:39).
“Peacock” is a traditional translation of the last item in the list of luxuries that Solomon’s ships brought from Tarshish (1 Kings 10:22; 2 Chron. 9:21 [e.g., KJV, ESV, NLT]). However, a more probable translation of the Hebrew word tukki is “baboon” (NIV) or “monkey” (NAB). All the other items come from Africa, but peacocks come from Asia. The KJV also uses “peacock” to translate renanim in Job 39:13, but this is probably better translated as “ostrich,” as in the NIV.
A word of late medieval European origin referring to people of comparatively low social standing who inhabit agrarian regions and work the soil as farmers and laborers. In the OT, a few versions use “peasantry” to translate the Hebrew word perazon, for which others use “villagers,” specifically meaning those who live in unwalled villages in the open country (Judg. 5:7, 11 NASB; cf. 1 Sam. 6:18).
The son of Ammihud from the tribe of Naphtali (Num. 34:28), he was one of the leaders whom God told Moses to appoint for dividing the land of Canaan among the Israelites.
The father of Gamaliel, who was the tribal leader of Manasseh during the wilderness wanderings (Num. 1:10; 2:20; 7:54, 59; 10:23). See also Gamaliel.
(1) The father of Joel, an officer over the half-tribe of Manasseh during the reign of David (1 Chron. 27:20). (2) The maternal grandfather of King Jehoiakim of Judah (2 Kings 23:36). (3) One of the sons of King Jehoiachin of Judah, who was carried off into Babylonian exile in 597 BC (1 Chron. 3:18). According to 1 Chron. 3:19, Pedaiah was the father of Zerubabbel, an important postexilic ruler. Other passages (Ezra 3:2, 8; Hag. 1:1) name Pedaiah’s brother Shealtiel as Zerubabbel’s father, perhaps suggesting a levirate marriage (Deut. 25:5–10). (4) The son of Parosh, he was a builder of the wall of Jerusalem at the time of Nehemiah (Neh. 3:25). This may be the same Pedaiah who stood on the platform with Ezra during his reading of the law (Neh. 8:4). (5) An ancestor of Sallu, a Benjamite who was relocated to Jerusalem during the time of Nehemiah (Neh. 11:7). (6) A Levite whom Nehemiah put in charge of the storerooms of the temple (Neh. 13:13).
One who sells for profit, either door-to-door or at a storefront. “Peddler” is used pejoratively in many translations of 2 Cor. 2:17 to describe those who seek compensation for sharing the word of God. The Message employs “peddling” for unsavory selling (Matt. 6:7; Rev. 21:8).
In 2 Kings 16:17 the RSV and NRSV use “pediment” (Heb. martsepet) to describe the heavyweight base on which the temple’s ritual cleansing basin was placed by King Ahaz in conjunction with his remodeling of the temple altar to resemble a pagan version in Damascus. More typically, a pediment is a triangular ornamental roofline centerpiece in classical architecture and also can refer to derivative decorative elements used elsewhere in furniture and construction.
A force that influences one’s actions and attitudes toward conformity with those exhibited by members of one’s social circle. Peer pressure is depicted in the Bible as a reality of societal life, with the emphasis placed on which circles one chooses to imitate. Some passages herald the positive use of peer pressure (Prov. 27:17; 1 Cor. 4:16; Heb. 6:12), while others warn of its potential to misguide (Ps. 1; Prov. 1:10–19; Matt. 16:6). Although peer pressure might be offered as an excuse for a poor decision (e.g., Gen. 3:12; Exod. 32:21–24), this does not remove the responsibility to choose wisely (Josh. 24:14–15).
A pin or stake meant to fit firmly into a tight hole. A common biblical use is the peg or stake that secures the ropes of a tent to the ground (Exod. 27:19; 35:18; 38:20, 31; 39:40; Num. 3:37; 4:32; Isa. 33:20; 54:2; Zech. 10:4). In one of the more graphic scenes of the OT, Jael drives a tent peg through the head of the sleeping enemy general Sisera and into the ground (Judg. 4:21, 22; 5:26). Other uses include a hanging pin, often wooden, driven into a wall (Isa. 22:23–25; Ezek. 15:3); a fastening fixture holding weaving to a loom (Judg. 16:13–14); metaphorically, a place of firmness and security (Ezra 9:8).
The eighteenth king of Israel. He came to power by assassinating Pekahiah and was assassinated by Hoshea. Since he is assigned twenty years of rule (2 Kings 15:27), it is possible that he actually began ruling part of Israel as a rival to Menahem before consolidating his power by murdering Pekahiah, since his sole rule of Israel was from 735 to 733 BC.
After gaining power over all of Israel, Pekah formed a coalition with King Rezin of Syria, and they attacked Judah (2 Kings 15:37). Isaiah prophesied to Ahaz of Judah that the threat of Rezin and Pekah would be averted, and that both Syria and Israel (Ephraim) would be conquered by Assyria (Isa. 7). This was fulfilled when Tiglath-pileser III conquered Syria and invaded part of Israel (2 Kings 15:29).
King of Israel (r. 737–735 BC) after his father, Menahem, during the divided monarchy. He reigned over Israel for two years from Samaria beginning in the fiftieth year of the reign of King Azariah of Judah (2 Kings 15:22–23). Pekahiah is noted as having done evil in the eyes of the Lord in the pattern of Jeroboam (2 Kings 15:24). He was assassinated in the royal palace in Samaria by one of his chief officers, Pekah, who then reigned in his stead (2 Kings 15:25).
An Aramean region near the mouth of the Tigris River in southern Babylon. It was one of the Babylonian regions used by God to bring judgment upon Jerusalem because of its sin, resulting in the destruction of Judah (Ezek. 23:23). Jeremiah had prophesied earlier that Pekod was appointed for attack and destruction due to its part in punishing God’s people during this time (Jer. 50:21).
(1) One of the sevens sons of Elioenai (1 Chron. 3:24) in the line of Judah. He was a descendant of King David who lived after the exile. (2) A Levite who signed the covenant renewal with God after Ezra’s reading of the law (Neh. 10:10). He was one of thirteen Levites who helped the people to understand Ezra’s reading of the law, either by translating into Aramaic or by some other kind of exposition (Neh. 8:7).
(1) One of the leaders of the Simeonites who, during the reign of King Hezekiah, successfully attacked a settlement of Amalekites at Mount Seir (1 Chron. 4:42–43). (2) One of twenty-five men whom Ezekiel prophesied against because of their “plotting evil and giving wicked advice” in Jerusalem (Ezek. 11:1–13). Pelatiah died during Ezekiel’s delivery of the prophecy. (3) A son of Hananiah and a grandson of Zerubbabel (1 Chron. 3:21). (4) One of the leaders who sealed a community covenant during Nehemiah’s governance (Neh. 10:22).
A son of Eber, the brother of Joktan, and the father of Reu, he lived 239 years (Gen. 10:25; 11:16–19; 1 Chron. 1:19). He was a direct descendant of Noah through Shem and an ancestor of the patriarch Abraham (1 Chron. 1:25). He is included in the Lukan genealogy of Jesus (Luke 3:35).
It is noted that the earth was divided in Peleg’s time (Gen. 10:25; 1 Chron. 1:19). The Hebrew word translated as “divided” is a play on the name “Peleg,” both having the same Hebrew root. This interesting statement has been variously interpreted. It may be a reference to the division of languages at the tower of Babel (Gen. 11:1–9), the spreading of Noah’s descendants after the flood (“from these the nations spread out over the earth after the flood” [Gen. 10:32]), or something else of unknown referent. This is probably a reference to the outcome of the tower of Babel, noted as a significant event in the Genesis record.
(1) A Judahite, a son of Jahdai (1 Chron. 2:47). (2) A town in Judah (Beth Pelet) near the Edomite border (Josh. 15:27; Neh. 11:26). (3) A Benjamite kinsman of Saul who was one of David’s mighty warriors at Ziklag (1 Chron. 12:3).
(1) A descendant of Reuben and the father of On, who is noted for his role in the rebellion against Moses (Num. 16:1). (2) A son of Jonathan son of Jada and a descendant of Judah through Perez (1 Chron. 2:33).
A group, possibly of Philistine origin, that served as troops attached to David and separate from the main army (2 Sam. 20:7). They are always mentioned in company with the Kerethites. They may have originated in the band that David built around himself in Ziklag (1 Sam. 27:8), as they are associated with men from Gath in 2 Sam. 15:18. As a special unit, they were under the command of Benaiah (2 Sam. 8:18; 20:23). Their loyalty to David is evident from their service in putting down the rebellions of Absalom (2 Sam. 15:18) and Sheba (2 Sam. 20:7) and later in ensuring Solomon’s succession to the throne (1 Kings 1:38, 44).
The type of pelican most familiar in Israel, the white pelican, passes through for a few weeks in the autumn and always stays near water containing fish. This makes dubious the NASB translation of the Hebrew word qa’at as “pelican” in Ps. 102:6; Isa. 34:11; Zeph. 2:14, since these verses refer to a creature that inhabits deserts and ruins. The meaning of this Hebrew word is uncertain, but it may refer to some kind of owl (as in the NIV). It certainly is an unclean bird (Lev. 11:18; Deut. 14:17).
A city that during NT times was located in the Decapolis region of Syria, two miles east of the Jordan River in what is the modern nation of Jordan. Pella is not mentioned explicitly in the Gospels, but it was in close proximity to several of the other cities of the Decapolis where Jesus and his disciples traveled and ministered (Matt. 4:24–25; 8:28–34; Mark 5:1–20; 7:31–37; Luke 8:26–39). Some of these Gospel accounts emphasize the strong Gentile presence in the region, though Jews resided there as well. Eusebius and Epiphanius, two Christian authors of the fourth century AD, state that some of those from the Jewish Christian community at Jerusalem fled to Pella around the time of the Jewish war of AD 66–73.
This word occurs in 1 Chron. 11:27, 36; 27:10 referring to a location connected to two individuals, Helez and Ahijah. The Hebrew word, peloni, is of uncertain meaning and likely refers to an individual’s unknown tribal affiliation or an unknown location. Hence, in other contexts the same Hebrew word is translated as “certain” (1 Sam. 21:2), “such and such” (2 Kings 6:8), or “such a one” (Ruth 4:1 KJV [NIV: “my friend”]). The similar term “Paltite,” used to describe Helez in 2 Sam. 23:26, probably is an attempt to correct this confusing term to the name of a known tribe.
An important Egyptian fortress city mentioned in an oracle against Egypt in Ezek. 30:15–16. Pelusium was located in the northeast frontier of Egypt (modern Tell el-Farama) and was the common point of entry into Egypt, making its location strategic for defending against invaders. The city was known for its fine wine and military fortifications (Ezek. 30:15). According to the Greek historian Herodotus, Pelusium was where the Assyrian army under Sennacherib was defeated by an attack of field mice. The biblical accounts attribute Sennacherib’s defeat to the angel of the Lord (2 Kings 19:35 // Isa. 37:36), but both mice and the angel of the Lord can refer to a plague in some instances (e.g., 2 Sam. 24:15–16), leading some to view both accounts as referring to the same historical event.
In the Bible, writing was carved into stone (Exod. 24:12; Josh. 8:32) or stone covered with plaster (Deut. 27:1–10), metal (Exod. 28:36), or wood (Num. 17:2–3; Ezek. 37:16). Clay tablets or wooden tablets covered with wax were also used (Isa. 8:1; 30:8; Hab. 2:2; Luke 1:63). However, while clay tablets were common in Mesopotamia and among the Hittites in Anatolia, they were used more rarely in Israel or Egypt because of the accessibility of papyrus and parchment.
Writing implements are mentioned occasionally in the Bible. A stylus—a sharpened instrument fashioned from materials such as reed, bone, or metal (e.g., Job 19:24; Jer. 17:1)—was used to carve letters into clay or wax. A sharpened reed could also be dipped in ink to function as a pen for writing on papyrus or parchment (Ps. 45:1; Isa. 8:1; Matt. 5:18; Luke 16:17; 2 John 13). A scribe would often need additional implements to prepare the writing surface, to remove or rub out an error, to mix the ink, or to sharpen the stylus (cf. “writing kit” in Ezek. 9:2–3, 11; “scribe’s knife” in Jer. 36:23).
During Old and New Testament times, papyrus was one of the two most common types of writing material. The tall, marshy papyrus reed (Cyperus papyrus) grew abundantly in Lower Egypt in ancient times (Job 8:11) and was used for baskets (Exod. 2:3), mats, ropes, sandals, and even boats (Isa. 18:2). As early as 3000 BC, however, the papyrus reed was most known for making a kind of paper referred to simply as “papyrus.” Literary and archaeological evidence demonstrates that papyrus was used extensively across the Near East well into the first Christian millennium.
Papyrus stalks are typically the diameter of a human palm and roughly triangular in shape. Sections were cut about a foot long. The inner fibrous pith was cut lengthwise into thin strips that were placed side by side on a board. A second layer of strips was placed at right angles. The resulting “sheet” was pounded together. Pliny the Elder (Nat. 13.11–13) claimed that the Nile water glued the strips together, but actually the crushed pulp did so. The dried sheets were trimmed to a standard size, varying by “factory,” typically ten inches high by eight inches wide.
Sheets (with the horizontal fibers on top) were glued side by side with the sheet on the left slightly lapping over the right, so that a scribe’s pen slid “downhill” when moving onto the next sheet. It was not uncommon for a column of text to be on a joint (unlike leather sheets, whose sewn joint would not hold text). The joined sheets formed a roll (scroll) of standard length (about twelve feet) called a chartēs (2 John 12), the typical unit of sale. It is estimated that in NT times a chartēs cost four denars (= approximately U.S. $450). Secretaries cut sheets off a chartēs or glued on additional length as the task required, but the typical ancient letter, such as 3 John, was about one sheet in length.
The other most common type of writing material was leather parchment. Made chiefly from the skins of sheep or goats, parchment would be prepared by soaking, dehairing, scraping, and washing the hide. The skin would be stretched on a frame and smoothed with a pumice stone. Vellum is a finer grade of parchment and is made from calfskin or kidskin. Sections of parchment also were sewn together to make a roll. Paul asked Timothy to bring him “the parchments” (2 Tim. 4:13).
Papyrus had the advantage of being lightweight and durable, and perhaps less expensive, so it was often preferred over clay, wooden, metal, or stone tablets, or even parchment (at least until the third century AD). However, papyrus had two major disadvantages: it deteriorated rapidly in water and was almost exclusively from Egypt. Since ink was water-soluble, all documents were routinely protected from moisture, so trade issues with Egypt may be to blame for major shifts to parchment. Unfortunately, only ancient papyri left in dry locations in dry climates have survived, explaining why the bulk of known papyri are from the Egyptian desert.
Paper made of wood pulp or similar fibers was invented in China and was not adopted in the West until the eighth century or later.
In the Bible, writing was carved into stone (Exod. 24:12; Josh. 8:32) or stone covered with plaster (Deut. 27:1–10), metal (Exod. 28:36), or wood (Num. 17:2–3; Ezek. 37:16). Clay tablets or wooden tablets covered with wax were also used (Isa. 8:1; 30:8; Hab. 2:2; Luke 1:63). However, while clay tablets were common in Mesopotamia and among the Hittites in Anatolia, they were used more rarely in Israel or Egypt because of the accessibility of papyrus and parchment.
Writing implements are mentioned occasionally in the Bible. A stylus—a sharpened instrument fashioned from materials such as reed, bone, or metal (e.g., Job 19:24; Jer. 17:1)—was used to carve letters into clay or wax. A sharpened reed could also be dipped in ink to function as a pen for writing on papyrus or parchment (Ps. 45:1; Isa. 8:1; Matt. 5:18; Luke 16:17; 2 John 13). A scribe would often need additional implements to prepare the writing surface, to remove or rub out an error, to mix the ink, or to sharpen the stylus (cf. “writing kit” in Ezek. 9:2–3, 11; “scribe’s knife” in Jer. 36:23).
During Old and New Testament times, papyrus was one of the two most common types of writing material. The tall, marshy papyrus reed (Cyperus papyrus) grew abundantly in Lower Egypt in ancient times (Job 8:11) and was used for baskets (Exod. 2:3), mats, ropes, sandals, and even boats (Isa. 18:2). As early as 3000 BC, however, the papyrus reed was most known for making a kind of paper referred to simply as “papyrus.” Literary and archaeological evidence demonstrates that papyrus was used extensively across the Near East well into the first Christian millennium.
Papyrus stalks are typically the diameter of a human palm and roughly triangular in shape. Sections were cut about a foot long. The inner fibrous pith was cut lengthwise into thin strips that were placed side by side on a board. A second layer of strips was placed at right angles. The resulting “sheet” was pounded together. Pliny the Elder (Nat. 13.11–13) claimed that the Nile water glued the strips together, but actually the crushed pulp did so. The dried sheets were trimmed to a standard size, varying by “factory,” typically ten inches high by eight inches wide.
Sheets (with the horizontal fibers on top) were glued side by side with the sheet on the left slightly lapping over the right, so that a scribe’s pen slid “downhill” when moving onto the next sheet. It was not uncommon for a column of text to be on a joint (unlike leather sheets, whose sewn joint would not hold text). The joined sheets formed a roll (scroll) of standard length (about twelve feet) called a chartēs (2 John 12), the typical unit of sale. It is estimated that in NT times a chartēs cost four denars (= approximately U.S. $450). Secretaries cut sheets off a chartēs or glued on additional length as the task required, but the typical ancient letter, such as 3 John, was about one sheet in length.
The other most common type of writing material was leather parchment. Made chiefly from the skins of sheep or goats, parchment would be prepared by soaking, dehairing, scraping, and washing the hide. The skin would be stretched on a frame and smoothed with a pumice stone. Vellum is a finer grade of parchment and is made from calfskin or kidskin. Sections of parchment also were sewn together to make a roll. Paul asked Timothy to bring him “the parchments” (2 Tim. 4:13).
Papyrus had the advantage of being lightweight and durable, and perhaps less expensive, so it was often preferred over clay, wooden, metal, or stone tablets, or even parchment (at least until the third century AD). However, papyrus had two major disadvantages: it deteriorated rapidly in water and was almost exclusively from Egypt. Since ink was water-soluble, all documents were routinely protected from moisture, so trade issues with Egypt may be to blame for major shifts to parchment. Unfortunately, only ancient papyri left in dry locations in dry climates have survived, explaining why the bulk of known papyri are from the Egyptian desert.
Paper made of wood pulp or similar fibers was invented in China and was not adopted in the West until the eighth century or later.
(1) A place, and later a town, on the Jabbok River about eight miles west of the Jordan. The name “Penuel” (NIV: “Peniel”), meaning “face of God,” was given to this place by Jacob after he wrestled there with “a man” and then said that he had seen God “face to face” (Gen. 32:22–32). When Gideon was pursuing the Midianites, the people of Penuel refused to provide food for his men, and so when he returned, he destroyed their tower and killed the men (Judg. 8:8–9, 17). The fortifying of this town was one of Jeroboam’s first acts as king of Israel (1 Kings 12:25). (2) A descendant of Judah and the father of Gedor (1 Chron. 4:4). (3) A descendant of Benjamin and one of the sons of Shashak (1 Chron. 8:25). (4) The otherwise unknown father of the prophet Anna from the tribe of Asher, mentioned only in Luke 2:36 (many versions render the name as “Phanuel”).
One of Elkanah’s two wives (1 Sam. 1:2, 4). When the family went to God’s house for the annual sacrifices, she provoked her rival, Hannah, who had no children. In her sadness, Hannah prayed for a son, and when “the Lord remembered her,” Samuel was born (1 Sam. 1:1–20).
Referred to in Jer. 36:23 (NIV: “scribe’s knife”) as the instrument used by the king to cut off pieces of Jeremiah’s scroll so they could be cast into the fire. A scribe’s knife would typically be used to sharpen a writing utensil, such as a stylus. See also Writing Implements and Materials.
The biblical corpus known as the Pentateuch consists of the first five books of the OT: Genesis, Exodus, Leviticus, Numbers, and Deuteronomy. The word “Pentateuch” comes from two Greek words (penta [“five”] and teuchos [“scroll case, book”]) and is a designation attested in the early church fathers. The collection is also commonly known as the “Five Books of Moses,” “the Law of Moses,” or simply the “Law,” reflecting the traditional Jewish name “Torah,” meaning “law” or “instruction.” The Torah is the first of three major sections that comprise the Hebrew Bible (Torah, Nebiim, Ketubim [Law, Prophets, Writings]); thus for both Jewish and Christian traditions it represents the introduction to the Bible as a whole as well as its interpretive foundation.
The English names for the books of the Pentateuch came from the Latin Vulgate, based on the Greek Septuagint. These appellations are mainly descriptive of their content. Genesis derives from “generations” or “origin,” Exodus means “going out,” Leviticus represents priestly (Levitical) service, Numbers refers to the censuses taken in the book, and Deuteronomy indicates “second law” because of Moses’ rehearsal of God’s commands (see Deut. 17:18). The Hebrew designations derive from opening words in each book. Bereshit (Genesis) means “in the beginning”; Shemot (Exodus), “[these are] the names”; Wayyiqra’ (Leviticus), “and he called”; Bemidbar (Numbers), “in the desert”; and Debarim (Deuteronomy), “[these are] the words.”
Referring to the Pentateuch as “Torah” or the “Law” reflects the climactic reception of God’s commands at Mount Sinai, which were to govern Israel’s life and worship in the promised land, including their journey to get there. However, calling the Pentateuch the “Law” can be a bit misleading because there are relatively few passages that simply list a set of commands, and all law passages are set within a broad narrative. The Pentateuch is a grand story that begins on a universal scale with the creation of the cosmos and ends on the plains of Moab as the reader anticipates the fulfillment of God’s plan to redeem a fallen world through his chosen people. The books offer distinct qualities and content, but they are also inherently dependent upon one another, as the narrative remains unbroken through the five volumes. Genesis ends with Jacob’s family in Egypt, and, though many years have passed, this is where Exodus begins. Leviticus outlines cultic life at the tabernacle (constructed at the end of Exodus) and even begins without a clear subject (“And he called . . .”), which requires the reader to supply “the Lord” from the last verse of Exodus. Numbers begins with an account of Israel’s fighting men as the nation prepares to leave Sinai, and Deuteronomy is Moses’ farewell address to the nation on the cusp of the promised land.
Authorship and Composition
Although the Pentateuch is technically an anonymous work, Jewish and Christian tradition attributes its authorship to Moses, the main figure of the story from Exodus to Deuteronomy. The arguments for attributing the authorship of the Pentateuch to Moses come from internal evidence within both Testaments. That Moses is responsible for at least portions of the Pentateuch is suggested by references to his explicit literary activity reflected within the narrative itself (Exod. 17:14; 24:4; 34:28; Num. 33:2; Deut. 31:9, 22, 24), if not implied in various literary formulas such as “the Lord said to Moses” (e.g., Exod. 39:1, 7, 21; Lev. 4:1; 11:1; 13:1; Num. 1:1; 2:1). Mosaic authorship receives support from the historical books, which use terms such as “the Book of the Law of Moses” in various forms and references in the preexilic history (Josh. 8:30–35; 23:6; 2 Kings 14:6) as well as the postexilic history (e.g., 2 Chron. 25:4; Ezra 6:18; Neh. 13:1). The same titles are used by NT authors (e.g., Mark 12:26; Luke 24:44; John 1:45), even referring to the Pentateuch simply by the name “Moses” at various points (e.g., Luke 16:29; 24:27; 2 Cor. 3:15).
Even with these examples, nowhere does the text explicitly state that Moses is responsible for the entire compilation of the Pentateuch or that he penned it with his own hand. Rather, a number of factors point to a later hand at work: Moses’ death and burial are referenced (Deut. 34), the conquest of Canaan is referred to as past (Deut. 2:12), and there is evidence that the names of people and places were updated and explained for later generations (e.g., “Dan” in Gen. 14:14; cf. Josh. 19:47; Judg. 18:28b–29). Based on these factors, it is reasonable to believe that the Pentateuch underwent editorial alteration as it was preserved within Jewish life and took its final shape after Moses’ lifetime.
Over the last century, the Documentary Hypothesis has dominated academic discussion of the Pentateuch’s composition. This theory was crystallized by Julius Wellhausen in his Prolegomena to the History of Israel in the late nineteenth century and posits that the Pentateuch originated from a variety of ancient sources derived from distinct authors and time periods that have been transmitted and joined through a long and complex process. Traditionally these documents are identified as J, E, D, and P. The J source is a document authored by the “Yahwist” (German, Jahwist) in Judah around 840 BC and is so called because the name “Yahweh” is used frequently in its text. The E source stands for “Elohist” because of its preference for the divine title “Elohim” and was composed in Israel around 700 BC. The D source stands for “Deuteronomy” because it reflects material found in that book; it was composed sometime around Josiah’s reform in 621 BC. The P document reflects material that priests would be concerned with in the postexilic time period, approximately 500 BC. This theory and its related forms stem from the scholarly concern over various literary characteristics such as the use of divine names; doublets and duplications in the text; observable patterns of style, terminology, and themes; and alleged discrepancies in facts, descriptions, and geographic or historical perspective.
Various documentary theories of composition have flourished over the last century of pentateuchal scholarship and still have many adherents. However, lack of scholarly agreement about the dating and character of the sources and the rise of other literary approaches to the text have many conservative and liberal scholars calling into question the accuracy and even interpretive benefit of the source theories. Moreover, if the literary observations used to create source distinctions can be explained in other ways, then the Documentary Hypothesis is significantly undermined.
In its canonical form, the pentateuchal narrative combines artistic prose, poetry, and law to tell a dramatic history spanning thousands of years. One could divide the story into six major sections: primeval history (Gen. 1–11), the patriarchs (Gen. 12–50), liberation from Egypt (Exod. 1–18), Sinai (Exod. 19:1–Num. 10:10), wilderness journey (Num. 10:11–36:13), and Moses’ farewell (Deuteronomy).
Primeval History (Gen. 1–11)
It is possible to divide Genesis into two parts based upon subject matter: the origin of creation and humankind’s call, fall, and punishment (chaps 1–11), and the origin of a family that would become God’s conduit of salvation and blessing for the world (chaps. 12–50).
The primeval history comprises essentially the first eleven chapters of Genesis, ending with the genealogy of Abraham in 11:26. Strictly speaking, 11:27 begins the patriarchal section with the sixth instance of the toledot formula found in Genesis, referencing Abraham’s father, Terah. The Hebrew phrase ’elleh toledot (“these are the generations of”) occurs in eleven places in Genesis and reflects a deliberate structural marker that one may use to divide the book into distinct episodes (2:4; 5:1; 6:9; 10:1; 11:10; 11:27; 25:12; 25:19; 36:1; 36:9; 37:2).
Genesis as we know it exhibits two distinct creation accounts in its first two chapters. Although critical scholars contend that the differing accounts reflect contradictory stories and different authors, it is just as convenient to recognize that the two stories vary in style and some content because they attempt to accomplish different aims. The first account, 1:1–2:3, is an artistic, poetic, symmetrical, and “heavenly” view of creation by a transcendent God, who spoke creation into being. In the second account, 2:4–25, God is immanently involved with creation as he is present in a garden, breathes life into Adam’s nostrils, dialogues and problem-solves, fashions Eve from Adam’s side, and bestows warnings and commands. Both perspectives are foundational for providing an accurate view of God’s interaction with creation in the rest of Scripture.
As one progresses through chapters 1–11, the story quickly changes from what God has established as “very good” to discord, sin, and shame. Chapter 3 reflects the “fall” of humanity as Adam and Eve sin in eating from the forbidden tree in direct disobedience to God. The serpent shrewdly deceives the first couple, and thus all three incur God’s curses, which extend to unlimited generations. Sin that breaks the vertical relationship between God and humanity intrinsically leads to horizontal strife between humans. Sin and disunity on the earth only intensify as one moves from the murder story of Cain and Abel in chapter 4 to the flood in chapters 5–9. Violence, evil, and disorder have so pervaded the earth that God sends a deluge to wipe out all living things, save one righteous man and his family, along with an ark full of animals. God makes the first covenant recorded in the biblical narrative with Noah (6:18), promising to save him from the flood as he commands Noah to build an ark and gather food for survival. Noah fulfills all that God has commanded (6:22; 7:5), and God remembers his promise (8:1). This is the prototypical salvation story for the rest of Scripture.
Chapter 9 reflects a new start for humanity and all living things as the creation mandate to “be fruitful and increase in number; fill the earth and subdue it,” first introduced in 1:28, is restated along with the reminder that humankind is made in God’s image (1:27). Bearing the image involves new responsibilities and stipulations in the postdiluvian era (9:2–6). There will be enmity between humans and animals, animals are now appropriate food, and yet lifeblood will be specially revered. God still requires accountability for just and discriminate shedding of blood and orderly relationships, as he has proved in the deluge, but now he relinquishes this responsibility to humankind. In return, God promises never to destroy all flesh again, and he will set the rainbow in the sky as a personal reminder. Like the covenant with Noah in 6:18, the postdiluvian covenant involves humankind fulfilling commands (9:1–7) and God remembering his covenant (9:8–17), specially termed “everlasting” (9:16).
The primeval commentary on humankind’s unabating sinful condition (e.g., 6:5; 8:21) proves true as Noah becomes drunk and naked and his son Ham (father of Canaan) shames him by failing to conceal his father’s negligence. Instead of multiplying, filling, and subduing the earth as God has intended, humankind collaborates to make a name for itself by building a sort of stairway to heaven within a special city (11:4). God foils such haughty plans by scattering the people across the earth and confusing their language. Expressed in an orderly chiastic structure, the story of the tower of Babel demonstrates that God condescends (11:5) to set things straight with humanity.
Patriarchs (Gen. 12–50)
Although the primeval history is foundational for understanding the rest of the Bible, more space in Genesis is devoted to the patriarchal figures Abraham, Isaac, Jacob, and Joseph. In general, the Abrahamic narrative spans chapters 12–25, the story of Isaac serves as a transition to the Jacob cycle of chapters 25–37, and the Joseph narrative finishes the book of Genesis in chapters 37–50.
The transition from the primeval history to the patriarchs (11:27–32) reveals how Abraham, the father of Israel, moves from the east and settles in Harran as the family ventures to settle in Canaan. In Harran, Abraham receives the call of God’s redemptive plan, which reverberates through Scripture. God will bless him with land, make him a great nation, grant him special favor, and use him as a conduit of blessings to the world (12:1–3). In 11:30 is the indication that the barrenness of Abraham’s wife (Sarah) relates to the essence of God’s magnificent promises. How one becomes great in name and number, secures enemy territory, and is to bless all peoples without a descendant becomes the compelling question of the Abrahamic narrative. The interchange between Abraham’s faith in God and his attempts to contrive covenant fulfillment colors the entire narrative leading up to chapter 22. It is there that Abraham’s faith is ultimately put to the test as God asks him to sacrifice the promised son, Isaac. Abraham passes God’s faith test, and a ram is provided to take Isaac’s place. This everlasting covenant that was previously sealed by the sign of circumcision is climactically procured for future generations through Abraham’s exemplary obedience (22:16–18; cf. 15:1–21; 17:1–27).
The patriarchal stories that follow show that the Abrahamic promises are renewed with subsequent generations (see 26:3–4; 28:13–14) and survive various threats to fulfillment. The story of Isaac serves mainly as a bridge to the Jacob cycle, as he exists primarily as a passive character in relation to Abraham and Jacob.
Deception, struggle, rivalry, and favoritism characterize the Jacob narrative, as first exemplified in the jostling of twin boys in Rebekah’s womb (25:22). Jacob supplants his twin brother, Esau, for the firstborn’s blessing and birthright. He flees to Paddan Aram (northern Mesopotamia), marries two sisters, takes their maidservants as concubines, and has eleven children, followed by a falling-out with his father-in-law. Jacob’s struggle for God’s blessing that began with Esau comes to a head in his wrestling encounter with God at Peniel. Ultimately, Jacob emerges victorious and receives God’s blessing and a name change, “Israel” (“one who struggles with God”). Throughout the Jacob story, God demonstrates his faithfulness to the Abrahamic covenant and reiterates the promises to Jacob, most notably at Bethel (chaps. 28; 35). The interpersonal strife of Jacob’s life is thus enveloped within a message of reconciliation not just with Esau (chap. 33) but ultimately with God. The reader learns from the episodes in Jacob’s life that although God works through the lives of weak and failing people, his promises for Israel remain secure.
Although Jacob and his family are already living in Canaan, God intends for them to move to Egypt and grow into a powerful nation before fulfilling their conquest of the promised land (see 15:13–16). The story of Joseph explains how the family ends up in Egypt at the close of Genesis. Joseph is specially loved by his father, which elicits significant jealousy from his brothers, who sell him off to some nomads and fabricate the alibi that he has been killed by a wild beast. Joseph winds up in Pharaoh’s household and eventually becomes his top official. When famine strikes Canaan years later, Joseph’s brothers go to Egypt to purchase food from the royal court, and Joseph reveals his identity to them in an emotional reunion. Jacob’s entire family moves to Egypt to live for a time in prosperity under Joseph’s care. The Joseph story illustrates the mysterious relationship of human decision and divine sovereignty (50:20).
Liberation from Egypt (Exod. 1–18)
Genesis shows how Abraham develops into a large family. Exodus shows how this family becomes a nation—enslaved, freed, and then taught the ways of God. Although it appears that Exodus continues a riveting story of God’s chosen people, it is actually the identity and power of God that take center stage.
Many years have passed since Joseph’s family arrived in Egypt. The Hebrews’ good standing in Egypt has also diminished as their multiplication and fruitfulness during the intervening period—just as God had promised Abraham (Gen. 17:4–8)—became a national threat to the Egyptians. Abraham’s family will spend time in Egyptian slavery before being liberated with many possessions in hand (cf. Gen. 15:13–14).
In the book of Exodus the drama of suffering and salvation serves as the vehicle for God’s self-disclosure to a single man, Moses. Moses is an Israelite of destiny even from birth, as he providentially avoids infant death and rises to power and influence in Pharaoh’s household. Moses never loses his passion for his own people, and he kills an Egyptian who was beating a fellow Hebrew. Moses flees to obscurity in the desert, where he meets God and his call to lead his people out of Egypt and to the promised land (3:7–8; 6:8). Like the days of Noah’s salvation, God has remembered his covenant with the patriarchs and responded to the groans of his people in Egypt (2:24; 6:4–5; cf. Gen. 8:1). God reveals himself, and his personal name “Yahweh” (“I am”), to Moses in the great theophany of the burning bush at Mount Horeb (Sinai), the same place where later he will receive God’s law. Moses doubts his own ability to carry out the task of confronting Pharaoh and leading the exodus, but God foretells that many amazing signs and wonders not only will make the escape possible but also will ultimately reveal the mighty nature of God to the Hebrews, Egypt, and presumably the world (6:7; 7:5).
This promise of creating a nation of his people through deliverance is succinctly conveyed in the classic covenant formula that finds significance in the rest of the OT: “I will take you as my own people, and I will be your God” (6:7). Wielding great power over nature and at times even human decision, God “hardens” Pharaoh’s heart and sends ten plagues to demonstrate his favor for his own people and wrath against their enemy nation. The tenth plague on the firstborn of all in Egypt provides the context for the Passover as God spares the firstborn of Israel in response to the placement of sacrificial blood on the doorposts of their homes. Pharaoh persists in the attempt to overtake the Israelites in the desert, where the power of God climaxes in parting the Red Sea (or Sea of Reeds). The Israelites successfully pass through, but the Egyptian army drowns in pursuit. This is the great salvation event of the OT.
The song of praise for God’s deliverance (15:1–21) quickly turns to cries of groaning in the seventy days following the exodus as the people of the nation, grumbling about their circumstances in the desert, quickly demonstrate their fleeting trust in the one who has saved them (Exod. 15:22–18:27). When a shortage of water and food confronts the people, their faith in God’s care proves shallow, and they turn on Moses. Even though the special marks of God’s protection have been evident in the wilderness through the pillars of cloud and fire, the angel of God, the provision of manna and quail, water from the rock, and the leadership of Moses, the nation continually fails God’s tests of trust and obedience (16:4; cf. 17:2; 20:20). Yet God continues to endure with his people through the leadership of Moses.
Sinai (Exod. 19:1–Num. 10:10)
Most of the pentateuchal narrative takes place at Mount Sinai. It is there that Israel receives national legislation and prescriptions for the tabernacle, the priesthood, feasts and festivals, and other covenantal demands for living as God’s chosen people. The eleven-month stay at Sinai takes the biblical reader through the center of the Pentateuch, covering approximately the last half of Exodus, all of Leviticus, and the first third of Numbers, before the nation leaves this sacred site and sojourns in the wilderness. Several key sections of the Pentateuch fall within the Sinai story: the Decalogue (Exod. 20:1–17), the Book of the Covenant (Exod. 20:22–23:33), the tabernacle prescriptions (Exod. 25–31), the tabernacle construction (Exod. 35–40), the manual on ritual worship (Lev. 1–7), and the Holiness Code (Lev. 17–27).
The events and instruction at Sinai are central to the Israelite religious experience and reflect the third eternal covenant that God establishes in the Pentateuch—this time with Israel, whereby the Sabbath is the sign (Exod. 31:16; cf. Noahic/rainbow covenant [Gen. 9:16] and the Abrahamic/circumcision covenant [Gen. 17:7, 13, 19]). The offices of prophet and priest develop into clear view in this portion of the Pentateuch. Moses exemplifies the dual prophetic function of representing the people when speaking with God and, in turn, God when speaking to the people. The priesthood is bestowed upon Aaron and his descendants in Exodus and inaugurated within one of the few narrative sections of Leviticus (Lev. 8–10). The giving of the law, the ark, the tabernacle, the priesthood, and the Sabbath are all a part of God’s making himself “known” to Israel and the world, which is a constant theme in Exodus (see, e.g., 25:22; 29:43, 46; 31:13).
The Israelites’ stay at Sinai opens with one of the greatest theophanies of the Bible: God speaks aloud to the people (Exod. 19–20) and then is envisioned as a consuming fire (Exod. 24). After communicating the Ten Commandments (“ten words”) directly to the people (Exod. 34:28; Deut. 4:13; 10:4), Moses mediates the rest of the detailed obligations that will govern the future life of the nation. The covenant is ratified in ceremonial fashion (Exod. 24), and the Israelites vow to fulfill all that has been spoken. God expects Israel to be a holy nation (Exod. 19:6) with whom he may dwell, but Moses descends Sinai only to find that the Israelites have already violated the essence of the Decalogue by fashioning a golden calf to worship as that which delivered them from Egypt (Exod. 32). This places Israel’s future and calling in jeopardy, but Moses intercedes for his people, and God graciously promises to preserve the nation and abide with it in his mercy, even while punishing the guilty. This becomes prototypical of God’s relationship with his people in the future (Exod. 34:6–7).
Exodus ends with the consecration of the tabernacle and the descent of God’s presence there. With the tent of worship in order, the priesthood and its rituals can be officially established. Leviticus reflects divine instructions for how a sinful people may live safely in close proximity to God. Holy living involves dealing with sin and minimizing the need for atonement, purification, and restitution. The sacrificial and worship system established in Leviticus is based on a worldview of order, perfection, and purity, which should characterize a people who are commanded, “Be holy because I, the Lord your God, am holy’ (Lev. 19:2; cf. 11:44–45; 20:26). With these rules in place, the Israelites can make final preparations to depart Sinai and move forward on their journey. Numbers 1–10 spans a nineteen-day period of such activities as the Israelites begin to focus on dispossessing their enemies. These chapters reflect a census of fighting men, the priority of purity, the dedication of the tabernacle, and the observance of the Passover before commencing the quest to Canaan.
Wilderness Journey (Num. 10:11–36:13)
The rest of the book of Numbers covers the remainder of a forty-year stretch of great peaks and valleys in the faith and future of the nation. Chapters 11–25 recount the various events that show the exodus generation’s lack of trust in God. Chapters 26–36 reveal a more positive section whereby a new generation prepares for the conquest. With the third section of Numbers framed by episodes involving the inheritance rights of Zelophehad’s daughters (27:1–11; 36:1–13), it is clear that the story has turned to the future possession of the land.
After the departure from Sinai, the narrative consists of a number of Israelite complaints in the desert. The Israelites have grown tired of manna and ironically crave the food of Egypt, which they recall as free fish, fruits, and vegetables. Having forgotten the hardship of life in slavery, about which they had cried out to God, now the nation is crying out for a lifestyle of old. Moses becomes so overwhelmed with the complaints of the people that God provides seventy elders, who, to help shoulder the leadership burden, will receive the same prophetic spirit given to Moses.
In chapters 13–14 twelve spies are sent out from Kadesh Barnea to peruse Canaan, but the people’s lack of faith to procure the land from the mighty people there proves costly. This final example of distrust moves God to punish and purify the nation. The unbelieving generation will die in the wilderness during a forty-year period of wandering.
The discontent in the desert involves not only food and water but also leadership status. Moses’ own brother and sister resent his special relationship with God and challenge his exclusive authority. Later, Aaron’s special high priesthood is threatened as another Levitical family (Korah) vies for preeminence. Through a sequence of signs and wonders, God makes it clear that Moses and Aaron have exclusive roles in God’s economy. Due to the deaths related to Korah’s rebellion and the fruitless staffs that represent the tribes of Israel, the nation’s concern about sudden extinction in the presence of a holy God is appeased through the eternal covenant of priesthood granted to Aaron’s family (chap. 18). He and the Levites, at the potential expense of their own lives and as part of their priestly service, will be held accountable for keeping the tabernacle pure of encroachers.
Even after the people’s significant rebellion and punishment, God continues to prove his faithfulness to his word. Hope is restored for the nation as the Abrahamic promises of blessing are rehearsed from the mouth of Balaam, a Mesopotamian seer. The Israelites will indeed one day be numerous (23:10), enjoy the presence of God (23:21), be blessed and protected (24:9), and have a kingly leader (24:17). This wonderful mountaintop experience of hope for the exodus generation is tragically countered by an even greater event of apostasy in the subsequent scene. Reminiscent of the incident of the golden calf, when pagan revelry in the camp had foiled Moses’ interaction with God on Sinai, apostasy at the tabernacle undermines Balaam’s oracles of covenant fulfillment. Fornication with Moabite women not only joins the nation to a foreign god but also betrays God’s holiness at his place of dwelling. If not for the zeal of Aaron’s grandson Phinehas, who puts an end to the sin, the ensuing plague could have finished the nation. For his righteous action, Phinehas is awarded an eternal priesthood and ensures a future for the nation and Aaron’s priestly lineage.
In chapter 26 a second census of fighting men indicates that the old, unbelieving exodus generation has officially died off (except for Joshua and Caleb), and God is proceeding with a new people. God dispossesses the enemies of the new generation; reinstates the tribal boundaries of the land; reinstates rules concerning worship, service, and bloodshed; and places Joshua at the helm of leadership. Chapters 26–36 mention no deaths or rebellions as the nation optimistically ends its journey in Moab, just east of the promised land.
Moses’ Farewell (Deuteronomy)
Although one could reasonably move into the historical books at the end of Numbers, much would be lost in overstepping Deuteronomy. Deuteronomy presents Moses’ farewell speeches as his final words to a nation on the verge of Caanan. Moses’ speeches are best viewed as sermons motivating his people to embrace the Sinai covenant, love their God, and choose life over death and blessings over cursings (30:19). Moses reviews the desert experience since Mount Horeb/Sinai (chaps. 1–4) and recapitulates God’s expectations for lawful living in the land (chaps. 5–26). The covenant code is recorded on a scroll, is designated the “Book of the Law” (31:24–26), and is to be read and revered by the future king. Finally, Moses leads the nation in covenant renewal (chaps. 29–32) before the book finishes with an account of his death (chaps. 33–34), including tributes such as “since then, no prophet has risen in Israel like Moses, whom the Lord knew face to face” (34:10).
Deuteronomy reflects that true covenant faithfulness is achieved from a right heart for God. If there were any previous doubts about the essence of covenant keeping, Moses eliminates such in Deuteronomy with the frequent use of emotive terms. Loving God involves committing to him alone and spurning idols and foreign gods. The Ten Commandments (chap. 5) are not a list of stale requirements; they reflect the great Shema with the words “Love the Lord your God with all your heart and with all your soul and with all your strength. These commandments that I give you today are to be upon your hearts” (6:5–6). God desires an unrivaled love from the nation, not cold and superficial religiosity.
Obedience by the Israelites will incur material and spiritual blessing, whereas disobedience ends in the loss of both. Although Moses strongly commends covenant obedience, and the nation participates in a covenant-renewal ceremony (chap. 27), it is clear that in the future the Israelites will fail to uphold their covenant obligations and will suffer the consequences (29:23; 30:1–4; 31:16–17). Yet Moses looks to a day when the command for circumcised hearts (10:16) will be fulfilled by the power of God himself (30:6). In the future a new king will arise from the nation (17:14–20) as well as a prophet like Moses (18:15–22). Deuteronomy thus underscores the extent of God’s own devotion to his patriarchal promises despite the sinful nature of his people.
For much of the middle and end of the twentieth century, Deuteronomy has received a significant amount of attention for its apparent resemblance in structure and content to ancient Hittite and Assyrian treaties. Scholars debate the extent of similarity, but it is possible that Deuteronomy reflects a suzerain-vassal treaty form between Israel and God much like the common format between nations in the ancient Near East. Although comparative investigation of this type can be profitable for interpretation, it is prudent to be conservative when outlining direct parallels, since Deuteronomy is not a legal document but rather a dramatic narrative of God’s redemptive interaction with the world.
Greek parlance for the OT Festival of Weeks described in Lev. 23:15–22. It gets this name because it is celebrated fifty days after the Passover (Gk. pentēkostē means “fiftieth”). The Festival of Weeks was an important pilgrimage feast commemorating the end of the grain harvest. Usually the harvest season began the week of Passover and continued for fifty days until the Festival of Weeks. There are several nonbiblical references to Pentecost, all of which allude to the Festival of Weeks, suggesting that this was a common word in Greek (see Tob. 2:1; 2 Macc. 12:32; Josephus, Ant. 3.252; J.W. 2.42). The first NT use of the word occurs in Acts 2:1. There is little doubt that Luke’s use of “Pentecost” refers to the Festival of Weeks. Paul mentions in 1 Cor. 16:8 that he intends to stay in Ephesus until Pentecost but gives no explanation of what he means by “Pentecost.” This early Pauline document suggests that for Christians, Pentecost was an established date that needed no explanation.
How often and to what extent the Festival of Weeks was celebrated in the first centuries is open for considerable debate. The Festival of Weeks gradually lost much of its agricultural meaning and developed more religious significance, especially as people in the city were less dependent on the agricultural cycle for their food. For the author of Acts, chapter 2 is likely tied to the harvest motif of Joel. Based on Luke’s quoting of Peter, who uses Joel extensively in his explanation of the giving of the Spirit, it seems that in Acts, Luke wanted to tie the events of Pentecost to the beginning of the “day of the Lord” or the beginning of the eschaton. This would coincide with the festival’s harvest motif especially because it was commemorating the beginning of the end of the harvest. Contemporary Jews still celebrate Pentecost by commemorating the giving of the law at Sinai and the beginning of the Israelite community.
(1) A place, and later a town, on the Jabbok River about eight miles west of the Jordan. The name “Penuel” (NIV: “Peniel”), meaning “face of God,” was given to this place by Jacob after he wrestled there with “a man” and then said that he had seen God “face to face” (Gen. 32:22–32). When Gideon was pursuing the Midianites, the people of Penuel refused to provide food for his men, and so when he returned, he destroyed their tower and killed the men (Judg. 8:8–9, 17). The fortifying of this town was one of Jeroboam’s first acts as king of Israel (1 Kings 12:25). (2) A descendant of Judah and the father of Gedor (1 Chron. 4:4). (3) A descendant of Benjamin and one of the sons of Shashak (1 Chron. 8:25). (4) The otherwise unknown father of the prophet Anna from the tribe of Asher, mentioned only in Luke 2:36 (many versions render the name as “Phanuel”).
The concept of a people of God in the Bible may be traced to its origins in Gen. 12. Following the dispersion of humanity by divine design in the previous chapter, God elects Abraham as ancestor of a nation. God grants to Abraham promises of protection, growth in the number of offspring, and a homeland for his descendants and envisions a flow of blessing to the nations through the seed of Abraham.
The promise of numerous offspring comes to fruition in Exod. 1, to the point that the Israelites are perceived to be a threat by the Egyptians. In Exodus, God begins to refer to the descendants of Abraham as his people (3:7; 6:7; 7:16; 18:1). They are to be a “kingdom of priests” and a “holy nation” (19:5–6), set apart from other nations. The gathering of the people at Sinai, in the view of Moses, is an important moment in the establishment of the community, a moment marked by the conclusion of a covenant (Deut. 5:2; 9:10–11).
The Former Prophets, however, tell a story of deterioration in the relationship. Israel and its kings consistently turn to the worship of other deities (Judg. 2:11–23; 1 Kings 11:1–8), rejecting God as king and overlord (1 Sam. 8:19). After the reign of Solomon and because of Solomon’s acts of idolatry, the nation is torn in two (1 Kings 11:1–13). Ultimately, both political entities, because of their persistence in apostasy, suffer demise (2 Kings 23:24–27).
In response to Israel’s apostasy, the Latter Prophets envision a distinction between the national entity that is Israel and a “true people of God,” one abiding in covenantal faithfulness (e.g., Isa. 11:11, 16; Amos 5:15; Hos. 1:10–11). The prophets, therefore, see within the nation a remnant that receives forgiveness and becomes the object of national restoration in the postexilic period (Hag. 1:2–15; Zech. 8:1–23). The covenantal faithfulness of the remnant is marked by a passion for righteousness and justice for the poor and oppressed (Isa. 11:1–5; Amos 5:11–15).
The spirit of restoration and redemption carries over into the NT (Rom. 11:1–10). The Gospels present Jesus as one gathering a lost people (Matt. 15:24; Luke 2:25; John 1:31), redirecting them in the correct way (1 Pet. 2:10). Employing a series of metaphors (the body of Christ, a bride, the house of God, God’s flock) to describe God’s people, the church, the concept of a faithful remnant (the true Israel) persists. Thus, Paul speaks of a “circumcision of the heart” (not just of the flesh) that marks one as a true descendant of Abraham (Rom. 2:25–29; 4:1–25). Similar to how the remnant is understood in the Latter Prophets, the church of Jesus Christ will be characterized by its concern for covenantal faithfulness (Heb. 8:7–13), righteousness, and the pursuit of justice for the poor (James 2:1–7).
A clan, whose name means “easterners,” that occupied an area somewhere east of Canaan and west of the Euphrates. God promised to give to Abram’s offspring the land of the Kadmonites (Gen. 15:19). They may have been included in the peoples who were collectively called “the eastern peoples.” Other people referred to as “the eastern peoples” or “peoples of the east” include the inhabitants of the land where Jacob searched for his wife (Gen. 29:1), those who rose up with the Midianites against Gideon (Judg. 6:3, 33), the wise men whose wisdom was surpassed by Solomon (1 Kings 4:30–31), and Job (Job 1:3).
This phrase (Heb. ’am ha’arets) occurs approximately fifty times in the OT in the singular and about fifteen times in the plural (“peoples of the land”). On the surface, the phrase appears to simply refer to the inhabitants of any particular geographical location. However, in the last few decades there has been much discussion as to whether the phrase might have a more limited or technical meaning. Some of the suggestions are that the phrase refers to (1) a ruling national council; (2) the elite, aristocratic, influential, upper class; (3) the poorer, landless segments of society; (4) the common people, as opposed to the ruling elite, though these could still be landed; (5) free, property-owning citizens; (6) unsophisticated country dwellers versus refined city dwellers; (7) those who are ritually impure and less pious.
While there is some justification for some of these proposals, especially for the plural (“peoples”), they are perhaps, for the most part, overly pressed. Inasmuch as ancient Near Eastern societies were patriarchal and largely male dominated, it seems safe to suggest that in those contexts where decision making, judging, and/or military activity is predicated of the “people of the land,” a free, male, and land-owning group is in view. When Abraham negotiates with Ephron the Hittite for a burial plot for his deceased wife, Sarah, in front of the “people of the land” (Gen. 23), we may assume the group was comprised of citizenry who regularly witnessed such transactions. Various coup attempts or struggles for power seem to presuppose that the “people of the land” were those capable of bearing arms (2 Kings 11:13–20; 21:24; 23:30; 25:19). In 2 Kings 24:14; 25:12 reference is made to the “poorest people of the land,” and the use of the adjective indicates that the phrase “people of the land” was in itself insufficient to denote the poorer classes. In Jer. 1:18; 37:2; 44:21 the “people of the land” may be separate groups from the officials mentioned in those passages. Other than these passages, all preexilic uses of the phrase seem to refer simply to inhabitants in general.
The postexilic books Ezra and Nehemiah, as well as the apocryphal book 1 Esdras, with one exception (Ezra 4:4), use the plural, “peoples of the land” (the NIV variously translates as the “people around us,” “peoples around you”). In these instances the phrase is used to indicate the various non-Judaic peoples in the Judean province who proved, on various occasions, to be hostile to the Jews returning from exile in Babylon. Some of the returning Jews also intermarried with these groups, something that Ezra and Nehemiah considered an abomination because it might lead to idolatry. It is probably out of this postexilic situation that the later pejorative use of the phrase “people of the land” was employed by the Pharisees to refer, not to Gentiles, but to Jews whom they considered, by their standards, to be ritually impure and thus ignorant of the Mosaic law. It is possible that there was a virtual equation made between “people of the land” and “sinners.” The phrase does not occur in the NT, but the attitude toward those whom the Pharisees considered to be ritually impure is evidenced on numerous occasions (e.g., John 7:49).
A mountain in Moab, in the area of Mount Nebo. This location is derived from Num. 24:2, which mentions that the view from Peor affords a glimpse of the plains of Moab. No precise location has been identified. In Num. 23 Peor is the site of Balaam’s pronouncements of blessing upon Israel, inspired by God. Elsewhere (Num. 23:3, 5, 18; Ps. 106:28), Peor is associated with apostasy and illicit religious practice (the worship of Baal of Peor).
The place where Jeremiah was commanded to bury his belt and let it become ruined, as a metaphor for the uselessness of Jerusalem (Jer. 13:3–7). Although the location is uncertain, several Bible translations identify it with the river Euphrates, while others see it as much closer to Jerusalem (associated with the city of Parah in Josh. 18:23).
The location of David’s defeat of the Philistine army (2 Sam. 5:20; 1 Chron. 14:11), about five miles southwest of Jerusalem. The name means “Baal/Lord who breaks out.” While “Baal” is also the proper name of a Canaanite deity, David’s statement after the defeat of the Philistines clearly intends the title to refer to the God of Israel.
The Greek word translated in some versions as “perdition” (apōleia) generally means “destruction” (as it is translated in the NIV). Occasionally, however, it is associated with Sheol as a place for the dead. In fact, where the Hebrew texts of Proverbs and Job read “Sheol” and “Abaddon,” the Greek translation reads “Hades” (hadēs) and “Destruction” (apōleia) (e.g., Prov. 15:11; 27:20; Job 26:6; cf. Job 28:22). Furthermore, the author of Revelation eventually personifies the place apōleia as the person Apollyon, king over the Abyss (9:11). Often, wicked people are said to be “characterized by” and consequently “bound for” perdition. For example, in the Greek text of Isaiah the inhabi-tants of Edom are called “people of perdition” and the ungodly leaders of Israel “children of perdition” (34:5; cf. Pss. Sol. 2.31; 3.11). Similarly, Paul considers hardened individuals to be vessels of divine wrath, “prepared for destruction” (Rom. 9:22), and Peter assures his audience that the destruction hanging over the false prophets has not fallen asleep (2 Pet. 2:3). Two figures in particular are referred to traditionally as a “son of perdition”: Judas, who betrayed the Christ (John 17:12; NIV: “the one doomed to destruction”), and the man of lawlessness (2 Thess. 2:3; NIV: “the man doomed to destruction”), often identified as the antichrist. Moreover, in Revelation the beast upon which the whore of Babylon sits is said to ascend from the bottomless pit only ultimately to proceed to destruction (17:8, 11). In popular usage today, “perdition” most often signifies either the eternal damnation of the wicked or the final place of destruction for them.
The Greek name for the region east of the Jordan River and Samaria, south of the Decapolis (modern Jordan). In the NT it is referred to as peran tou Iordanou (“beyond the Jordan” or “the region across the Jordan”) (Matt. 4:25; 19:1; Mark 3:8; 10:1). Galilean Jews often detoured through Perea when traveling to Judea in order to avoid Samaria (John 4:3–4, 9). It was part of the kingdom of Herod the Great, apportioned to his son Herod Antipas, who also ruled Galilee as a client king of the Roman Empire in Jesus’ time. Herod’s fortress in Machaerus (southern Perea) is the probable location of John the Baptist’s imprisonment and beheading (Mark 6:17–28). Jesus traveled through Perea (Matt. 19–20) to arrive in Jerusalem for his Passion Week.
Makir’s son with his wife, Maakah; he was from the tribe of Manasseh (1 Chron. 7:16).
A grandson of Jacob, a son of Judah by Tamar, and the father of Hezron listed in the ancestry of David and Jesus (Gen. 46:12; Ruth 4:18; 1 Chron. 2:4–5; 4:1; Matt. 1:3; Luke 3:33). His was a key ancestral touchstone name (Num. 26:20–21; Ruth 4:12; 1 Chron. 9:4; 27:3; Neh. 11:4–6), meaning “breach” or “breaking out,” as he broke out of the womb ahead of his firstborn twin brother, Zerah (Gen. 38:29).
Meaning “outbreak against Uzzah,” a place along the road between Kiriath Jearim and Jerusalem. While David was bringing the ark of the covenant to Jerusalem, the worshiping procession was brought to a standstill after Uzzah reached out his hand to steady the ark when the oxen pulling it in a cart stumbled and God struck him dead for his impropriety (2 Sam. 6:8; 1 Chron. 13:11). God’s outbreak occasioned the site’s name.
A grandson of Jacob, a son of Judah by Tamar, and the father of Hezron listed in the ancestry of David and Jesus (Gen. 46:12; Ruth 4:18; 1 Chron. 2:4–5; 4:1; Matt. 1:3; Luke 3:33). His was a key ancestral touchstone name (Num. 26:20–21; Ruth 4:12; 1 Chron. 9:4; 27:3; Neh. 11:4–6), meaning “breach” or “breaking out,” as he broke out of the womb ahead of his firstborn twin brother, Zerah (Gen. 38:29).
The word “perfect” is used to translate Hebrew and Greek terms for ritual and moral wholeness. In the biblical text the terms “whole,” “complete,” and “mature” are related to “perfect.” Often, “perfect” conveys the sense of something reaching its end and therefore its “completion” or “perfection.”
The OT describes an animal or crop intended for sacrificial offering as “unblemished,” “whole,” or “perfect” (Heb. tamim). Though not translated “perfect” in the NIV, the term tamim frequently appears in cultic contexts of Israel’s worship (e.g., Exod. 12:5; Lev. 1:3, 10; 3:1, 6; 4:3). Neither imperfect animals nor priests with physical defects were considered fit for service in the temple because of their lack of wholeness (Lev. 21:16–23; 22:17–25). Wholeness itself reflected God’s holiness through physical wholeness (see Lev. 10:3).
Figuratively, the term tamim (or tam) refers to wholeness of heart and is applied to human action or conduct, where it describes walking blamelessly before God (Noah [Gen. 6:9]; Abraham [Gen. 17:1; cf. Deut. 18:13]; Job [Job 1:1]). God’s way is described as “perfect” (2 Sam. 22:31), as is his knowledge (Job 37:16), and Ps. 19:7 recounts how the “law of the Lord is perfect, refreshing the soul.” Thus, God’s perfection or holiness must be reflected in God’s people: “Speak to the entire assembly of Israel and say to them: ‘Be holy because I, the Lord your God, am holy’” (Lev. 19:2).
In the NT, “perfect” can refer to something of the highest standard (James 1:17, 25) or to a fully “mature” adult (Eph. 4:13). “To make perfect” often appears with cultic overtones. In Hebrews, Christ, our high priest, is “perfected” through suffering (2:10) and made eternally “perfect” (7:28). God’s love reaches “perfection” when believers obey God’s word: “If anyone obeys his word, love for God is truly made complete in them” (1 John 2:5). When “perfect” appears in the NT letters as applied to humans, the idea is not of ethical perfection by degrees, but rather it conveys a sense of undivided wholeness of heart before God. The notion of “perfection” in contemporary English conveys the idea of “sinlessness,” but the biblical idea refers more to something that is “whole” or “complete.” For something to be “perfect” means that it fulfills its intended design: a house is “perfect” if it has four walls and a roof and can provide shelter.
The word “perfect” is used to translate Hebrew and Greek terms for ritual and moral wholeness. In the biblical text the terms “whole,” “complete,” and “mature” are related to “perfect.” Often, “perfect” conveys the sense of something reaching its end and therefore its “completion” or “perfection.”
The OT describes an animal or crop intended for sacrificial offering as “unblemished,” “whole,” or “perfect” (Heb. tamim). Though not translated “perfect” in the NIV, the term tamim frequently appears in cultic contexts of Israel’s worship (e.g., Exod. 12:5; Lev. 1:3, 10; 3:1, 6; 4:3). Neither imperfect animals nor priests with physical defects were considered fit for service in the temple because of their lack of wholeness (Lev. 21:16–23; 22:17–25). Wholeness itself reflected God’s holiness through physical wholeness (see Lev. 10:3).
Figuratively, the term tamim (or tam) refers to wholeness of heart and is applied to human action or conduct, where it describes walking blamelessly before God (Noah [Gen. 6:9]; Abraham [Gen. 17:1; cf. Deut. 18:13]; Job [Job 1:1]). God’s way is described as “perfect” (2 Sam. 22:31), as is his knowledge (Job 37:16), and Ps. 19:7 recounts how the “law of the Lord is perfect, refreshing the soul.” Thus, God’s perfection or holiness must be reflected in God’s people: “Speak to the entire assembly of Israel and say to them: ‘Be holy because I, the Lord your God, am holy’” (Lev. 19:2).
In the NT, “perfect” can refer to something of the highest standard (James 1:17, 25) or to a fully “mature” adult (Eph. 4:13). “To make perfect” often appears with cultic overtones. In Hebrews, Christ, our high priest, is “perfected” through suffering (2:10) and made eternally “perfect” (7:28). God’s love reaches “perfection” when believers obey God’s word: “If anyone obeys his word, love for God is truly made complete in them” (1 John 2:5). When “perfect” appears in the NT letters as applied to humans, the idea is not of ethical perfection by degrees, but rather it conveys a sense of undivided wholeness of heart before God. The notion of “perfection” in contemporary English conveys the idea of “sinlessness,” but the biblical idea refers more to something that is “whole” or “complete.” For something to be “perfect” means that it fulfills its intended design: a house is “perfect” if it has four walls and a roof and can provide shelter.
Sweet-scented perfumes were used as anointing oil (Exod. 30:22–33), incense (Exod. 30:34–38), lovemaking aids (Esther 2:12; Prov. 7:17; Song 1:12–14; 5:5), to scent clothing and soften skin (Ruth 3:3; Ps. 45:8; Ezek. 16:9), and at burials (2 Chron. 16:14; John 12:7). Perfumed oil was poured on the feet or the head of banquet guests (Matt. 26:7; Luke 7:38; Mark 14:8; John 12:3). Found among those in the exodus (Exod. 30:25, 35), commissioned perfumers made sanctuary oil and incense (Exod. 37:29; 1 Chron. 9:30). One such perfumer, Hananiah, is named in Neh. 3:8.
Sweet-scented perfumes were used as anointing oil (Exod. 30:22–33), incense (Exod. 30:34–38), lovemaking aids (Esther 2:12; Prov. 7:17; Song 1:12–14; 5:5), to scent clothing and soften skin (Ruth 3:3; Ps. 45:8; Ezek. 16:9), and at burials (2 Chron. 16:14; John 12:7). Perfumed oil was poured on the feet or the head of banquet guests (Matt. 26:7; Luke 7:38; Mark 14:8; John 12:3). Found among those in the exodus (Exod. 30:25, 35), commissioned perfumers made sanctuary oil and incense (Exod. 37:29; 1 Chron. 9:30). One such perfumer, Hananiah, is named in Neh. 3:8.
A chief Greco-Roman city of Pamphylia eight miles from the southern coast of Asia Minor near the Cestrus River, with a port city of Attalia. Surviving architectural ruins testify to Perga’s beauty and wealth. Its patron deity was Artemis (Diana). On his first missionary campaign, Paul passed through Perga on his way out (Acts 13:13–14 [at which time John Mark left the party]) and preached there on the return leg (14:25).
An ancestor of a family that belonged to the “servants of Solomon” (Ezra 2:55; Neh. 7:57 [there spelled “Perida”]) and returned with Zerubbabel around 539 BC. Little is known about this group except that it likely performed menial functions at the temple, as it is grouped with the “temple servants” (see Nethinim). The name of the group suggests that it was formed during the period of Solomon, though it could have been so named because Solomon built the first temple.
Things that are liable to decay or that break down over time or from exposure to the elements of weather. Another term, used in KJV, is “corruptible.” In the NT, things that are perishable are contrasted with the things of God, which are eternal and holy (1 Cor. 15:42, 50–54; 1 Pet. 1:18, 23).
One of the Canaanite nations at the time of Abraham whose land Yahweh promised to Abraham’s descendants (Gen. 13:7; 15:20). They were included in the northern coalition against the Israelites during the conquest (Josh. 11:3), and although they were listed as defeated (Josh. 12:8), they persisted in Palestine (Judg. 3:5; 1 Kings 9:20) even to the postexilic period (Ezra 9:1).
A crime whereby someone makes an oath with the intent to deceive. It can refer to swearing by false gods (Jer. 7:9) or making a false oath (Zech. 8:17). It becomes a double crime, including the initial lie coupled with taking the oath, which amplifies the lie. An oath is often used to affirm testimony related to other crimes and to dealings with property and was meant to get at the heart of the truth. Perjury has been considered a very serious crime since the earliest civilizations and is condemned in the Bible (Prov. 19:9; Mal. 3:5; 1 Tim. 1:10).
The words “persecute” and “persecution” refer to the act of pursuing and wrongly afflicting someone. The terms occur mostly in the NT, where typically they refer to persecution of Jesus’ followers. Their persecution takes varying forms, such as false legal accusations, imprisonment, or execution.
Persecution throughout the Bible. Within the NT, the English words “persecute” and “persecution” are, with few exceptions, translations of the Greek verb diōkō or the related noun diōgmos. However, diōkō can also mean simply “to pursue, follow after,” such as when the object of pursuit is righteousness or peace (Rom. 9:30; 1 Tim. 6:11; 2 Tim. 2:22; 1 Pet. 3:11). The term is used in this same sense in the LXX (Gen. 14:15; Deut. 16:20; 19:6; 2 Sam. 22:38). The Greek words were translated into English as “persecute” or “persecution” when the translators thought that the context also showed wrongful affliction. The corresponding Hebrew word radap shares this meaning.
In this sense of wrongful affliction, persecution occurs throughout the Bible. The Egyptian army pursues the people of Israel to the Red Sea (Exod. 14:8; Neh. 9:11). On two occasions, the people want to stone the prophet Moses to death (Exod. 17:3–4; Num. 14:10). Saul hunts David (1 Sam. 23:25; 24:14; 26:18). Saul wrongly slays the Gibeonites out of a sense of patriotism (1 Sam. 21:1–2). Jezebel kills God’s prophets (1 Kings 18:13). The prophet Uriah is slain (Jer. 26:23), and the prophet Jeremiah is incarcerated (Jer. 38:6–9). Isaiah, Ezekiel, and other prophets are strongly opposed, suggesting persecution (2 Chron. 36:16; Isa. 1:2–6; Ezek. 2:3–4; 3:7–9; Acts 7:52). Daniel is cast to the lions (Dan. 6:16). A king’s decree allows execution of all Jews for holding the laws of God above the king’s commands, indicating pagan religious hostility (Esther 3). Pagan hostility is shown by the later deaths of many Jews in the religious persecution described in 1 Maccabees and in the first-century uprisings in Egypt described by the Jewish philosopher Philo of Alexandria.
Persecution in the New Testament. In the NT, persecution begins with the imprisonment and beheading of John the Baptist (Mark 6:16–18; Josephus, Ant. 18.116–19). Jesus is accused by the religious authorities and eventually is tried and executed by Pilate. The religious authorities later flog Jesus’ apostles for teaching about him (Acts 5:40). The disciple Stephen is soon accused by false witnesses, tried, and executed by stoning (7:59–60). At this time, Saul (Paul) of Tarsus drags men and women from the Jerusalem church off to prison by authority from the chief priests. Saul has them beaten, and at their execution he casts votes against them (8:3; 22:4, 5, 19; 26:10). After this, Herod executes Jesus’ disciple James (12:2). Saul (Paul) converts, and then he suffers threats, beatings, stoning, and prison (Acts 13:50; 14:5, 19; 16:22–35; 24:27; 2 Cor. 11:23–25). Disciples in Macedonia and Achaia suffer; some Hebrew-speaking disciples suffer imprisonment and property seizure; and some disciples in Asia Minor die as martyrs (2 Cor. 1:6; 1 Thess. 1:6–7; Heb. 10:34; Rev. 2:8–13). Pagan persecution of Christians continued for nearly three centuries, sometimes far more severely, according to records compiled by Eusebius (Hist. eccl. 2.25; 3.17–19, 32–33; 4.8, 13, 15; 5.1–2; 6.1, 4, 41–42; 8.2–3, 7–13). Persecution was sporadic, often beginning with slander or legal accusations. It occurred in many regions, with leaders especially suffering. Records of persecution survived haphazardly.
Jesus says that we are to love and do good to our enemies and pray for our persecutors (Matt. 5:44; Luke 6:27). While being crucified, Jesus accordingly prays, “Father, forgive them” (Luke 23:34; cf. Acts 7:60). Preparing for arrest, Jesus warns his disciples to pray to avoid temptation, and he himself prays (Matt. 26:41). Both Jesus and Paul say that believers will be persecuted (Matt. 24:9; 1 Thess. 3:4; 2 Tim. 3:12), but God gives strength in persecution (Acts 14:22; 2 Cor. 12:10).
The words “persecute” and “persecution” refer to the act of pursuing and wrongly afflicting someone. The terms occur mostly in the NT, where typically they refer to persecution of Jesus’ followers. Their persecution takes varying forms, such as false legal accusations, imprisonment, or execution.
Persecution throughout the Bible. Within the NT, the English words “persecute” and “persecution” are, with few exceptions, translations of the Greek verb diōkō or the related noun diōgmos. However, diōkō can also mean simply “to pursue, follow after,” such as when the object of pursuit is righteousness or peace (Rom. 9:30; 1 Tim. 6:11; 2 Tim. 2:22; 1 Pet. 3:11). The term is used in this same sense in the LXX (Gen. 14:15; Deut. 16:20; 19:6; 2 Sam. 22:38). The Greek words were translated into English as “persecute” or “persecution” when the translators thought that the context also showed wrongful affliction. The corresponding Hebrew word radap shares this meaning.
In this sense of wrongful affliction, persecution occurs throughout the Bible. The Egyptian army pursues the people of Israel to the Red Sea (Exod. 14:8; Neh. 9:11). On two occasions, the people want to stone the prophet Moses to death (Exod. 17:3–4; Num. 14:10). Saul hunts David (1 Sam. 23:25; 24:14; 26:18). Saul wrongly slays the Gibeonites out of a sense of patriotism (1 Sam. 21:1–2). Jezebel kills God’s prophets (1 Kings 18:13). The prophet Uriah is slain (Jer. 26:23), and the prophet Jeremiah is incarcerated (Jer. 38:6–9). Isaiah, Ezekiel, and other prophets are strongly opposed, suggesting persecution (2 Chron. 36:16; Isa. 1:2–6; Ezek. 2:3–4; 3:7–9; Acts 7:52). Daniel is cast to the lions (Dan. 6:16). A king’s decree allows execution of all Jews for holding the laws of God above the king’s commands, indicating pagan religious hostility (Esther 3). Pagan hostility is shown by the later deaths of many Jews in the religious persecution described in 1 Maccabees and in the first-century uprisings in Egypt described by the Jewish philosopher Philo of Alexandria.
Persecution in the New Testament. In the NT, persecution begins with the imprisonment and beheading of John the Baptist (Mark 6:16–18; Josephus, Ant. 18.116–19). Jesus is accused by the religious authorities and eventually is tried and executed by Pilate. The religious authorities later flog Jesus’ apostles for teaching about him (Acts 5:40). The disciple Stephen is soon accused by false witnesses, tried, and executed by stoning (7:59–60). At this time, Saul (Paul) of Tarsus drags men and women from the Jerusalem church off to prison by authority from the chief priests. Saul has them beaten, and at their execution he casts votes against them (8:3; 22:4, 5, 19; 26:10). After this, Herod executes Jesus’ disciple James (12:2). Saul (Paul) converts, and then he suffers threats, beatings, stoning, and prison (Acts 13:50; 14:5, 19; 16:22–35; 24:27; 2 Cor. 11:23–25). Disciples in Macedonia and Achaia suffer; some Hebrew-speaking disciples suffer imprisonment and property seizure; and some disciples in Asia Minor die as martyrs (2 Cor. 1:6; 1 Thess. 1:6–7; Heb. 10:34; Rev. 2:8–13). Pagan persecution of Christians continued for nearly three centuries, sometimes far more severely, according to records compiled by Eusebius (Hist. eccl. 2.25; 3.17–19, 32–33; 4.8, 13, 15; 5.1–2; 6.1, 4, 41–42; 8.2–3, 7–13). Persecution was sporadic, often beginning with slander or legal accusations. It occurred in many regions, with leaders especially suffering. Records of persecution survived haphazardly.
Jesus says that we are to love and do good to our enemies and pray for our persecutors (Matt. 5:44; Luke 6:27). While being crucified, Jesus accordingly prays, “Father, forgive them” (Luke 23:34; cf. Acts 7:60). Preparing for arrest, Jesus warns his disciples to pray to avoid temptation, and he himself prays (Matt. 26:41). Both Jesus and Paul say that believers will be persecuted (Matt. 24:9; 1 Thess. 3:4; 2 Tim. 3:12), but God gives strength in persecution (Acts 14:22; 2 Cor. 12:10).
The state of remaining faithful to God in light of the revelation given to persons at their particular stage of redemptive history. Perseverance has always required a continued trust in God, obedience to his commands, and reliance upon his merciful provision.
Old Testament. In the OT, perseverance is related to the covenantal relationship that God had with his people. Abraham was the quintessential model of perseverance, as he was faithful in waiting for God to provide him with the heir that had been promised him. Israel had to persevere by remaining faithful to its covenant with God, which meant being obedient to his commandments and decrees. In the subsequent history of Israel, however, the nation lacked perseverance and fidelity and often turned away from God to worship the gods of other nations. Indeed, the sweep of Israel’s history, according to the prophets, was that Israel had failed miserably at persevering in the covenantal promises and thus had incurred God’s judgment (e.g., Neh. 9:6–37; Ezek. 20:1–39; Dan. 9:4–19).
New Testament. In the Gospels, Jesus is the ultimate example of the faithful Israelite and also provides many exhortations about perseverance in light of the dawning kingdom of God. Jesus perseveres when tested by Satan in the wilderness (Matt. 4:1–11; Mark 1:12–13; Luke 4:1–13). The parables of growth warn about those who do not persevere in their reception of the word (e.g., Luke 8:15). Endurance under the duress of eschatological trials is also the means by which one gains one’s life (Matt. 10:22; 24:13; Mark 13:13; Luke 21:19). In his farewell speech in the Gospel of John, Jesus exhorts his disciples to abide in him as branches stay rooted in a vine or else risk being cut off (John 15:1–11).
In the course of his letters, Paul has much to say about persevering in faith in Christ. Paul considers “endurance” (hypomonē) to be among the cardinal qualities of a believer (Rom. 5:3–4; 1 Thess. 1:3; 2 Thess. 1:4; 8:25; 1 Tim. 6:11; Titus 2:2). There is a sense in which God himself gives endurance to the believer (Rom. 15:5; Col. 1:11; 2 Thess. 3:5). Paul offers some stern warnings about apostasy and falling away (Rom. 11:21–22; 1 Cor. 10:1–12; Gal. 5:4), but he also adds that Christians experience a sense of assurance because God is “faithful” and will keep believers “blameless” on the day of Christ Jesus (1 Cor. 1:8–9; Phil. 1:10; 1 Thess. 3:13; 5:23). Paul also writes that nothing in creation can separate a believer from the love of God in Jesus Christ (Rom. 8:31–39).
The General Epistles provide further teaching about perseverance. James commends the virtue of perseverance that leads to maturity (1:3–4) and urges his audience to endure just as Job endured sufferings (5:11). Jude writes that believers should endeavor to “keep yourselves in God’s love” while also acknowledging that God himself will “keep you from falling” (vv. 21, 24). The book of Hebrews is built around the theme of perseverance and endurance, with key statements about not “drift[ing] away” (2:1) and the exhortation to “run with perseverance the race marked out for us” (12:1).
The book of Revelation focuses strongly on persevering in light of persecution and hardship. In the letters to the seven churches there is the repeated promise of the blessings that await those who “overcome,” which means enduring in the faith (2:7, 11, 17, 26; 3:5, 12, 21; cf. 21:7). The churches of Asia Minor corporately are admonished to remain faithful to the point of death (2:10) and in light of the coming judgment (14:12). Three times calls for patient endurance are made (1:9; 13:10; 14:12). In Revelation, perseverance means holding to the testimony of Jesus (12:17; 17:6; 19:10; 20:4).
Summary. The biblical teaching on perseverance attempts to balance divine sovereignty and human responsibility. The warnings of apostasy and the promises of assurance are interwoven in such a way so as not to compromise the grace and justice of God.
The state of remaining faithful to God in light of the revelation given to persons at their particular stage of redemptive history. Perseverance has always required a continued trust in God, obedience to his commands, and reliance upon his merciful provision.
Old Testament. In the OT, perseverance is related to the covenantal relationship that God had with his people. Abraham was the quintessential model of perseverance, as he was faithful in waiting for God to provide him with the heir that had been promised him. Israel had to persevere by remaining faithful to its covenant with God, which meant being obedient to his commandments and decrees. In the subsequent history of Israel, however, the nation lacked perseverance and fidelity and often turned away from God to worship the gods of other nations. Indeed, the sweep of Israel’s history, according to the prophets, was that Israel had failed miserably at persevering in the covenantal promises and thus had incurred God’s judgment (e.g., Neh. 9:6–37; Ezek. 20:1–39; Dan. 9:4–19).
New Testament. In the Gospels, Jesus is the ultimate example of the faithful Israelite and also provides many exhortations about perseverance in light of the dawning kingdom of God. Jesus perseveres when tested by Satan in the wilderness (Matt. 4:1–11; Mark 1:12–13; Luke 4:1–13). The parables of growth warn about those who do not persevere in their reception of the word (e.g., Luke 8:15). Endurance under the duress of eschatological trials is also the means by which one gains one’s life (Matt. 10:22; 24:13; Mark 13:13; Luke 21:19). In his farewell speech in the Gospel of John, Jesus exhorts his disciples to abide in him as branches stay rooted in a vine or else risk being cut off (John 15:1–11).
In the course of his letters, Paul has much to say about persevering in faith in Christ. Paul considers “endurance” (hypomonē) to be among the cardinal qualities of a believer (Rom. 5:3–4; 1 Thess. 1:3; 2 Thess. 1:4; 8:25; 1 Tim. 6:11; Titus 2:2). There is a sense in which God himself gives endurance to the believer (Rom. 15:5; Col. 1:11; 2 Thess. 3:5). Paul offers some stern warnings about apostasy and falling away (Rom. 11:21–22; 1 Cor. 10:1–12; Gal. 5:4), but he also adds that Christians experience a sense of assurance because God is “faithful” and will keep believers “blameless” on the day of Christ Jesus (1 Cor. 1:8–9; Phil. 1:10; 1 Thess. 3:13; 5:23). Paul also writes that nothing in creation can separate a believer from the love of God in Jesus Christ (Rom. 8:31–39).
The General Epistles provide further teaching about perseverance. James commends the virtue of perseverance that leads to maturity (1:3–4) and urges his audience to endure just as Job endured sufferings (5:11). Jude writes that believers should endeavor to “keep yourselves in God’s love” while also acknowledging that God himself will “keep you from falling” (vv. 21, 24). The book of Hebrews is built around the theme of perseverance and endurance, with key statements about not “drift[ing] away” (2:1) and the exhortation to “run with perseverance the race marked out for us” (12:1).
The book of Revelation focuses strongly on persevering in light of persecution and hardship. In the letters to the seven churches there is the repeated promise of the blessings that await those who “overcome,” which means enduring in the faith (2:7, 11, 17, 26; 3:5, 12, 21; cf. 21:7). The churches of Asia Minor corporately are admonished to remain faithful to the point of death (2:10) and in light of the coming judgment (14:12). Three times calls for patient endurance are made (1:9; 13:10; 14:12). In Revelation, perseverance means holding to the testimony of Jesus (12:17; 17:6; 19:10; 20:4).
Summary. The biblical teaching on perseverance attempts to balance divine sovereignty and human responsibility. The warnings of apostasy and the promises of assurance are interwoven in such a way so as not to compromise the grace and justice of God.
Prior to the rise of the Achaemenid Persian Empire in the mid-sixth century BC, the Persian homeland (Fars) lay to the east of Mesopotamia, in and beyond the Zagros Mountains. The history of the Persians and their rulers prior to their emergence in biblical, Greek, and Mesopotamian history remains poorly understood, but probably they had come to the Iranian plateau from central Asia around 1000 BC, roughly the time of the emergence of monarchic Israel in the Levant. The first Persian accounts of their own history date to the Achaemenid period (the Behistun Inscription), when the Persians adapted Mesopotamian (Semitic) cuneiform writing for their own Indo-European language. Even with the Old Persian inscriptions, the Greek histories of the Greco-Persian wars (preeminently that of Herodotus) remain the richest literary source of information about the Persians. The first known references to the Persians (and to the closely related Medes) in cuneiform sources date to the reign of the Assyrian king Shalmaneser III (mid-ninth century BC). Although the terms “Persia” and “Persian” continued to be used in various senses (political, ethnic, linguistic) from this period to the present, this article focuses on the Achaemenid Empire, which overlapped with the exilic and postexilic periods of biblical history.
Cyrus the Great
As a political entity, the Persians appear in ancient Near Eastern history around 550 BC, when the Persian leader Cyrus II (“the Great”) defeated the Medes (another Iranian people to whom the Persians had been subject) and seized their capital at Ecbatana, along with their royal treasure. Cyrus claimed descent from a line of Achaemenid kings going back to the second half of the seventh century BC and founded by Cyrus I (“of Anshan”). The term “Achaemenid” refers to a yet more distant, and possibly legendary, ancestor Achaemenes, who putatively lived around 700 BC. Cyrus then turned toward the territory of the Lydian (Greek) king Croesus in modern western Turkey, which he conquered with the fall of Sardis and the defeat of Croesus around 546 BC. Cyrus’s territorial gains in Anatolia would remain a part of the Persian Empire until the time of Alexander the Great.
Following this western campaign, which would set the stage for two centuries of Greco-Persian rivalry, Cyrus returned to Mesopotamia, where he marched against the Neo-Babylonian Empire of Nabonidus, taking advantage of a falling out between Nabonidus and the inhabitants of Babylon (Nabonidus had controversially removed images of Marduk from their rightful place in Babylon). It is at this point that the history of the Persian Empire intersects dramatically with biblical history, for Cyrus’s capture of the capital Babylon in the fall of 539 BC came only half a century after the Neo-Babylonian king Nebuchadnezzar II had sacked Jerusalem and exiled the elite inhabitants of the southern kingdom of Judah to Mesopotamia, including a group that was brought to Babylon itself. Like the priests of Marduk (the chief Babylonian deity), who in the Cyrus Cylinder inscription lauded Cyrus for delivering them from the impious Nabonidus and restoring the proper worship of Marduk in Babylon, the Hebrew Bible speaks fondly of Cyrus as the restorer of the Jewish people from exile. It was Cyrus, according to 2 Chron. 36:23; Ezra 1:2–4, who mandated that a group of Judeans return to their homeland and reestablish their capital Jerusalem and the temple of their deity, Yahweh. Isaiah 45:1 speaks of Cyrus as Yahweh’s “anointed” and suggests a personal and intimate relationship between the king and the God of Israel. In terms of the biblical periodization of Israelite history, the edict of Cyrus marked the end of the exilic period and the beginning of what modern scholars term the “Persian period” of Israelite and Jewish history.
Based on the evidence of the Bible and the Cyrus Cylinder, the role of Cyrus as a champion of “human rights” and “religious toleration” has at times been overplayed by modern readers who have anachronistically attributed modern values to the ancient monarch. Cyrus may have acted in both cases with motivations that were more propagandistic than pious. The strong presence of friendly forces in Yehud (Judah) served Cyrus’s ambitions in Egypt, which his son Cambyses proceeded to conquer in the 520s BC. In the course of this campaign Cambyses showed as much respect for local Egyptian religion as Cyrus showed toward Judean Yahwism. Cambyses’ successor, Darius, commissioned the Egyptian scholar Udjahorresnet to return to his land and revive its cultural and religious institutions; this mission has often been compared to that of Ezra in Yehud. In sum, Persian policies toward Judeans and their religion, though perceived as enlightened by biblical authors, are probably best understood as having been applied across the board to various peoples, especially when doing so furthered the imperial interests of the Persians.
Darius the Great and His Successors
As mentioned above, Cyrus was succeeded by his son Cambyses II, who conquered Egypt before his death in 522 BC. Darius succeeded Cambyses through a palace intrigue in which he emerged over Cyrus’s son Bardiya (also known as Smerdis or Gaumata). The circumstances of Darius’s succession remain unclear in several respects. He was not in the royal line, yet in his own monuments he insists that it was his rivals who were usurpers and that he was the rightful claimant of the throne. Under Darius (“the Great”), the Achaemenid Empire reached its greatest geographical extent. He organized the empire into twenty-two administrative districts, or “satrapies,” and built up a vast network of roads and cities. The lands of biblical Israel fell into a large satrapy known as “Beyond the River,” or “Trans-Euphrates” (see, e.g., Ezra 4:10). Darius is remembered in the Bible as renewing Cyrus’s order for the rebuilding of the Jerusalem temple. The decree of Darius is represented in Ezra 6:1–15. As a result of his attention to the matter, the temple was completed during his reign, in 515 BC (Ezra 6:15). Daniel 5:31 portrays Darius (“the Mede,” not “the Persian”; see also Dan. 9:1, which reaffirms Darius’s Median ethnicity while making him the son, not the father, of Ahasuerus/Xerxes), not Cyrus, as the conqueror of Babylon (though it is Belshazzar, not Nabonidus, who loses his kingdom).
Darius was succeeded by his son Xerxes, who in 481 BC led a vast army across the Bosphorus into Greece. He was turned back by a series of defeats and was assassinated in 465 BC. Neither Xerxes nor his successors managed to expand the empire beyond the achievement of Darius. The Bible mentions Xerxes (Ahasuerus) at Ezra 4:5–6 and alludes to him at Dan. 11:2. Artaxerxes appears in the books of Ezra and Nehemiah (e.g., Ezra 4:7; Neh. 2:1); however, the identification of this figure is controversial, whether he is Artaxerxes I (r. 464–424 BC), Artaxerxes II (r. 405–359 BC), or even Artaxerxes III (r. 359–338 BC). Moreover, it is debated whether Ezra and Nehemiah were contemporaries (i.e., living under the same king Artaxerxes), and which one of them preceded the other in his mission. Moreover, it is unclear from ancient versions whether the king in the book of Esther is meant to be Xerxes (Ahasuerus) or Artaxerxes I (so the LXX).
The Achaemenid Empire fell in 330 BC, during the reign of Darius III, whom Alexander the Great defeated decisively at Gaugamela in 331 BC.
A woman listed among those whom Paul greets in Rom. 16 (v. 12). Paul describes her as beloved (NIV: “my dear friend”), probably referring to widespread affection for her because of her hard work in the Lord.
Jesus Christ is the centerpiece of the Christian Scriptures. The meaning and interpretation of both Testaments is properly grasped only in light of the person and work of Jesus Christ. That is not to say that the Testaments testify to Jesus Christ in the exact same way; they obviously do not, but both Testaments are part of the inscripturated revelation that, in light of the incarnation, proclaims Jesus Christ to be the fullest manifestation of God given to humankind.
Old Testament
According to the Scriptures. The early Christians were adamant that the life, death, and resurrection of Jesus Christ happened “according to the Scriptures” (1 Cor. 15:3–4), which meant that these events lined up with Israel’s sacred traditions. On the road to Emmaus the risen Jesus explained to the two travelers the things concerning himself “beginning with Moses and all the Prophets,” in relation to the death and glorification of the Messiah (Luke 24:27). In one of the major Johannine discourses, Jesus tells the Pharisees that the Scriptures “testify about me” (John 5:39). Early Christian authors could find certain key texts that demonstrated the conformity of the Christ-event to the pattern of Israel’s Scriptures, such as Pss. 2; 110; 118; Isa. 53. Yet much of the OT can be understood without mention of Jesus Christ in relation to its own historical context, and there is the danger of overly allegorizing OT texts in order to make them say something about Jesus Christ and the church.
The relationship between the Testaments. The way that the NT authors echo, allude to, quote, and interpret the OT is a complex matter, but at least two points need to be made about the relationship between the two Testaments.
First, the OT anticipates and illuminates the coming of Jesus Christ. “Anticipate” does not mean “predict,” but the law and the prophets foreshadow the offices and identity of Jesus Christ. The offices of prophet, priest, and king in the OT prefigure the ministry of Christ, who is the one who reveals God, intercedes on behalf of humankind, and is the Messiah and Lord. The sacrificial cultus, with the necessity of shedding blood for the removal of sin, prefigures the sacrificial death of Jesus Christ. This is why the law is a “shadow” of the one who was to come (Col. 2:17; Heb. 10:1). “Illuminate” means that certain OT texts, though not referring to Jesus in their historical or literary context, explain aspects of his person and work. This is seen most clearly in the way that the psalms are used in the NT. Texts such as Pss. 2:7; 110:1–4 provided biblical categories that explained the nature of Jesus’ sonship, the quality of his priestly ministry, and his installation as God’s vice-regent.
Second, we should differentiate between prophecy and typology. The prophetic promises in Ezek. 37; Amos 9; and Mic. 4 about a future Davidic king whom God will use to save and restore Israel are genuine prophecies that look forward to a future event yet to be fulfilled. These texts set forth the job description of the Messiah as the renewal and restoration of Israel from bondage and exile. It is unsurprising then that in Acts, James the brother of Jesus could cite Amos 9:11–12 as proof that Gentiles should be accepted into the people of God with the coming of the Messiah (Acts 15:15–18).
Typological interpretation, on the other hand, sees OT persons, places, or events as prototypes or patterns of NT persons, places, or events. For example, in Rom. 5:14 Paul says that Adam is a “type” or “pattern” of the one to come. Similarly, Matthew’s use of Isa. 7:14 in Matt. 1:23 is also typological rather than prophetic. In the context of Isaiah, the promise refers to a child born during the reign of King Ahaz as a sign that the Judean kingdom will survive the Assyrian onslaught. Matthew’s citation does not demand an exact correspondence of events as much as it postulates a correlation of patterns or types between Isaiah’s narrative and the Matthean birth story. The coming of God’s Son, the manifestation of God’s presence, and the rescue of Israel through a child born to a young girl bring to Matthew’s mind Isa. 7 as an obvious prophetic precedent, repeated at a new juncture of redemptive history.
A Christology of the Old Testament. The NT authors interpreted the OT in search of answers to questions pertaining to the identity and ministry of Jesus Christ, the nature of the people of God, and the arrival of the new age. They detected patterns in the OT that were repeated or recapitulated in Jesus’ own person. They proclaimed that the prophetic promises made to Israel had been made good in Jesus Christ, and they found allusions to the various events of his life, death, and exaltation. Jesus and Israel’s Scriptures became a mutually interpretive spiral whereby the Christians began to understand the OT in light of Jesus and understood Jesus in light of the OT. In this canonical setting we can legitimately develop a “Christology of the Old Testament.”
New Testament
The Gospels. The canonical Gospels are four ancient biographies that pay attention to the history and significance of the life, death, and resurrection of Jesus. They represent a testimony to Jesus and embody the collective memory of his person and actions as they were transmitted and interpreted by Christians in the Greco-Roman world of the mid- to late first century.
All four Gospels follow the same basic outline by variably detailing Jesus’ ministry, passion, and exaltation, and all of them place the story of Jesus in the context of the fulfillment of the story of Israel. At the same time, each Gospel in its plot and portrayal of Jesus remains distinctive in its own right. Yet they are not four different Jesuses, but rather four parallel portraits of Jesus, much like four stained-glass windows or four paintings depict the same person in different ways.
The Gospel of Matthew portrays Jesus as the long-awaited Davidic Messiah of Israel, with a focus on his teaching authority as a type of new Moses. The Gospel of Mark describes Jesus as the powerful Son of God and concurrently as the suffering Son of Man, whose cross reveals the reality of his identity and mission. The Gospel of Luke emphasizes Jesus’ role as an anointed prophet with a special concern for the poor and outcasts and his role as dispenser of the Holy Spirit. Without flattening the distinctive christological shape of each of the Synoptic Gospels, we could say that they focus on Jesus as the proclaimer of the kingdom of God and as king of the very same kingdom.
The Gospel of John has its own set of characteristic emphases in which Jesus’ consciousness of his divine nature and purpose is heightened. Programmatic for the entirety of John’s Gospel is the prologue in 1:1–18 about the “Word [who] became flesh,” which gives a clear theology of incarnation and revelation associated with Jesus’ coming. There is also much material unique to John’s Gospel, such as the “I am” statements that further exposit the nature of Jesus’ person and the climactic confession by Thomas that Jesus is “my Lord and my God” (20:28).
The Gospels indicate that mere knowledge that Jesus died for the purpose of salvation is an insufficient understanding of him. What is also needed, and what they provide, is an understanding of his teachings and his mission in light of Israel’s Scriptures and in view of the sociopolitical situation of Palestine. Jesus came to redeem and renew Israel so that a transformed Israel would transform the world.
Acts. The book of Acts contains the story of the emergence of the early church from Jerusalem to Rome. Even though Acts is a repository of apostolic preaching and plots the beginnings of the Gentile mission, it is the sequel to Luke’s Gospel and is very much the story of Jesus in perfect tense (i.e., a past event with ongoing significance). The most succinct summary of the Christology of Acts is in Peter’s speech in Jerusalem, where he states that “this Jesus” whom they crucified has been made both “Lord and Christ [NIV: “Messiah”]” by God (2:36). In the succeeding narratives emphasis is given to “Jesus is the Christ [NIV: “Messiah”]” (e.g., 9:22; 17:3; 18:5), which is a message pertinent to Jews and Gentiles (20:21).
Paul’s Letters. The Pauline Epistles, although they are situational, pastoral, and not given primarily to christological exposition, still exhibit beliefs about Jesus held by Paul and his Christian contemporaries. The high points of Paul’s Christology can be detected in his use of traditional material such as Col. 1:15–20, which exposits the sufficiency and the supremacy of Christ. Philippians 2:5–11 narrates the story of the incarnation as an example of self-giving love. In 1 Cor. 8:6 Paul offers a Christianized version of the Shema of Deut. 6:4. There is a petition to Jesus as “Come, Lord!” in 1 Cor. 16:22. Paul can also refer to Jesus as God in Rom. 9:5 (although the grammar is ambiguous). For Paul, Jesus is both the “heavenly man” (1 Cor. 15:47–49) and the Son to come from heaven (1 Thess. 1:10). This interest in the divine Son of God does not mean that Paul was ignorant of or disinterested in the life and teachings of Jesus. Elsewhere he implies knowledge of Jesus’ teachings (e.g., Rom. 14:14; 1 Cor. 7:10–11) and refers to the incarnation (e.g., 2 Cor. 8:9; Col. 2:9).
A number of titles are used to describe Jesus in Paul’s letters, including “Lord” and “Christ/Messiah” (and variations such as “Lord Jesus Christ” and “Christ Jesus”), “Savior,” and “Seed of David” (Rom. 1:3). But probably the most apt expression of Jesus’ nature according to Paul is “Son of God” (e.g., Rom. 1:4; 2 Cor. 1:19; Gal. 2:20). This language of sonship suggests that Jesus is the means of God’s salvation and glory and is the special agent through whom the Father acts. Referring to Jesus as “Son” also underscores Jesus’ unique relationship to God the Father and his unique role in executing the ordained plan of salvation for the elect.
We might also add that Paul provides the building blocks of what would later become a full-blown trinitarian theology, such as in the benediction of 2 Cor. 13:14 and in general exhortations about the gospel (1 Cor. 2:1–5). It must be emphasized that Paul’s Christology cannot be separated from his eschatology, soteriology, and ecclesiology. The sending of God’s Son (see Rom. 8:3; Gal. 4:4–5) into the world marks the coming of redemption and salvation through the cross and resurrection of the Son, and these are appropriated by faith. Those who believe become members of the restored Israel, the renewed Adamic race, and constituent members of the body of Christ. To that we might add the experiential element of Paul’s Christology as Jesus is known in the experience of salvation, prayer, and worship (e.g., Gal. 2:19–20).
The General Letters. The General Letters (also called the Catholic Epistles) provide a further array of images and explorations into the person and work of Jesus Christ and how they relate to the community of faith. The message of Hebrews is essentially “Jesus is better!” He is better than the angels and better than Moses; he is a better high priest; he offers a better sacrifice, establishes a better law, and instigates a better covenant. This letter is a sermonic exhortation against falling away from the faith (e.g., 2:1–4), and toward that end the author sets before his readers the magnificence of Jesus Christ, who is “the same yesterday and today and forever” (13:8).
James has little christological content and focuses instead on exhortations that bear remarkable resemblance to the teachings of Jesus from the Gospels. Even so, the letter makes passing reference to the “glorious Lord Jesus Christ” (2:1; cf. 1:1).
Central to 1 Peter is the glory and salvation that will be manifested at the revelation of Jesus Christ at his second coming (1:5, 7, 9, 13; 4:13; 5:1). Much attention is given to Jesus’ sacrificial death as a lamb (1:19), the example of his suffering (2:21–23; 4:1–2, 13), and the substitutionary nature of his death (2:24; 3:18). He is the Shepherd and Overseer of the souls of Christians (2:25). Peter writes this to encourage congregations in Asia Minor living under adverse conditions, and he sets before them the pattern of Jesus as a model for their own journey.
In 2 Peter we find a mix of Jewish eschatological concepts and Hellenistic religious language, with the author seeking to defend the apostolic gospel in a pagan culture. Jesus is the source of knowledge (1:2, 8; 2:20) and righteousness (1:1). Much emphasis is given to the coming kingdom of Jesus Christ (1:11, 16; 3:10). Jesus is the sustainer and renewer of the church and also the coming judge of the entire world.
Similar themes can be found in Jude, which is addressed to a group of believers who have been infiltrated by false teachers promoting licentiousness. Jude declares the infiltrators to be condemned and calls on the believers to hold fast to the faith. Jesus is the “Sovereign and Lord” (v. 4), Jesus saved people out of Egypt during the exodus (v. 5 [but see marginal notes on the variant reading “Lord”]), the second coming of Jesus will mark the revelation of his “mercy” (v. 21), and the benediction ascribes “glory, majesty, power and authority” to God through Jesus (v. 25). Most characteristic of all is the emphasis upon Jesus/God as the one who keeps the believers in the grip of his saving power (vv. 1, 21, 23).
The Letters of John take up where the Gospel of John left off, focusing on Jesus as the incarnate Word of God. The first of the three Johannine Epistles appears to have been written in a context where a community of Christians was being pressured by Jews to deny that Jesus is the Messiah (2:22) and also by dissident docetists to deny that Jesus had a physical body (4:2; 5:6). The major focus, however, is on Jesus as the Son of God (1:3, 7; 2:23; 3:8, 23; 4:9–10, 15; 5:11) and the incarnation of God’s very own truth and love (3:16; cf. 2 John 3).
Revelation. The Christology of the book of Revelation is best summed up in the opening description of Jesus as “him who is, and who was, and who is to come,” which underscores the lordship of Jesus over the past, present, and future. John then describes Jesus with the threefold titles “the faithful witness, the firstborn from the dead, and the ruler of the kings of the earth” (1:4–5). In many ways, the story and Christology of Revelation are paradoxical. Jesus is both the victim of Roman violence and the victor over human evil. Jesus is the suffering “Lamb of God” and the powerful “Lion of the tribe of Judah.” In Rev. 4–5 we are given a picture of the worship in heaven and the enthronement of Jesus, and yet the realities on earth are a dearth of heavenly goodness, with persecution and apostasy rampant (Rev. 1–3). This tension continues until the final revelation of Jesus, when the heavenly Lord returns to bring the goodness and power of heaven to transform the perils of the earth and bring his people into the new Jerusalem.
Summary
The primary fixtures of a biblical Christology are (1) Jesus Christ is the promised deliverer intimated in Israel’s Scriptures, whose identity and mission are anticipated and illuminated by the law and the prophets; (2) the man Jesus of Nazareth is identified with the risen and exalted Lord Jesus Christ; and (3) Jesus participates in the very identity and being of God. See also Jesus Christ.
The study of human beings, their nature and origins. The Christian understanding of anthropology stems from a biblical view of humankind’s relationship to God.
The Origin of Humankind
According to Genesis, the creation of humankind took place on the sixth day of the creation week. The amount of narrative space allotted to this day (Gen. 1:24–31) testifies to the special importance of what happened. Human beings were made on the same day as the animals. Human beings were not given a day of their own, showing that they have a certain kinship with the animals, although they are far more than highly successful and adaptive mammals. This has implications for the care of animals and of the environment generally. The value of human beings and their special place in the created order is clear in passages such as Pss. 8:5–6; 104:14–15.
Created in the image of God. When it came to the making of human beings, God deliberated over this crucial step (Gen. 1:26). The plural of exhortation in “Let us make man in our image” signals that the decision to make humankind was the most important one that God had made so far. Genesis 1 says that human beings are like God in some way.
Various opinions have been canvassed as to what the “image” is. We cannot totally exclude the physical form of humans, given God’s humanoid form in OT appearances (theophanies; e.g., Isa. 6:1; Ezek. 1:26; Amos 9:1). The image has sometimes been interpreted as a task, the exercising of dominion (Gen. 1:28), with humanity appointed as creation’s king, ruling under God. But the image is better understood as the precondition for rule rather than rule itself. The image shows human worth (Gen. 9:6) and differentiates humans from all other creatures. It is proper for the Bible to use anthropomorphic language for God, for humans are remarkably like God. Both male and female are in the image of God (“in the image of God he created them; male and female he created them” [1:27]), so that the divine image is not maleness, nor is sexual differentiation the image. Commonly, the image of God is thought to be some peculiar quality of human beings—for example, rationality, speech, moral sense, personality, humans as relational beings.
Every century has its own view of what is the essence of humanity. However, nothing in the passage allows a choice among such alternatives. The point of the passage is simply the fact of the likeness, with no exact definition being provided. The fact of the image is the basis of the divine prohibition of murder and of the strict penalty applied to the transgressor (9:4–6). The fall into sin affected every aspect of the human constitution, and the Bible does not minimize the fact of human sinfulness (Gen. 6:5; 8:21; Rom. 3:10–18); nevertheless, humans are still in the image of God (Gen. 5:1–3; 9:6; 1 Cor. 11:7). God’s plan of salvation is aimed at ridding creation (and especially humanity) of the baneful effects of sin, and this will be achieved through the work of Christ, who is the image of God (2 Cor. 4:4; Col. 1:15–20; Heb. 1:1–3; 2:5–18). The outcome will be the conformity of believers in Christ to his glorious image (Rom. 8:29–30; 2 Cor. 3.18).
Place in the created order. God’s purpose in giving human beings the divine image is “so they may rule” (NET [Gen. 1:26b translated as a purpose clause]). The syntax suggests that the image is a presupposition of dominion. It is plain that such a delegated authority makes humans stewards. The vegetarian diet of Gen.1:29 (there was no eating of meat at first) represents a limitation to the human right of dominion. Adam’s naming of the animals was (in part) expressive of his sovereignty over them (2:19). Later, Noah was charged to bring pairs of animals into the ark to preserve them alive (6:19–20), showing care for other creatures. The patriarchs tended flocks (13:2–9; 26:12–14), and Joseph’s relief measures saved the lives of people and animals (47:15–18). The wanton destruction of the Promised Land was expressly forbidden (Deut. 20:19–20). Humanity is accountable to God for the stewardship of the earth. The divine command “be fruitful and multiply” (Gen. 1:28 NRSV) shows that God’s purpose is that the human race populate the whole earth.
At Gen. 2:7 the biblical narrative becomes thoroughly anthropocentric, picturing the little world that God establishes around the first man, so this account is quite different from the cosmic presentation of Gen. 1. In Gen. 1 humankind is the apex of a pyramid, the last and highest of a series of creatures; in Gen. 2 the man is the center of a circle, everything else made to fit around him, and his connection to the physical earth is emphasized. In either view, a very special place is given to human beings in the created order. The two pictures are complementary, not contradictory.
The “man” (’adam) is formed from the “ground” (’adamah), with the related Hebrew words making a pun. Man’s name reminds him of his earthy origins. He is made from the “dust,” which hints at his coming death. He will return to the dust (Gen. 3:19; cf. Job 10:8–9; Ps. 103:14; Isa. 29:16). The reference to “the breath of life” (Gen. 2:7) is due to the fact that this leaves a person at death (Job 34:14–15; Ps. 104:29–30), so man’s (potential) mortality is implied. Ironically, the making of man is described using the language of death. What is described in Gen. 2 is the making of the first man, from whom the rest of the human race has descended, not the making of humankind, though the word ’adam can mean that in other contexts.
The Nature of Humankind
Body, soul, and spirit. Arguments over whether human nature is bipartite (body and soul) or tripartite (body, soul, spirit) are not to be decided by arbitrary appeal to isolated verses. Verses can be found in apparent support for both the first view (e.g., Matt. 10:28) and the second (e.g., 1 Thess. 5:23), but certainly the first scheme is much more prevalent in the Bible. “Soul” and “spirit” can be used interchangeably (Eccles. 3:21; 12:7; Ezek. 18:31). Death is marked by the parting of soul/spirit and body, but it would be a mistake to think that human beings are made up of separate component parts, or that the physical body is only a dispensable shell and not essential to true humanity. The physicality of human existence in the “body” is owned and celebrated in Scripture, part of that being the positive attitude to sexuality when properly expressed (Song of Songs; 1 Cor. 7) and the nonascetic nature of biblical ethics (1 Cor. 10:31; Col. 2:23). The doctrine of the resurrection of the body is the fullest expression of this (1 Cor. 15), in contrast to ancient Greek thought that viewed the body as inherently evil and understood salvation as the immortality of the liberated, disembodied soul.
The different words used in relation to persons are only intended to refer to and at times focus on different aspects of unified human nature. References to the “soul” may stress individual responsibility (e.g., Ezek. 18:4 NASB: “The soul who sins will die”). In Ps. 103:1–2, “O my soul” expresses emphatic self-encouragement to praise God and is in parallel with “all my inmost being”—that is, “my whole being” (an example of synecdoche: a part standing for the whole [cf. Ps. 35:10]). These are ways of referring to oneself as a person who expresses will and intention (cf. Ps. 42:5–6, 11). The “flesh” is used to stress the weakness of mortal humanity (e.g., Isa. 40:6 RSV: “All flesh is grass”). The “heart” is the volitional center of a human being (Prov. 4:23; cf. Mark 7:17–23). The emotional and empathetic reactions of humans are described by reference to the organs: “liver,” “kidneys,” “bowels.”
Morals and responsibility. In Gen. 2 the complexities of the man’s moral relation to God and his relations with the soil, with the animals, and with the woman are explored. God deposited the man in the garden “to work it and take care of it” (2:15). The words chosen to designate the man’s work prior to the fall have an aura of worship about them, for they are later used in the OT for the cultic actions of serving and guarding within the sanctuary. The priests served by offering sacrifices, and the Levites guarded the gates of the sacred precinct. A theology of work as a religious vocation is presented. The man was a kind of king-priest in the garden of God.
The moral responsibility of humanity is signaled from the beginning. God’s command gives permission for the man to eat from “any tree” except one (Gen. 2:16–17) and as such indicates man’s freedom, so that this command is no great restriction. The wording “you are free to eat” reinforces the point about God’s generous provision. The prohibition is embedded in the description of God’s fatherly care for the man and gracious act in placing him in the garden. The divine restriction is slight and not at all overbearing, though the serpent will seek to make it appear mean-spirited (3:1). The command and prohibition are the very first words of God to the man, marking them out as of fundamental importance for the relationship between them. The prohibition (“you must not eat . . .”) is an absolute one in the style of the Decalogue (Exod. 20:1–17; Deut. 5:6–21). What is placed before the man is a test that gives him the opportunity to express his loyalty to God. A relationship of obedience and trust requires the possibility of choice and the opportunity to disobey (if that is what he wants to do). The moral nature and responsibility of individuals is not a late discovery by the prophet Ezekiel (Ezek. 18); rather, it is the presupposition behind the Mosaic law, for the commands of the Decalogue (“you shall not . . .”) are phrased as commands to individuals (as the Hebrew makes clear). On the other hand, the concept of corporate responsibility is also present (e.g., Achan’s punishment in Josh. 7).
Relationships. Human beings are relational by nature, as the creation of the woman as a helper and partner for the first man makes plain (Gen. 2:18–25). Later in Scripture this is put in more general terms, so that friendship and mutual cooperation are shown to be essential to life (Eccles. 4:7–12). The body life of the church reflects the same fact and need (1 Cor. 12). In Psalms, human needs and vulnerability find their answer and fulfillment in God, with the psalmist acknowledging his frailty and his creaturely dependence on God (e.g., Ps. 90). This also shows the folly of sinful human pride, against which the prophets so often inveighed (e.g., Isa. 2:9, 11–17, 22).
An ancestor of a family that belonged to the “servants of Solomon” (Ezra 2:55; Neh. 7:57 [there spelled “Perida”]) and returned with Zerubbabel around 539 BC. Little is known about this group except that it likely performed menial functions at the temple, as it is grouped with the “temple servants” (see Nethinim). The name of the group suggests that it was formed during the period of Solomon, though it could have been so named because Solomon built the first temple.
An English synonym of “wicked,” “perverse” serves as a translation of various Hebrew and Greek words that describe something or someone who deviates from that which is good, just, or upright. In Proverbs, where “perverse” occurs most frequently, perversity is linked to wickedness (2:12), crookedness (8:8), evil (8:13), and deceit (17:20). Conversely, it is contrasted with uprightness (3:32), justice (8:8), righteousness (10:31–32), and blamelessness/integrity (11:20; 19:1; 28:6). “Perverse” was a moral adjective that did not describe merely individuals. A heart could be perverse (Ps. 101:4), as could a tongue and its speech (Prov. 10:31–32; Acts 20:30 NASB). Both Testaments can even speak of a “perverse generation” (Deut. 32:20; Matt. 17:17; Acts 2:40 NASB).
A widespread plague or epidemic bringing death. In most cases, pestilence is presented as divine judgment. One of the ten plagues was a pestilence on livestock; all the Egyptian livestock in the fields died, but none of Israel’s (Exod. 9:1–7). After David numbered the people, he had the choice of three punishments; seventy thousand people died in three days of pestilence (1 Chron. 21:12). In Ps. 91:3, 6, God protects from pestilence, even though “a thousand may fall at your side, ten thousand at your right hand” (91:7). At the temple dedication Solomon prayed that God will hear those who pray humbly, even in times of pestilence. Eighteen times in the OT the term occurs in the triad of sword, famine, and pestilence; this triad appears in conjunction with one of the horsemen of Revelation (6:8).
Used with a mortar, a rounded implement of wood or stone used for grinding or powdering a substance (Prov. 27:22). See also Mortar.
Simon Peter is the best-known and the most colorful of Jesus’ twelve disciples. The name “Peter” means “rock” in Greek. In some biblical texts, he is also called “Cephas,” which is the Aramaic word for “rock” (see esp. John 1:42). Despite the ups and downs of Peter’s spiritual life, God was able to use him as the foundational apostle for the establishment of the NT church. Peter first met Jesus immediately after Jesus’ baptism, when Peter’s brother, Andrew, heard John the Baptist’s identification of Jesus as the Lamb of God (John 1:35). In classic missionary style, “the first thing Andrew did was to find his brother Simon and tell him, ‘We have found the Messiah’ ” (John 1:41). Peter’s official call to ministry took place later, when he was fishing on the Sea of Galilee and Jesus issued the well-known invitation “Come, follow me, . . . and I will send you out to fish for people” (Matt. 4:19).
Peter was the chief spokesman for the disciples at Caesarea Philippi when Jesus asked them, “Who do people say the Son of Man is?” (Matt. 16:13). Peter responded, “You are the Messiah, the Son of the living God,” an insight given him by God the Father (16:16–17). Jesus promised him, “I tell you that you are Peter [petros], and on this rock [petra] I will build my church, and the gates of Hades will not overcome it” (16:18). Yet Peter almost immediately became a “stumbling block” to Jesus when he chided Jesus for saying that he must go to Jerusalem and suffer many things and be killed (16:21–22). Another major failure by Peter came with his threefold denial of Jesus after Jesus had warned him, “This very night, before the rooster crows, you will disown me three times” (Matt. 26:34). Fortunately, there were tears of repentance, and Peter was forgiven and restored after Jesus’ threefold question (“Do you love me?” [John 21:15–19]).
Jesus’ death and resurrection, as well as the giving of the Holy Spirit on the day of Pentecost, had stabilizing effects on Peter. After Jesus’ ascension, Peter exercised primary leadership among the other disciples during the upper room prayer meetings and the choosing of the replacement for Judas (Acts 1). Peter clearly was the public spokesman for the apostles on the day of Pentecost and a key player in the establishment of the church in Jerusalem (Acts 2–5), in receiving the first Samaritan converts (Acts 8:14–25), and in receiving Cornelius as the first Gentile convert (Acts 10–11). Following Peter’s miraculous deliverance from prison in Acts 12, he essentially disappears from recorded history. By the time of the Jerusalem council (Acts 15), Peter reappeared briefly, but by this time he had been replaced by James as the leader of the Jerusalem church. Peter apparently continued to live as a missionary (1 Cor. 9:5), specifically “to the circumcised” (Gal. 2:7–8), for the rest of his life. Yet Peter was still human, and on one occasion Paul gave him a stinging rebuke (Gal. 2:11–21).
During his travels, Peter undoubtedly visited the recipients of his later letter 1 Peter (and possibly 2 Peter) in north central Asia Minor (the regions of “Pontus, Galatia, Cappadocia, Asia and Bithynia” [1 Pet. 1:1]), possibly Corinth (1 Cor. 1:12; 3:22), and, at least by the end of his life, Rome itself. According to tradition, he was put to death by Nero between AD 64 and 68, apparently by being crucified upside down (cf. John 21:18–19). Peter’s life is a vivid illustration of the Christian’s fight for faith, God’s gracious provision, and Jesus’ intercession on his behalf (“I have prayed for you, Simon, that your faith may not fail” [Luke 22:32]).
(1) The leader of the nineteenth of twenty-four priestly divisions during the reign of David (1 Chron. 24:16). (2) A Levite who renounced his foreign wife concurrent with Ezra’s persuasion (Ezra 10:23). In addition, he is likely the same Levite who participated in the ratification of the covenant (Neh. 9:5, 38). (3) The son of Meshezabel in the line of Judah, he functioned as an intermediary between the king of Persia and the people in Jerusalem (Neh. 11:24).
The home of Balaam the seer, hired by Balak king of Moab to curse the Israelites (Num. 22:5; Deut. 23:4). Pethor is located in upper Mesopotamia on the western shore of the Euphrates, possibly to be identified with Tell Ahmar, eighteen miles south of Carchemish.
The father of Joel the prophet according to the superscription in Joel 1:1. The name possibly means “opening of God” or “young man of God.” In the LXX it is “Bathouel.”
A distinction needs to be made between the various occurrences of the words “pray” and “prayer” in most translations of the Bible and the modern connotation of the same words. In the OT, the main Hebrew words translated as “to pray” and “prayer” (palal and tepillah) refer to the act of bringing a petition or request before God. They do not normally, if ever, refer to the other elements that we today think of as being included in the act of praying, such as praise or thanksgiving. The same is the case in the NT, where the main Greek words translated “to pray” and “prayer” (proseuchomai and proseuchē) also specifically denote making a petition or request to God. But other words and constructions in both Testaments are also translated “to pray” and “prayer,” and this article will deal with the larger concept, including praise, thanksgiving, petition, and confession, as opposed to the narrower meaning of the particular Hebrew and Greek terms (see also Praise; Thanksgiving; Worship).
Old Testament
In the OT there is no language or understanding comparable to modern ways of talking about prayer as conversational or dialogical. Prayer does not involve mutuality. Prayer is something that humans offer to God, and the situation is never reversed; God does not pray to humans. Understanding this preserves the proper distinction between the sovereign God and the praying subject. Therefore, prayers in the OT are reverential. Some OT prayers have extended introductions, such as that found in Neh. 1:5, that seem to pile up names for God. These should be seen as instances not of stiltedness or ostentation, but rather as setting up a kind of “buffer zone” in recognition of the distance between the Creator and the creature. In the NT, compare the same phenomenon in Eph. 1:17.
Many of the prayers in the OT are explicitly set in a covenantal context. God owes nothing to his creatures, but God has sworn to be faithful to those with whom he has entered into covenant. Thus, many OT prayers specifically appeal to the covenant as a motivation for both those praying and God’s answering (1 Kings 8:23–25; Neh. 1:5–11; 9:32; Pss. 25:10–11; 44:17–26; 74:20; 89:39–49). In postexilic books such as Ezra, Nehemiah, and Daniel, an important feature in the recorded prayers is the use of prior Scripture, praying God’s words (many times covenantal) back to him (in the NT, see Acts 4:24–30). Also, the closeness engendered by the covenant relationship between God and his people was unique in the ancient Near Eastern context. So Moses can marvel, “What other nation is so great as to have their gods near them the way the Lord our God is near us whenever we pray to him?” (Deut. 4:7).
Prayer must be made from a heart that is right toward God. There is no guarantee that God will hear every prayer (Ps. 66:18; Prov. 1:28; Isa. 1:15; 59:2). For the most part, the “rightness” that God requires in prayer is “a broken and contrite heart” (Ps. 51:17; cf. Isa. 66:2).
Although several passages talk about prayer in the context of sacrifice (e.g., Gen. 13:4), there is surprisingly little emphasis on prayer in the legal texts about sacrifice in the Pentateuch, no prescriptions for the kinds of prayer or the words that are to be said in connection with the sacrifices. Interestingly, however, in later, perhaps postexilic contexts, where there is no temple and therefore no sacrifice, we find texts such as Ps. 141:2, where the petitioner asks God to accept prayer as if it were an offering of incense and the evening sacrifice (cf. Prov. 15:8; in the NT, see Rev. 5:8).
A presupposition of prayer in the OT is that God hears prayer and may indeed answer and effect the change being requested. Prayer is not primarily about changing the psychological state or the heart of the one praying, but rather about God changing the circumstances of the one praying.
There is a striking honesty, some would even say brashness, evident in many OT prayers. Jeremiah laments that God has deceived both the people (Jer. 4:10) and Jeremiah himself (20:7) and complains about God’s justice (12:1–4). Job stands, as it were, in God’s face and demands that the Almighty answer his questions (Job 31:35–37). The psalmist accuses God of having broken his covenant promises (Ps. 89:39). While it is true that God does, to some extent, rebuke Jeremiah and Job (Jer. 12:5; Job 38–42), he does not ignore them or cast them aside. This would seem, ultimately, to encourage such honesty and boldness on the part of those who pray.
Literarily, accounts of prayers in narratives serve to provide characterizations of the ones praying. The recorded prayers of people such as Abraham, Moses, Hannah, Ezra, and Nehemiah demonstrate their true piety and humility before God. By contrast, the prayer of Jonah recorded in Jon. 2, in its narrative context, betrays a certain hypocrisy on the part of the reluctant prophet.
New Testament
The depiction of prayer in the NT is largely consistent with that of the OT, but there are important developments.
Jesus tells his disciples to address God as “Father” (Matt. 6:9; cf. Rom. 8:15; Gal. 4:6). Although recent scholarship has demonstrated that “Abba” is not the equivalent of our “daddy,” it expresses a certain intimacy that goes beyond what was prevalent at the time, but retains an element of reverence as well. God is not just “Father,” but “our Father in heaven” (Matt. 6:9). Even Jesus addresses God as “Holy Father” (John 17:11), “Righteous Father” (John 17:25), and “Father, Lord of heaven and earth” (Matt. 11:25). And Paul, as mentioned earlier, uses a buffer zone, rarely in his epistles using the word “Father” by itself, but instead referring to “God our Father” (e.g., Rom. 1:7) and frequently using the phrase “the God and Father of our Lord Jesus Christ” (Rom. 15:6; 2 Cor. 1:3; 11:31; Eph. 1:3; cf. Eph. 1:17; Col. 1:3). God is our Father, but still he is a Father before whom one reverently kneels (Eph. 3:14).
Prayer to God is now to be made in the name of Jesus (Matt. 18:19–20; John 14:13; 15:16; 16:23–26). While there is some debate as to the exact nuance of this idea, it seems clear that, at the very least, prayers in Jesus’ name need to be ones that Jesus would affirm and are in accordance with his holy character and expressed will. It is, in essence, saying to God that the prayer being offered is one that Jesus would approve.
Prayer can also be made to Jesus (John 14:14), and such devotion to him in the early church is evidence of his being regarded as deity. The instances of this in the NT are rare, however, and generally either exclamatory or rhetorical (Acts 7:59; 1 Cor. 16:22; Rev. 22:20). The norm would still seem to be that prayer is to be made to the Father, through Jesus’ name.
Unlike anything prior in the OT, Jesus tells his followers to pray for their enemies (Matt. 5:44). Jesus and his followers serve as examples (Luke 23:34; Acts 7:60).
The Holy Spirit plays a vital role in prayers. It is by him that we are able to call out, “Abba, Father” (Rom. 8:15; Gal. 4:6). The Spirit himself intercedes for us (Rom. 8:26). Our praying is to be done in the Spirit (Eph. 6:18; Jude 20; possibly 1 Cor. 14:15).
Jesus encourages fervent and even continual or repeated prayer (Luke 18:1–8), but not showy or repetitive prayer (Matt. 6:5–8).
Jesus becomes the model of prayer. He prays before important decisions (Luke 6:12–13) and in connection with significant crisis points (Matt. 14:23; 26:36–44; Luke 3:21; 9:29; John 12:27). He offers prayers that are not answered (Luke 22:41–44) and prayers that are (Heb. 5:7). Even as he tells his disciples to always pray and not give up (Luke 18:1 [which is also the meaning of the sometimes overly literalized “pray without ceasing” in 1 Thess. 5:17 NRSV]), so he himself wrestles in prayer (Luke 22:41–44; Heb. 5:7). He has prayed for his disciples (John 17; Luke 22:32), and even now, in heaven, he still intercedes for us (Heb. 7:25). Indeed, our intercession before God’s throne is valid because his is (Heb. 4:14–16).
A large city located about fifty miles south of the Dead Sea. The “Rose-Red City” lies at the bottom of a natural basin surrounded by steep cliffs. The usual entrance is through the Siq, a twisting, narrow fissure in the mountains. Petra is considered one of the wonders of the world for its beauty, Hellenistic architecture, buildings carved into mountains, and hydraulic engineering. Petra may have been the Edomite stronghold Sela (2 Kings 14:7), but by the first century it was the capital of the Nabatean kingdom, which rivaled the Hasmoneans and Herod.
A gatekeeper and the eighth son of Obed-Edom, who had been blessed by God for housing the ark of the covenant. With his brothers, Peullethai was stationed at the storehouse by the South Gate of Jerusalem (1 Chron. 26:5, 15).
A gatekeeper and the eighth son of Obed-Edom, who had been blessed by God for housing the ark of the covenant. With his brothers, Peullethai was stationed at the storehouse by the South Gate of Jerusalem (1 Chron. 26:5, 15).
A son of Eber, the brother of Joktan, and the father of Reu, he lived 239 years (Gen. 10:25; 11:16–19; 1 Chron. 1:19). He was a direct descendant of Noah through Shem and an ancestor of the patriarch Abraham (1 Chron. 1:25). He is included in the Lukan genealogy of Jesus (Luke 3:35).
It is noted that the earth was divided in Peleg’s time (Gen. 10:25; 1 Chron. 1:19). The Hebrew word translated as “divided” is a play on the name “Peleg,” both having the same Hebrew root. This interesting statement has been variously interpreted. It may be a reference to the division of languages at the tower of Babel (Gen. 11:1–9), the spreading of Noah’s descendants after the flood (“from these the nations spread out over the earth after the flood” [Gen. 10:32]), or something else of unknown referent. This is probably a reference to the outcome of the tower of Babel, noted as a significant event in the Genesis record.
The second son of Reuben (Gen. 46:9; Exod. 6:14; 1 Chron. 5:3), the father of Eliab (Num. 26:8), and the ancestor of the Palluites (Num. 26:5).
A shortened form of the Hebrew name “Paltiel.” (1) The son of Raphu from Benjamin, he was one of the scouts who returned a negative report about the inhabitants of Canaan to Moses (Num. 13:9). (2) The son of Laish from Gallim who lost his wife Michal, whom Saul had given to him (1 Sam. 25:44 [NIV: “Paltiel”]), because of a previous marriage contract that Saul had made with David involving a bride-price of a hundred Philistine foreskins (2 Sam. 3:13–16).
(1) A tribal chief from Issachar involved in the division of the land (Num. 34:26). (2) The son of Laish, from Gallim, to whom Saul gave Michal when he took her from David (1 Sam. 25:44, here called “Palti” in some versions). He tearfully followed her when Ish-Bosheth returned her to David (2 Sam. 3:15–16).
(1) A place, and later a town, on the Jabbok River about eight miles west of the Jordan. The name “Penuel” (NIV: “Peniel”), meaning “face of God,” was given to this place by Jacob after he wrestled there with “a man” and then said that he had seen God “face to face” (Gen. 32:22–32). When Gideon was pursuing the Midianites, the people of Penuel refused to provide food for his men, and so when he returned, he destroyed their tower and killed the men (Judg. 8:8–9, 17). The fortifying of this town was one of Jeroboam’s first acts as king of Israel (1 Kings 12:25). (2) A descendant of Judah and the father of Gedor (1 Chron. 4:4). (3) A descendant of Benjamin and one of the sons of Shashak (1 Chron. 8:25). (4) The otherwise unknown father of the prophet Anna from the tribe of Asher, mentioned only in Luke 2:36 (many versions render the name as “Phanuel”).
From an Egyp-tian term meaning “great house,” “Pharaoh” refers to Egypt’s supreme leader. The Pentateuch refers to the pharaohs by title only. (The omission of the personal name of the pharaoh may reflect the Egyptian practice of not naming their enemies.) Abraham lied to the pharaoh of his day about his marital status out of fear for his life (Gen. 12:10–20). Joseph helped the pharaoh survive and thrive during a famine; in return, the pharaoh exalted Joseph and provided for his family (Gen. 40–47). A pharaoh oppressed the Israelites in Egypt (Exod. 1); from the next pharaoh, Moses and Aaron requested and ultimately won permission to free the Israelites from their bondage (Exod. 1–15).
Beyond the Pentateuch, six other pharaohs are mentioned, some by name. (1) Solomon married the daughter of a pharaoh who led him to betray God (1 Kings 3:1). (2) Jeroboam rebelled against Solomon and received sanctuary from Pharaoh Shishak, who later raided Judah under Rehoboam (1 Kings 11:18, 40). (3) Hoshea, the last king of the northern kingdom, sought help from Pharaoh So (Osorkon), bringing on him the wrath of King Shalmaneser of Assyria (2 Kings 17:4). (4) The Assyrian king Sennacherib sent an envoy to Jerusalem who chided Hezekiah for depending on an unnamed and unreliable pharaoh (2 Kings 18:21; Isa. 36:6). (5) Pharaoh Necho meddled in the affairs of Judah when he killed Josiah and deposed his son Jehoahaz, replacing him with Jehoiakim (2 Kings 23:29–35). (6) Pharaoh Hophra was the Egyptian leader upon whom Zedekiah vainly depended against the Babylonians (Jer. 44:30).
A grandson of Jacob, a son of Judah by Tamar, and the father of Hezron listed in the ancestry of David and Jesus (Gen. 46:12; Ruth 4:18; 1 Chron. 2:4–5; 4:1; Matt. 1:3; Luke 3:33). His was a key ancestral touchstone name (Num. 26:20–21; Ruth 4:12; 1 Chron. 9:4; 27:3; Neh. 11:4–6), meaning “breach” or “breaking out,” as he broke out of the womb ahead of his firstborn twin brother, Zerah (Gen. 38:29).
A grandson of Jacob, a son of Judah by Tamar, and the father of Hezron listed in the ancestry of David and Jesus (Gen. 46:12; Ruth 4:18; 1 Chron. 2:4–5; 4:1; Matt. 1:3; Luke 3:33). His was a key ancestral touchstone name (Num. 26:20–21; Ruth 4:12; 1 Chron. 9:4; 27:3; Neh. 11:4–6), meaning “breach” or “breaking out,” as he broke out of the womb ahead of his firstborn twin brother, Zerah (Gen. 38:29).
The head of a clan that was part of the early return to Judah from Babylonian captivity sometime between 539 and 520 BC (Ezra 2:3; Neh. 7:8). The same clan sent Zechariah and 150 men at the time of Ezra around 458 BC (Ezra 8:3). Seven members of this clan were later found guilty of intermarriage with foreigners (Ezra 10:25). Parosh is also listed as one who sealed the covenant renewal led by Ezra (Neh. 10:14). He is also the father of Pedaiah, one of the wall builders (Neh. 3:25).
A river in the region of Damascus mentioned by the Syrian general Naaman as being superior to the Jordan River (2 Kings 5:12). Its exact identity is uncertain, but often it is identified with the Wadi el-Awaj, which flows just south of Damascus.
A grandson of Jacob, a son of Judah by Tamar, and the father of Hezron listed in the ancestry of David and Jesus (Gen. 46:12; Ruth 4:18; 1 Chron. 2:4–5; 4:1; Matt. 1:3; Luke 3:33). His was a key ancestral touchstone name (Num. 26:20–21; Ruth 4:12; 1 Chron. 9:4; 27:3; Neh. 11:4–6), meaning “breach” or “breaking out,” as he broke out of the womb ahead of his firstborn twin brother, Zerah (Gen. 38:29).
(1) A Judahite man of Rekah, he was one of the three sons of Eshton (1 Chron. 4:12). (2) One of the ancestors of the temple servants (Nethinim) who returned to Jerusalem after the Babylonian captivity under the leadership of Zerubbabel in 539 BC or soon after (Ezra 2:49; Neh. 7:51). (3) The father of Joiada, who helped repair the Jeshanah Gate (Neh. 3:6).
(1) In the KJV, an alternate spelling for “Phoenicia” (NIV), delineating the coastal people group that settled along the Mediterranean from Syria to northern Palestine (Acts 11:19; 15:3). See Phoenicia. (2) In the KJV, an alternate spelling for “Phoenix” (NIV), a harbor in southern Crete (Acts 27:12). See Phoenix.
The Greek name for a city in the delta region of Egypt, about fifty miles northeast of Cairo. Known in modern Egypt as Tell Basta, the name originates from the hieroglyphic Per-Bast, meaning “house of Bastet.” The city was the center of worship for the Egyptian cat-goddess Bastet, who became associated with Artemis and whose cult had developed into a popular and joyous festival for Egyptians and foreigners by the fifth century BC. The sole biblical reference is Ezek. 30:17, where Bubastis (NRSV: “Pi-beseth”; KJV: “Pibeseth”) is named in a judgment oracle against Egypt.
The commander of Abimelek’s army, referred to in conjunction with the establishment of covenants with Abraham (Gen. 21:22, 32) and Isaac (Gen. 26:26). The two accounts are possibly discussing two different people, since sixty to seventy years separate the events. Therefore, this may be a reference to a family title, which could serve to connect them.
The commander of Abimelek’s army, referred to in conjunction with the establishment of covenants with Abraham (Gen. 21:22, 32) and Isaac (Gen. 26:26). The two accounts are possibly discussing two different people, since sixty to seventy years separate the events. Therefore, this may be a reference to a family title, which could serve to connect them.
The city of the sixth of the seven churches in Rev. 2–3. The church in Philadelphia is commended for its deeds and faithfulness (Rev. 3:7–13). A city of commercial importance, it was founded in 189 BC by Eumenes II of Pergamum, who named it for his loyal brother and successor, Attalus II, called “Philadelphos.” See also Asia Minor, Cities of.
The leader of a house church that met at his home, likely in Colossae. He received a letter from Paul about a slave, Onesimus. The letter is addressed not only to Philemon but also to Apphia and Archippus (Apphia may be Philemon’s wife, and Archippus his son [cf. Col. 4:17]) and to his house church (Philem. 2). Paul writes asking Philemon to receive Onesimus back (the punishment for a runaway slave often was death). Paul uses strong rhetoric to try to convince Philemon, appealing to his love of Paul and reminding Philemon that Onesimus is now a Christian brother. Paul also offers to make restitution to Philemon, while reminding him of Paul’s own chains as a prisoner.
A false teacher condemned by Paul who, along with Hymenaeus, led believers astray by claiming that the resurrection had already taken place (2 Tim. 2:17).
(1) The tetrarch of Iturea and Traconitis, regions northeast of Palestine, at the time when John the Baptist’s public ministry began (Luke 3:1). (2) One of Jesus’ twelve apostles (Matt. 10:3; Mark 3:18; Luke 6:14; John 1:43). Philip, like Andrew and Peter, was from Bethsaida (John 1:44). It was Philip who introduced Nathanael to Jesus (John 1:45–48). John’s Gospel mentions Philip three times subsequent to chapter 1 (6:5–7; 12:20–22; 14:6–10), in the last instance recording Philip’s shortsighted request for Jesus to show the Father to the apostles. The gnostic Gospel of Philip was named for Philip the apostle, based on a short comment in the text attributed to Philip (Gos. Phil. 73:8). (3) One of seven men selected by the Jerusalem church to care for the distribution of food to its widows (Acts 6:1–6). This man, also known as Philip the evangelist (21:8), shared the message of Jesus Christ in a city of Samaria, performing great miracles (8:5–13). Philip later explained the good news of Jesus to an Ethiopian eunuch whom he encountered (8:26–38). After Philip baptized the eunuch, “the Spirit of the Lord suddenly took Philip away” (8:39). Philip then preached in several towns, finally arriving at Caesarea, where he settled (8:40). Years later, Paul stayed in Caesarea with Philip and his four prophesying daughters (21:8–9).
A city in northeastern Macedonia, approximately ten miles from the Aegean coast. The city had its share of trade, being on the Via Egnatia, the main east-west route from the Adriatic through Thrace. The city lay on the plain between the mountains in the north and the sea to the south.
The city derived its name from its founder, Philip II of Macedon (father of Alexander the Great), who took the territory in 356 BC (formerly Crenides). As a through route between the mountains and the sea, Philippi was important for trade and military strategy. Those who held the area had at their disposal the rich resources of the sea and the mountains, including gold and silver mines.
The important battle of Philippi in 42 BC set the armies of Antony and Octavian against those of Brutus and Cassius on the plain outside Philippi. Eventually Brutus and Cassius were defeated, and Octavian came to power. Later the emperor made the city a Roman colony, and many military personnel settled there. It became a significant military outpost, and its citizens were bestowed with Roman citizenship (cf. Phil. 3:20, where Paul appeals to the issue of citizenship).
Luke identifies Philippi as the chief city of its division in Macedonia and as a Roman colony (Acts 16:12). Paul arrived in Philippi around AD 50–52 after receiving a divine injunction to spread the gospel there (16:9–10). There was a small Jewish population, but not enough for a synagogue (16:13), so the Jewish women of the city would go to a place beside the river to worship Yahweh. Paul brought the gospel to them there, and the first convert was a God-fearing woman, Lydia (16:14). The church established there was predominantly Gentile.
Paul came through the city again on his third missionary journey (Acts 20:6). As far as we know, this was the last time he saw the church, though he wrote back with thanks and instruction in his letter to the Philippian church.
Today there are some remains of the ancient city, but the modern city itself is quite small.
The land of the Philistines in the southern coastal plain along the Mediterranean. The borders extend south toward Egypt, north to Ekron near the Sorek River, and east to the Shephelah. The Pentapolis, which included the cities Gaza, Ekron, Ashkelon, Ashdod, and Gath, ruled Philistia. A major international trade route, the Via Maris, cut through Philistia (Exod. 13:17).
The Philistines inhabited the southern coastal plain of Palestine as early as the time of Abraham (Gen. 21:32, 34; 26:1, 8, 14–15, 18) and of Moses (Exod. 13:17; 15:14; 23:31), and as late as the exilic (Ezek. 16:27, 57; 25:15–16) and postexilic (Zech. 9:6) periods.
History and Culture
The geographical origin(s) of the Philistines cannot be stated with certainty, though it appears likely that at least some of the Philistines came from the vicinity of the Aegean Sea. The Philistines were descendants of the Kasluhites (Gen. 10:14; cf. 1 Chron. 1:12), a group whose identity is uncertain. Since the Kasluhites are descendants of Ham listed among other peoples from Egypt (Gen. 10:6, 13–14), perhaps the Philistines migrated from the Nile Delta to one of the Mediterranean islands before moving to Canaan.
There was apparently a close association between the Kasluhites and the Caphtorites (cf. Gen. 10:14), for Amos 9:7 suggests that the Philistines were from Caphtor (cf. Deut. 2:23; Jer. 47:4), a region usually identified with Crete. The connection with Crete is seen with greater clarity in Ezek. 25:16; Zeph. 2:5–6, for both prophets refer to the Philistines and the Kerethites (= Cretans) in parallel phrases. Caution leads us to note that the authors of Samuel and Kings, though frequently referring to the Philistines, did not clearly equate the Philistines and the Kerethites (cf. 1 Sam. 30:14; 2 Sam. 8:18; 15:18; 20:7, 23; 1 Kings 1:38, 44; 1 Chron. 18:17).
The material culture of the Philistines between about 1150 and 1000 BC shows similarities to, and likely influence from, what is found in the islands of the Aegean Sea, Mycenae (southern Greece), Crete, Anatolia (south-central Turkey), Cyprus (cf. Num. 24:24), Egypt, and Canaan.
Philistine pottery of this time resembles what has been found in Mycenae (bowls, jars, and cups), Crete (cups), Cyprus (bottles, vessels, and a hollow pottery ring), and Egypt (jugs and cups). The spear and defensive gear of Goliath (1 Sam. 17:5–7) were similar to the equipment of Aegean warriors. The hearths found at Tel Miqne (Ekron) and Tell Qasile were designed like those in Anatolia and the Aegean region. Philistine mud-brick altars were likely fashioned in light of Aegean, Cyprian, and Canaanite influence. The Ashdoda (a throne representing a female deity) reflects Mycenaean, Cyprian, and Canaanite inspiration. This archaeological evidence suggests that at least some of the Philistine inhabitants of the southern coastal plain of Palestine came from Mycenae (southern Greece) and the islands of the Aegean Sea in the late thirteenth or early twelfth centuries BC, passing through Cyprus and Crete (and perhaps Anatolia and/or Egypt) en route.
The Philistines adopted Canaanite gods (cf. 1 Sam. 17:43), including Dagon (Judg. 16:23; 1 Sam. 5:2–7), Ashtoreth (1 Sam. 31:10; cf. Judg. 10:6; 1 Sam. 7:3–4), and Baal-Zebub (“lord of flies,” probably a cynical distortion of Baal-Zebul, “lord of the [heavenly] dwelling”), the god of Ekron (2 Kings 1:2–6, 16).
The Philistine Pentapolis consisted of three cities on or near the Mediterranean coast (Ashkelon, Ashdod, and Gaza) and two inland cities (Ekron and Gath) under the authority of five rulers (cf. Josh. 13:3; Judg. 3:3; 1 Sam. 6:4, 16, 18).
Papyrus Harris I describes the defeat of the Philistines and other Sea Peoples by Ram-esses III (1198–1166 BC), while the Egyptian Onomasticon of Amenope (late twelfth or early eleventh century BC) refers to the Philistines as one of the ethnic groups that settled in Palestine.
Philistines in the Bible
The mention of Philistines in Gen. 21 and 26 refers either to early inhabitants of the territory that later would be inhabited by Philistines or to peoples who later would become part of the Philistine nation. The Philistines mentioned in the Bible may constitute diverse peoples who migrated by land or by sea to the southern coastal region of Palestine over several centuries.
Prior to the influx of at least some of the Philistines from eastern Mediterranean islands, the southern coastal region was, at various times, inhabited by Canaanites (Num. 13:29; Deut. 1:7; Josh. 5:1; cf. Josh. 13:4); Anakites, who fled to Gaza, Gath, and Ashdod after being defeated by Joshua (Josh. 11:21–22); and Avvites, who were replaced by the victorious Caphtorites (Deut. 2:23; Josh. 13:3).
The migration of Judah and other tribes of Israel into Canaan resulted in several centuries of hostility with the Philistines. Judah’s allotment of land included the cities and surrounding areas of Ekron, Ashdod, and Gaza, as well as “the coastline of the Mediterranean Sea” (Josh. 15:45–47). The soldiers of Judah subsequently conquered at least part of this area (Judg. 1:18).
During the time of the judges, Shamgar “struck down six hundred Philistines with an oxgoad” (Judg. 3:31). Samson burned the grain, vineyards, and olive groves of the Philistines when he fastened torches to the tails of foxes (15:4–5). He killed a thousand Philistines with the jawbone of a donkey (15:15) and, after they had gouged out his eyes, killed many Philistine leaders when he pushed over the pillars supporting one of their temples (16:21, 29–30).
In one of their many victories over Israel (cf. Judg. 10:7; 13:1; 15:11; 1 Sam. 4:2, 10; 12:9), the Philistines captured the ark of God and placed it in the temple of Dagon in Ashdod (5:1). The next day the god was found lying on his face before the ark of God.
Saul’s reign as Israel’s king was characterized by war with the Philistines (1 Sam. 9:16; 14:52; cf. 7:13) and included both defeat (13:6–7; 23:27; 31:1) and victory (14:13, 22, 31, 47; 17:52–53; 24:1).
The military dominance of the Philistines over Israel during the time of Saul is attributed to their control of blacksmithing and ironwork (1 Sam. 13:19–22). This superiority in weapons allowed the Philistines to extend their influence beyond the region of the five cities into Judean territory (1 Sam. 4:1; 7:7; 10:5; 13:3, 16–18, 23; 17:1; 29:1, 11; 31:7–8, 10; 2 Sam. 5:18, 22; 23:14).
Saul became jealous of David after his defeat of the Philistine champion Goliath (1 Sam. 17:4, 50; 18:7–9). To win the hand of Saul’s daughter Michal, David and his men killed two hundred Philistines and presented their foreskins to Saul (18:27). When Saul later attempted to kill David, David sought refuge with the Philistines and lived with them for sixteen months (27:1, 7).
When the Philistines gathered to fight against Israel, David’s host, Achish, invited him to participate in the battle against his enemy Saul (1 Sam. 28:1). David was spared the dilemma of fighting against his own people when, fearing his betrayal, the other Philistine rulers refused to let David accompany them (29:4). In the ensuing battle between Israel and the Philistines, Saul’s sons were killed, and Saul took his own life after being critically injured by a Philistine archer (31:2–4).
David’s early success in battle against the Philistines (1 Sam. 17:50; 19:8; 23:5) continued upon his accession to kingship after the death of Saul (2 Sam. 5:20, 25; 8:1, 12), though in his old age David was too tired to fight well against the Philistines (2 Sam. 21:15).
Later battles between Judah and the Philistines took place during the reigns of Jehoram (2 Chron. 21:16–17), Uzziah (2 Chron. 26:6–7), Ahaz (2 Chron. 28:18), and Hezekiah (2 Kings 18:8). Jehoshaphat received tribute from the Philistines (2 Chron. 17:11).
A believer in the church of Rome greeted by Paul (Rom. 16:15). He is mentioned along with Julia, Nereus, and Olympas the sister of Nereus. In inscriptions the name, which means “lover of words,” is associated with slaves or freedmen.
The philosophy (“love of wisdom”) most familiar to the writers of the NT began in Ionia, among those who attempted to determine the fundamental substance of the universe without recourse to superstition and myth (the pre-Socratics). Platonists, Peripatetics (Aristotelians), Stoics, and Epicureans—all began in Athens, extending the work of Socrates (c. 469–399 BC), who was executed for challenging the status quo and “corrupting the minds of the youth.” But by the first century BC, Hellenistic philosophy had permeated the Mediterranean world. The ontological quest for the nature of being, however, had joined itself to ethics: What is the good life? Therefore, philosophy and the gospel, which also made claims about the “is” and “ought” of the universe, would compete for the hearts of the people. Acts relates that Paul debated with Epicureans and Stoics (17:18).
Epicureanism. Epicurus (c. 341–270 BC) founded a school in his garden. His followers believed that he was divine, possessing answers for all of life’s questions. The founder wrote didactic letters to disseminate his philosophy. By coining maxims and slogans for illiterate people to memorize and pattern their lives by, he became perhaps the first popular philosopher (perhaps the equivalent of a modern “self-help guru”). His disciples were evangelistic, traversing the Roman Empire to win converts. They carefully memorized his teachings and, after his death, preserved his writings, which often were cited in an unchanging canon.
Epicurus preached a “common sense” gospel. The goal of life is personal happiness. The greatest obstacle to happiness is anxiety. He proposed a four-part “cure,” an intellectual appropriation of these truth claims: (1) there are no divine beings who threaten us; (2) there is no next life; (3) what we truly need is easy to get; (4) what makes us suffer is easy to put up with. A fundamental Epicurean conviction is that life on this earth comes with no strings attached. The implicit atheism and selfishness of the system were largely unappealing to Jews and pious pagans.
Stoicism. More influential were the Stoics, who had many leaders and no single source of authority. Zeno (c. 336–264 BC) founded the school, which took its name from the “painted porch” (stoa) on the north side of the Athenian market where he lectured. Like the Epicureans, the Stoics saw the goal of life to be personal happiness, but they embraced providence, the ordering of all things for the best. Therefore, happiness is living virtuously according to nature, which involves a two-part process: (1) we conform our lives to the rational principle guiding the universe, what they called the “Logos,” or “Word”; (2) we resign ourselves completely and without complaint to whatever providence may send us. This is living a life of reason.
The impersonal nature of the Logos and seeming coldness to the human condition made Stoicism difficult for most people to embrace. Perhaps through the mediating reflection of the Jewish philosopher Philo (c. 20 BC–AD 50), who attempted to synthesize Scripture and philosophy, the apostle John interpreted the mystery of the incarnation, in part, by presenting Jesus as the Logos/Word (John 1:1–18; see also Col. 1:15–20).
Other forms of philosophy. Also prominent were Cynics, who embraced the defiance of Socrates, and Neo-Pythagoreans, who extended asceticism to the rejection of wine, marriage, eating meat (and for some, beans), sacrifice, shoes, all clothing except that made of linen, shaving, and dancing. The singular reference to philosophy in the Bible is negative (Col. 2:8; cf. Acts 17:18–21). The context suggests that Paul’s opponents were influenced by Neo-Pythagoreans (Col. 2:6–23; see also 1 Tim. 4:1–5; 5:23).
The early church did not embrace a singular position on philosophy. Tertullian (c. AD 160–240) famously asks, “What is there in common between Athens and Jerusalem? What between the Academy and the Church?” (Praescr. 7). But Clement of Alexandria (c. AD 150–215) claims, “For God is the source of all good things. . . . Thus philosophy was a preparation, paving the way towards perfection in Christ” (Strom. 1.5.28). The church fathers appropriated the precision of philosophical vocabulary in their attempt to rationalize the mysteries of the Christian faith.
(1) The son of Eleazar and a grandson of Aaron the high priest. At Baal Peor Phinehas killed Zimri and a Midianite woman for their idolatry and sexual immorality. Because of Phinehas’s zeal, God ended the plague and granted him the high priesthood (Num. 25:1–13). Phinehas defeated the Midianites and killed Balaam (Num. 31:1–12). Phinehas averted war against the eastern tribes by listening to their explanation for building an altar (Josh. 22:1–34). Phinehas’s zeal is cited to justify the Maccabean revolt and high priesthood (1 Macc. 2:54). (2) One of the two sons of Eli the high priest at Shiloh. Phinehas and his brother, Hophni, were corrupt priests (1 Sam. 2:12–17, 22). Their judgment was announced in 1 Sam. 2:27–36, which was fulfilled when they were killed by the Philistines and lost the ark of the covenant (4:17). In addition, Phinehas’s wife died in childbirth (4:19–22).
The name “Phoenicia” probably comes from the Greek word phoinix, meaning “purple red.” This name derived from the famous purple red dye made from the murex snail that was produced in this region. The evidence shows that the Phoenicians were primarily sea traders and artists.
The geographical and chronological boundaries for Phoenicia are imprecise, in part because the term “Phoenician” is not mentioned before Homer. In Homer the inhabitants of Sidon are called “Phoenicians,” but it is possible that the term may first occur in Mycenaean Linear B texts of the thirteenth century BC. Based on the written records, it is safe to assume that the heartland of Phoenicia was along the coastal regions of modern-day Lebanon, extending to parts of Syria and Israel.
In OT times the territory occupied by the Phoenicians was called “Canaan” by the Israelites (Isa. 23:11), “Canaanite” (Heb. kena’an means “merchant”) being the name applied by the inhabitants to themselves (Gen. 10:18). It is important to note that this self-designation is found as late as the second century BC on coins minted in Beirut (“Laodicea, which is in Canaan”). However, since Phoenicia was usually formed of independent city-states, it was common practice in all periods to refer to Phoenicia by the name of one of its principal cities (Gubla/Byblos, Tyre, Sidon).
The origin of the Phoenicians is obscure, but the earliest archaeological evidence for their presence comes from the “proto-Phoenician” finds at Byblos (ancient Gubla/Gebel [see Ezek. 27:9]) dated to around 3000 BC. There is also plenty of evidence of trade and correspondence with Egypt during the Bronze Age periods.
By the time of David, Tyre was ruled by Hiram I, whose reign began a golden age. Phoenicia became allied commercially with David (2 Sam. 5:11; 1 Kings 5:1), and Hiram supplied Solomon with wood, stone, and craftsmen for the construction of the temple and Solomon’s palace (1 Kings 5:1–12; 2 Chron. 2:3–16). Ships and navigators from Phoenicia were sent to assist the Judean fleet and to develop the port of Ezion Geber as a base for commerce (1 Kings 9:27). Phoenicia, itself long influenced by Egyptian art, motifs, and methods, was now in a position to influence Israelite art.
During the ninth and eighth centuries BC, the Phoenicians expanded into the western Mediterranean and founded colonies in Sardinia, Sicily, North Africa, and Iberia. Alexander the Great captured Tyre in the fourth century BC, and the slaughter and destruction were extreme, but the city recovered and, like Sidon, was still prosperous in Hellenistic and Roman times (see, e.g., Matt. 11:21–22; Acts 12:20).
Phoenician religion had a pantheon that differed from city to city and from one age to the next. Nature and fertility deities predominated. The following were their chief deities: Baal, Astarte, Eshmun, Adonis, Melqart, and Tanit (more popular in North Africa). Baal, the chief god of Tyre and Sidon, was at times the leading rival to Yahweh worship in Israel (1 Kings 16:29–22:18), and his consort was Astarte.
The Phoenicians spoke a Northwest Semitic language closely related to Hebrew and Aramaic, and according to Herodotus, the Phoenicians introduced the alphabet to Greece. The Phoenician alphabetic script is similar to early Hebrew and Aramaic scripts from the first millennium BC.
A safe harbor on the southern shore of western Crete proposed as a winter port for the ship transporting Paul to Rome (Acts 27:12). In Greek, the name designates date palms and a mythical bird from Egypt. Modern Loutro is a candidate for the location, but it is disputed whether this fits the description in Acts: “facing both southwest and northwest.” Finikas Bay, about one mile west of Loutro, is another candidate.
An inland territory in west-central Anatolia (modern-day Turkey). Biblical mention of Phrygia occurs primarily in the book of Acts. Such occurrences include the presence of Phrygian Jews in Jerusalem at the first Pentecost (2:10), the evangelism of Paul and Barnabas at the Phrygian cities of Pisidian Antioch and Iconium (13:14–14:4), the passing through Phrygia by Paul, Silas, and Timothy on their way west through Asia Minor (16:6), and the travels of Paul through “the region of Galatia and Phrygia” (18:23). Other biblical accounts include Col. 1:7; 4:12–13, which cites the work of Epaphras in three Phrygian cities, and Rev. 1:11; 3:14–22, which addresses the Phrygian church at Laodicea as one of the seven churches of Asia.
A servant of Gideon. After reducing Gideon’s army from thirty-two thousand to three hundred, God told Gideon to take Purah with him to survey the camp of the Midianites, from which they would gain courage to quell their fears (Judg. 7:10–11).
A grandson of Noah, a son of Ham, and brother of Cush (Ethiopia), Mizraim (Egypt), and Canaan in the Table of Nations (Gen. 10:6; 1 Chron. 1:8). “Put” appears as a geographic designation that can be identified with Libya, based on Old Persian putiya and Babylonian puṭa, and is the source of soldiers in passages in Ezekiel (27:10; 30:5; 38:5), Jeremiah (46:9), and Nahum (3:9). Another Hebrew word for Libya, “Lub,” always occurs in the plural and likely refers to the population, “the Libyans.” See also Libya.
The Hebrew name of the second son of Issachar, the ancestor of the Punites (Gen. 46:13; Num. 26:23 [MT]), which appears as “Puah” in 1 Chron. 7:1 (MT). The Samaritan Pentateuch, the Syriac versions, and some LXX manuscripts (followed by the NIV) are more consistent with Puah in all three instances. See also Puah.
A man who “turned away from” Paul (2 Tim. 1:15 NASB) in the latter years of Paul’s life. Phygelus and Hermogenes were two of many people from the province of Asia who deserted Paul. The apostle also names Demas in the same letter as a deserter (2 Tim. 4:10).
In Exod. 13:16; Deut. 6:8; 11:18 the KJV renders the Hebrew word totapot as “frontlets” (NIV: “symbol”; NRSV: “emblem”), referring to the binding of God’s commandments on one’s forehead. The literal reading of this led to the custom of tefillin (a word found in Targum Onqelos, the Peshitta, and rabbinic literature), a pair of small leather boxes worn by Jews during prayer. Specific Scripture verses (Exod. 13:1–16; Deut. 6:4–9; 11:13–21) were written on small scrolls and placed in each box. One box was bound to the left arm and the other across the forehead, serving as a sign and a remembrance that God had brought the children of Israel out of Egypt. Exactly when the custom of wearing tefillin began is uncertain, but they have been found at Qumran and Murabba’at. The NT refers to tefillin as “phylacteries” (from the Gk. verb for “guard, keep”). In Matt. 23:5 Jesus condemned individuals who called attention to themselves by making their phylacteries “wide.” Certain tefillin found at Qumran and Murabba’at may shed light on the meaning of this statement. The tefillin placed on the head were not cubical but rectangular, with the breadth across the forehead greater in length.
(Disabilities; Disability; Deformity; Deformities; Sickness] The Bible often speaks of health, healing, disease, and illness. Good health was a sign of God’s favor, and healing was also the work of God and his divinely empowered agents. These agents included the prophets (1 Kings 17:8–23; 2 Kings 5:1–15), the apostles (Acts 3:1–10), and the messiah (Mal. 4:2). The divine prerogative of Jesus was to heal (Mark 1:32; 6:56; Matt. 4:23; 8:16; 15:30; 21:14; Luke 6:10, 17–19), and miraculous healings were a sign of his messianic office (Luke 7:20–23). Disease, on the other hand, was regarded as a sign of God’s disfavor. Within a covenantal context, God could send disease to punish the sinner (Exod. 4:11; 32:35).
The Bible assigns a wide variety of names to various diseases and their symptoms. These terms are nontechnical and generally descriptive. Some are uncertain in meaning. In most cases they describe the symptoms of the disease, not the disease itself. Diagnosis often was based on incomplete observation and nonclinical examination. The Bible also presupposes supernatural intervention in the life of a person. Healing occurred when God’s agents touched individuals, cast out demons, and resurrected the dead.
Ancient Near Eastern Influences
In the ancient Near East the knowledge of disease and medicine was precritical. Bacteria and viruses were virtually unknown. Mesopotamian literature contains many references to medicine, physicians, and medical practice. Minerals, salts, herbs, and other botanicals were used to make up treatments. Babylonian physicians also administered prescriptions accompanied by incantations. Disease was considered to be the result of a violation of a taboo or possession by a demon. The Code of Hammurabi (1750 BC) includes laws regulating the practice of medicine and surgery by physicians. In Egypt medicine and healing were connected to the gods. Tomb paintings and several papyrus documents describe the developing state of Egyptian medicine, pharmacy, and surgery.
Greek physicians admired and sought to learn the skills of the Egyptians. However, the early Greek doctor Hippocrates (460–370 BC), called the “Father of Medicine,” is credited with being the first physician to reject the belief that supernatural or divine forces cause illness. He argued that disease is the result of environmental factors, diet, and living habits, not a punishment imposed by the gods.
It is clear that the biblical world shared with the ancient Near East the same types of maladies common to tropical or subtropical climates. These include malaria, tropical fevers, dysentery, and sunstroke. The tendency of the hot climate to produce frequent droughts and famine certainly contributed to similar types of diseases throughout the Fertile Crescent. Additionally, it must be remembered that Palestine was a land bridge between the Mesopotamian and Egyptian worlds. Migrations carry not only goods and products, but also parasites, communicable disease, and epidemics.
Biblical Concept of Disease
The religious tradition of the Hebrews repudiated the magical or demonic origin of disease. Hence, moral, ethical, and spiritual factors regulated disease and illness. This was true for the individual as well as the community. The Hebrews, like the Egyptians, also recognized that much sickness arose from the individual’s relationship to the physical environment. Great stress was placed on hygiene and preventive medicine.
Pentateuchal legislation offered seven covenantal principles designed to prevent the possibility of disease and sickness: (1) Sabbath observance for humans, animals, and the land, which enforced regular periods of rest (Gen. 2:3); (2) dietary regulations, which divided food into efficient categories of clean and unclean (Lev. 11); (3) circumcision, which carried physical benefits as well as religious and moral implications (Gen. 17:9; circumcision is the only example of Hebrew surgery); (4) laws governing sexual relationships and health, including a list of forbidden degrees of marital relationships (Lev. 18–20); (5) provisions for individual sexual hygiene (Lev. 15); (6) stipulations for cleanliness and bodily purification (Lev. 14:2; 15:2); (7) sanitary and hygienic regulations for camp life (Num. 31:19; Deut. 23:12).
In NT times magical charms and incantations were used along with folk remedies in an effort to cure disease. Jesus repudiated these means. He also suggested that sickness and disease were not direct punishments for sin (John 9:2). In the Sermon on the Mount (Matt. 5–7), Jesus confirmed that the ethical and religious standards of the new covenant promoted the total health of the community and the individual.
Circulatory Diseases
Nabal most likely suffered a cerebrovascular accident or stroke (1 Sam. 25:36–38). After a heavy bout of drinking, his heart “died” (KJV; NIV: “failed”), and he became paralyzed, lapsed into a coma, and died ten days later. Psalm 137:5–6 may contain a clinical example of the symptoms of stroke. The psalmist wrote, “If I forget you, Jerusalem, may my right hand forget its skill. May my tongue cling to the roof of my mouth if I do not remember you.” This description points to a paralysis of the right side of the body (right hemiplegia) and the loss of speech (motor aphasia) that result from a stroke on the left side of the brain. Basically, the exiled psalmist is wishing upon himself the effects of a stroke if he held anything other than Jerusalem as his highest priority. Some have considered the collapse of Uzzah when he reached out to stabilize the ark of the covenant (2 Sam. 6:6–7) to be the consequence of an apoplectic seizure. But since no actual paralysis was described and death occurred immediately, this seems unlikely. It is more probable that God struck him down with an aortic aneurism or a coronary thrombosis.
Paralysis
A possible case of paralysis may be described in the shriveled (atrophic) hand of Jeroboam I (1 Kings 13:4–6). In an angry outburst Jeroboam ordered the arrest of a prophet who condemned the altar at Bethel. When Jeroboam stretched out his hand, it “shriveled up, so that he could not pull it back.” Several complicated diagnoses have been offered to explain the “withered” hand, but it is possibly an example of cataplexy, a sudden loss of muscle power following a strong emotional stimulus. After intercession by the man of God, and the subsiding of the emotional outburst, the arm was restored.
The threat against the faithless shepherd of God’s people (Zech. 11:17), which included a withered arm and blindness in the right eye, may refer to a form of paralysis known as tabes dorsalis, or locomotor ataxia. Knifelike pains in the extremities and blindness characterize this disease.
Paralysis is frequently mentioned in the NT (Matt. 8:6; 9:2, 6; 12:10; Mark 2:3–5, 9, 10; 3:1, 3, 5; Luke 5:18, 24; 6:6; John 5:3; Acts 9:33; Heb. 12:12). The exact diagnosis for each of these cases remains uncertain.
The physician Luke’s use of the Greek medical term paralelymenos (Luke 5:18, 24) suggests that some of these cases were caused by chronic organic disease. Others clearly were congenital (Acts 3:2; cf. 14:8). It is not necessary to rationalize the origin of these examples of paralysis as hysteria or pretense. The NT writers regarded the healing of these individuals by Jesus and the apostles as miraculous.
Mental Illness and Brain Disorders
Cases of mental disease are generally described in the Bible by noting the symptoms produced by the disorder. The particular cause of a mental illness in the NT is often blamed on an unknown evil spirit or spirits (Luke 8:2). Such spirits, however, were subject to God’s control and operated only within the boundaries allowed by him (1 Sam. 16:14–16, 23; 18:10; 19:9). Accordingly, in the OT “madness” and “confusion of mind” were regarded as consequences of covenantal disobedience (Deut. 28:28, 34).
It has been argued that King Saul displayed early indications of personality disorder. Symptoms included pride, self-aggrandizement (1 Sam. 11:6; 13:12; 15:9, 19), and ecstatic behavior (10:11–12). A rapid deterioration in Saul’s character transpired after David was anointed and became more popular (16:14; 18:10–11). Since Saul demonstrated fear, jealousy, a sense of persecution, and homicidal tendencies, some scholars argue that he suffered from paranoid schizophrenia.
Nebuchadnezzar suffered a rare form of monomania in which he lived like a wild beast in the field eating grass (Dan. 4:33). David, in order to save his own life, feigned insanity or perhaps epilepsy before the Philistine king Achish (1 Sam. 21:12–15).
In the NT, individuals with mental disorders went about naked, mutilated themselves, lived in tombs (Mark 5:2), and exhibited violent behavior (Matt. 8:28). Such mental disorientation was often linked to demon possession. Examples include the Syrophoenician’s child (Matt. 15:22; Mark 7:25), the demoniacs at Gerasa (Matt. 8:28; Mark 5:2; Luke 8:27) and Capernaum (Mark 1:23; Luke 4:33), a blind and mute demoniac (Matt. 12:22; Luke 11:14), and a fortune-telling slave girl (Acts 16:16). While such behavior is clinically suggestive of paranoid schizophrenia or other mental disorders, the mind-controlling influence of some extraneous negative force cannot be ruled out.
Epilepsy (grand mal) causes the afflicted person to fall to the ground, foam at the mouth, and clench or grind the teeth (Matt. 17:15; Mark 9:17–18; Luke 9:39). The description of Saul falling to the ground in an ecstatic state (1 Sam. 19:23–24) and Balaam falling with open eyes may be indicative of an epileptic seizure. In the NT, Jesus healed many who suffered from epilepsy (Matt. 4:24; 17:14–18; Mark 9:17–18; Luke 9:38–42). Some scholars have linked the light seen by Paul on the road to Damascus with the aura that some epileptics experience prior to a seizure. His subsequent blindness has also been attributed to the epileptic disturbance of the circulation of the blood in the brain.
Childhood Diseases
The cause of the death of the widow’s son at Zarephath is unknown (1 Kings 17:17–22). The death of the Shunammite woman’s son has been attributed to sunstroke (2 Kings 4:18–37), although a headache is the only symptom recorded (v. 19). In both cases there is too little evidence to present an accurate diagnosis.
In the first case, the boy at Zarephath stopped breathing (1 Kings 17:17). This may leave the door open to argue that Elijah resuscitated the child. However, in the second case, the text clearly states that the Shunammite boy died (2 Kings 4:20), implying a resurrection.
Infectious and Communicable Diseases
Fever and other calamities are listed among the punishments for covenantal infidelity (Deut. 28:22). Three different types of fever may be intentionally described here: “fever,” “inflammation,” and “scorching heat” (ESV: “fiery heat”). Fever is also mentioned frequently in the NT (Matt. 8:15; Mark 1:30–31; Luke 4:38–39; John 4:52; Acts 28:8). Both Jesus and Paul healed individuals who had a fever. A number of these fevers were likely caused by malaria, since the disease was known to be endemic to the Jordan Valley and other marshy areas in Palestine.
Several epidemics in which numerous people died of pestilence or plague are mentioned in the OT (Exod. 11:1; 12:13; Num. 14:37; Zech. 14:12). The fifth plague of Egypt (Exod. 9:3–6) has been attributed to Jordan Rift Valley fever, which is spread by flies. Bubonic plague has been blamed for the malady that struck the Philistines (1 Sam. 5–6). However, it may have been the result of a severe form of tropical dysentery. Acute bacillary dysentery contracted in the military camp may also have been responsible for the epidemic that killed a large number of the Assyrian army (2 Kings 19:35).
Parasitic Diseases
Some scholars have repeatedly argued that the “fiery serpents” (NIV: “venomous snakes”) encountered by Moses and the children of Israel (Num. 21:6–9) were in reality an infestation of the parasitic guinea worm (Dracunculus medinensis). Microscopic fleas ingested in drinking water carry the larvae of this slender nematode into the body. The larvae move from the digestive tract to the skin. The adult worm, which may grow to a length of several feet, discharges its eggs into an ulcer on the skin. Death of the host occurs because of the resulting infection of the skin ulcers.
After the conquest of Jericho, Joshua cursed the individual who would endeavor to rebuild the city (Josh. 6:26). Later, Hiel of Bethel attempted to rebuild the city and lost two of his sons as a result of the curse (1 Kings 16:34). Elisha was then asked to purify the bad water at Jericho in order to allow a new settlement (2 Kings 2:19). Elisha obliged by throwing salt into the spring and thereby making the water potable (2:20–22). Recent archaeological study has discovered the remains of certain snails in the mud-bricks used to construct Jericho in the Bronze Age. These types of snails are now known to serve as intermediate hosts for the flatworm parasite that can cause schistosomiasis. The Schistosoma haematobium trematode infects the urinary tract and the bladder. It is possible that this type of parasite was responsible for the death of Hiel’s two sons.
In NT times, Herod Agrippa apparently died of the complications of a parasitic disease, perhaps being infested by the larvae of flies (myiasis) in the bowels. Luke mentions that he was “eaten by worms” (skōlēkobrōtos [Acts 12:23]). The father of Publius also suffered from dysentery (Acts 28:8).
Physical Deformities and Abnormalities
Individuals with deformities were disqualified from priestly service (Lev. 21:18–20). The list included lameness, limb damage, and dwarfism. The deformities mentioned here might have been congenital or acquired. Mephibosheth was dropped by his nurse (2 Sam. 4:4) and perhaps suffered damage to the spinal cord. Jacob possibly sustained injury to an intervertebral disk (Gen. 32:32) causing a deformity and a limp. The woman who was “bent over” (Luke 13:10–17) might have suffered from an abnormality of the spine similar to scoliosis. It is difficult to ascertain the origin of the “shriveled hand” of the unnamed individual healed by Jesus (Matt. 12:10–13; Mark 3:1–5; Luke 6:6–10). It could be congenital in character or a paralysis caused by any number of factors.
Diseases and Disabilities of the Eyes and Ears
Physical blindness is mentioned several times in the Bible. Blindness excluded one from serving as a priest (Lev. 21:18, 20). Blindness and deafness, however, were disabilities requiring special care from the community (Lev. 19:14; Deut. 27:18). The “weak eyes” of Leah may refer to an eye condition (Gen. 29:17).
Blindness in the biblical world was caused by various factors. Leviticus 26:16 speaks of a fever that destroys the eyes. Flies probably were responsible for much of the conjunctivitis found in children. John 9:1 mentions congenital blindness, which Jesus cured using mud made from spittle and dirt (John 9:6). In Mark 8:22–26 Jesus healed a blind man by spitting in his eye and laying hands on him (cf. Matt. 20:34 with Mark 10:52).
Congenital deafness would also be associated with mutism and speech defects because a child learning to speak depends on imitation and mimicry. Jesus healed a man who was deaf and could barely talk (Mark 7:32–37). The man’s inability to say much possibly pointed to a loss of hearing early in life.
Skin Conditions
Various skin and hair abnormalities are described in the Bible. Some made the individual unclean (Lev. 13:30; 14:54). The OT speaks of “the boils of Egypt” (Deut. 28:27; cf. Exod. 9:9). Skin ailments included tumors, festering sores, boils, infections, and the itch (Deut. 28:27, 35; Isa. 3:7). Job complained of a litany of ailments: broken and festering skin (7:5), multiple wounds (9:17), black peeling skin and fever (30:30), gnawing bone pain (2:5; 19:20; 30:17), insomnia (7:3–4), and wasting away (33:21). These symptoms have been diagnosed as indications of yaws or eczema. A poultice made of figs cured Hezekiah’s boil (2 Kings 20:7).
Leprosy was once thought to be a common problem in the biblical world. Leprosy (Hansen’s disease) is a slow, progressive chronic infectious disease caused by a bacterium. Symptoms include loss of sensation and loss of parts of the body. Evidence for this type of disease in Palestine is rare. Uzziah may have had a true case of Hansen’s disease. He was quarantined until the day he died (2 Chron. 26:21).
Scholars now suggest that the symptoms of the disease described in the Bible do not fit this pattern and thus do not signify leprosy (Hansen’s disease) as it is known today. Instead, the word that English versions translate as “leprosy” (Heb. root tsr’) probably refers to different types of infectious skin disease, often characterized by a long-standing, patchy skin condition associated with peeling or flakiness and redness of skin. Evidence points more toward psoriasis, fungal infections, or dermatitis.
This disease could appear in humans (Lev. 14:2), on buildings (14:34), and on clothing (14:55). It was not limited to the extremities but could occur on the head (14:42–44). It could run its course quickly (13:5–8). It made the individual ceremonially unclean, but it was also curable (Lev. 14:3; 2 Kings 5:1–27). Individuals with the disease were not necessarily shunned (2 Kings 7; Matt. 26:6 // Mark 14:3). Moses (Exod. 4:6), Miriam (Num. 12:10), and Naaman experienced this type of skin disease (2 Kings 5:1–27). Jesus healed many suffering from skin ailments (Matt. 8:2–3; Mark 1:40–42; Luke 5:12–13), including the ten “men who had leprosy” (Luke 17:12–14).
Ailments of an Unknown Nature
Some cases in the Bible present insufficient evidence for scholars to render a clear diagnosis. King Asa suffered a disease in his feet (2 Chron. 16:12). However, in the OT the Hebrew expression for “feet” is sometimes used euphemistically for the sexual organs (Judg. 3:24 KJV). Because of this, the exact nature of the disease is ambiguous. Jehoram was afflicted with “an incurable disease of the bowels” (2 Chron. 21:18–19). Other unknown ailments factor in the deaths of the firstborn son of David and Bathsheba (2 Sam. 12:15), of Jeroboam’s son in infancy (1 Kings 14:17), of Elisha (2 Kings 13:14), and of Ezekiel’s wife (Ezek. 24:16).
A site where God instructed the Israelites to camp after they departed from Egypt (Exod. 14:2). This is the location where Pharaoh and his army overtook them and from which they crossed the sea (Exod. 14:9; Num. 33:7–8). Pi Hahiroth is described as being between Migdol and the Red Sea and near Baal Zephon. This places the site on the eastern border of Lower Egypt. The site is unknown to modern archaeology.
The Greek name for a city in the delta region of Egypt, about fifty miles northeast of Cairo. Known in modern Egypt as Tell Basta, the name originates from the hieroglyphic Per-Bast, meaning “house of Bastet.” The city was the center of worship for the Egyptian cat-goddess Bastet, who became associated with Artemis and whose cult had developed into a popular and joyous festival for Egyptians and foreigners by the fifth century BC. The sole biblical reference is Ezek. 30:17, where Bubastis (NRSV: “Pi-beseth”; KJV: “Pibeseth”) is named in a judgment oracle against Egypt.
In some translations, an image or carving in wood or stone, as in bas-relief (Num. 33:52; Prov. 25:11; Isa. 2:16 KJV). Also, as a noun meaning “image” or verb meaning “to imagine,” it is used as vernacular in contemporary versions such as The Message (e.g., 1 Sam. 16:12; Jer. 38:22; Mark 4:30).
“Piece of money” translates the Hebrew word qesitah in the NRSV of Gen. 33:19; Josh. 24:32; Job 42:11 (NIV: “piece of silver”), a currency of unknown value, as well as the Greek word statēr in the KJV of Matt. 17:27 (NIV: “four-drachma coin”). Although gold is rarely mentioned as currency (2 Kings 5:5; Ps. 119:72), silver is common (e.g., Gen. 20:16; Zech. 11:13), continuing into the NT period (Matt. 26:15). See also Coins.
Performing the necessary duties for the divine (Lat. pietas), “godliness” (1 Tim. 2:2, 10; 3:16; 4:7–8; 6:3, 5–6, 11; 2 Tim. 3:12; Titus 2:12; 2 Pet. 1:3; 3:11; cf. 1 Tim. 1:9; 3:4, 8, 11; 5:4; 2 Tim. 2:16; Titus 2:2, 7). Piety overlaps with fearing God in Job (4:6; 15:4; 22:4). In the Greco-Roman world, the term signifies either personal devotion in response to awe of the divine or, in broader practice, showing cultural respect for the deities. There is also an intellectual component to piety, having “right opinions” or knowledge about the gods, as Epictetus claims (Ench. 31). Luke equates piety with the biblical concepts of fear and righteousness (Acts 10:2, 22).
Pigs were widely domesticated in the ancient Near East, and in biblical times they probably resembled the wild European boar, which still existed in the forests (Ps. 80:13). These animals would have been brown or gray and much hairier than modern domestic breeds, the boars having tusks and the piglets stripes. In Israel, however, pigs were regarded as one of the most unclean of all creatures, both ritually (Lev. 11:7; Deut. 14:8; Isa. 65:4; 66:3, 17) and physically (2 Pet. 2:22). To associate anything of value with swine subjected it to ridicule and rendered it worthless (Prov. 11:22); it was wasteful and abhorrent (Matt. 7:6). The presence of herds of domesticated pigs became a mark of Gentile territory, and when Jesus once cast out some demons in such an area, he allowed them to enter swine, which promptly drowned themselves in the lake (Mark 5:1–20 pars.). Thus, when the prodigal son in Jesus’ parable ends up herding pigs, this represents the most degrading occupation an Israelite could imagine (Luke 15:15–16).
Pigeons, along with doves, were offered as sacrifices (Lev. 1:14). Abram was instructed to bring both a pigeon and a dove as part of the offering in a covenant ceremony (Gen. 15:9). Poor people could substitute two pigeons or doves for larger animals (Lev. 5:7; 12:8; 14:22). Elsewhere, pigeons or doves were offered following periods of ritual impurity, such as that resulting from childbirth or leprosy (Lev. 12:6; 14:30; 15:14, 29; Num. 6:10). After the birth of Jesus, his parents made the offering of two birds for Mary’s purification as prescribed in Lev. 12:7–8 (Luke 2:24).
While larger animals were slaughtered and cut into pieces, pigeons and doves were killed by wringing off their heads and then torn open, although not divided completely (Lev. 1:15–17). Similarly, Abram did not cut up the birds that he offered along with larger animals (Gen. 15:10).
Pontius Pilate was the fifth Roman governor of Judea. He presided at the trial of Jesus, ultimately sentencing him to death. Based on the account of Josephus, he was appointed to his post in AD 26 or 27 and was removed from it ten years later (c. AD 37) by the governor of the neighboring province of Syria after he mishandled a confrontation with a group of religious fanatics in Samaria. Several previous debacles involving Pilate are known from Josephus and Philo, possibly including the event mentioned in Luke 13:1, where Jesus is told about “the Galileans whose blood Pilate had mixed with their sacrifices.” In one instance, Pilate offended the Judeans by introducing to Jerusalem military standards with images of the emperor. On another occasion, Pilate affronted the population when he built an aqueduct to supply water to Jerusalem, either because he took money from the temple to finance the project or because the aqueduct ran through a cemetery, rendering its water ritually unclean according to Jewish law. While Josephus’s intention is to present the rule of Pilate as tumultuous, and the Gospels are concerned to downplay his role in Jesus’ trial relative to that of the Jewish leaders, his lengthy tenure suggests that he was generally a successful governor and that his term was one of relative quiet governing what was at times a volatile population in Judea.
Pilate’s role in the trial of Jesus is mentioned in all four Gospels. As the governor of Judea, he possessed the power to execute criminals, a power denied to the Jewish authorities who arrested and initiated the charges against Jesus. The Gospels present Pilate as interrogating Jesus primarily about his political activities, reflecting the fact that Pilate’s interest in the trial was not religious or theological, but instead was based on his concern for maintaining order in his province. The general tendency of the Gospel accounts is to minimize the culpability of Pilate in the death of Jesus. According to Matthew’s Gospel, Pilate’s wife told him that Jesus was an innocent man (27:19), and Pilate later disclaimed responsibility for the death of Jesus and publicly washed his hands to signify his own innocence (27:24). According to Luke 23:4, 14, 22; John 19:6, Pilate declared that he had found no charge against Jesus. Eventually, Pilate capitulated because the crowd was growing violent (Matt. 27:24) and because they implicitly threatened to slander Pilate by saying that he was not maintaining the order of the Roman Empire: “If you let this man go, you are no friend of Caesar” (John 19:12). Luke 23:12 reports that Pilate befriended Herod Antipas as a result of having referred the case to him on the basis of Jesus being a Galilean and therefore Herod’s subject.
Pilate is mentioned in 1 Tim. 6:13 as the audience of a “good confession” made by Jesus. This verse suggests that the trial of Jesus before Pilate was seen by the early church as the model for later confrontations between Christians and the governing authorities, a situation previously predicted by Jesus himself (Matt. 10:18).
Pilate is known not only from the NT, but also from Josephus, Philo, the Roman historian Tacitus, and from an inscription discovered in 1961 in Caesarea identifying Pilate as “prefect” of Judea. This technical term has connotations of military authority and is more specific than the NT’s broader term “governor” (Gk. hēgemōn).
One of eight sons born to Abraham’s brother Nahor by Nahor’s wife and niece Milkah (Gen. 22:20–22). He was a nephew of Abraham and a brother of Bethuel, the father of Rebekah.
One of the signatories of the agreement made by the Israelites in response to Ezra’s public reading of the law (Neh. 10:24).
To steal in small quantities so as to avoid detection. Such theft may have been a particular temptation of slaves (see Titus 2:9–10).
A journey to a religious site. In biblical times, Jerusalem was a prominent destination of pilgrimage, as implied in the law of cultic centralization in Deut. 12:13–14. Several of the prophets envision a future age in which the nations travel to Jerusalem for instruction (e.g., Isa. 2; Mic. 4).
Jesus made several pilgrimages to Jerusalem in connection with major Jewish feasts. His parents took him to Jerusalem for the Passover, as was their custom (Luke 2:41–42). As an adult, Jesus continued to make this journey. The three journeys of Jesus to Jerusalem recorded in the Gospel of John are the chief evidence for the tradition that his ministry lasted three years (John 2:13; 5:1; 12:1). Jesus also traveled to Jerusalem for the Feast of Booths (John 7:10) and the Feast of Dedication (John 10:22).
Paul’s final journey to Jerusalem, which eventuated in his arrest, was for the purpose of attending the Jewish Feast of Pentecost there (Acts 20:16). This festival was also responsible for the presence of many foreigners in Jerusalem in the days of the early church (Acts 2:1).
In a broader sense, and especially in some older English translations, pilgrimage can refer to a period of residence outside one’s proper homeland (sojourning). This usage recalls the prominent biblical theme of sojourning, which pertains to the patriarchs (Gen. 47:9), Moses (Acts 7:29), the Israelites (Deut. 10:19), as well as several other biblical figures. In the NT, this aspect of the Israelite experience (see Heb. 11:13) is applied to Jesus (Matt. 8:20; Luke 9:58) and, in a figurative sense, to Christian communities (Phil. 3:20; 1 Pet. 2:11).
One of the signatories of the agreement made by the Israelites in response to Ezra’s public reading of the law (Neh. 10:24).
In ancient Israel and surrounding cultures, pillars were used in every kind of architectural construction, from simple houses (Prov. 9:1) to palaces (Ps. 144:12) and temples (Judg. 16:29; 1 Kings 7:15–22). One of the distinctive features of Israelite domestic architecture was the division of the ground floor of the house into two, three, or four rooms divided by rows of pillars. Such pillars rested on stone foundations that often survived even when the rest of the building had been destroyed, thus allowing modern archaeologists to identify many remains of pillared houses.
Stone pillars were used in religious worship in ancient Israel, such as those erected by Jacob (Gen. 28:18, 22; 35:14). A pillar could also commemorate a covenant (Gen. 31:45; Exod. 24:4; Josh. 24:26; 2 Chron. 34:31) or a tomb (Gen. 35:20). In later stories, pillars are viewed negatively, as in 2 Kings 18:4, where Hezekiah is credited with destroying Asherah pillars as part of a broad religious reform (see also Jer. 43:13). Archaeologists have discovered cultic pillars in the temple at Tell Arad, among other places.
The temple of Solomon at Jerusalem incorporated two highly decorated pillars, Jakin and Boaz (1 Kings 7:21), made of bronze and reported to be 18 cubits (27 feet) high and 12 cubits (18 feet) in circumference, with an additional height of 5 cubits (7.5 feet) including the capital (1 Kings 7:16; cf. 2 Kings 25:17). When Jerusalem fell to the Babylonians in 586 BC, the bronze pillars were destroyed, and their bronze was taken to Babylon (2 Kings 25:13).
In ancient cosmology, the earth and the heavens were thought to be supported by pillars (Job 9:6; 26:11; Ps. 75:3).
In the NT, the pillar is used as a metaphor for leaders in the church (Gal. 2:9) or the church itself (1 Tim. 3:15).
As Moses and the Israelites traveled through the desert, God guided them by going ahead of them, appearing as a pillar of cloud by day and a pillar of fire by night (Exod. 13:21–22). Prior to the miraculous crossing of the Red Sea, the pillar of cloud separated the Israelites from the Egyptian army, protecting them and giving them light (Exod. 14:19–20). The pillar lit the way for the Israelites (Neh. 9:12).
When the tabernacle was set up, the pillar of cloud or fire settled upon it (Exod. 40:34–38), so that the pillar was always in the sight of the Israelites. The Israelites moved whenever the cloud moved from above the tabernacle (Exod. 40:36–37; Num. 9:17). While Moses was meeting with God, the cloud stayed at the entrance to the tent of meeting (Exod. 33:9; Num. 12:5; Deut. 31:15; see also Ps. 99:7).
As Moses and the Israelites traveled through the desert, God guided them by going ahead of them, appearing as a pillar of cloud by day and a pillar of fire by night (Exod. 13:21–22). Prior to the miraculous crossing of the Red Sea, the pillar of cloud separated the Israelites from the Egyptian army, protecting them and giving them light (Exod. 14:19–20). The pillar lit the way for the Israelites (Neh. 9:12).
When the tabernacle was set up, the pillar of cloud or fire settled upon it (Exod. 40:34–38), so that the pillar was always in the sight of the Israelites. The Israelites moved whenever the cloud moved from above the tabernacle (Exod. 40:36–37; Num. 9:17). While Moses was meeting with God, the cloud stayed at the entrance to the tent of meeting (Exod. 33:9; Num. 12:5; Deut. 31:15; see also Ps. 99:7).
When Lot’s wife looked back while fleeing from the destruction of Sodom and Gomorrah, thus failing to obey the instructions of the angels, she became a pillar of salt (Gen. 19:17, 26). This story has long been associated in local lore with natural salt formations in the environs of the Dead Sea.
Jacob laid his head upon a stone while he slept (Gen. 28:11). The use of a hard object as a pillow recalls carved wooden pillows known from Egypt. Michal used an article made of goat hair to disguise an idol as a sleeping person (1 Sam. 19:13). Although in 1 Sam. 19:13 some versions translate the Hebrew word kebir as “pillow,” it probably refers to a net over the head of a sleeping person. Some older English translations use “pillow” to render a Hebrew word (mera’ashah) that probably refers simply to the place where the head is laid (1 Sam. 26:7; 1 Kings 19:6). Other obscure passages perhaps refer to pillows (Prov. 7:16; Amos 3:12).
Jesus slept on a pillow or cushion in a boat (Mark 4:38). Elsewhere, the Gospels state that he did not have a “place to lay his head” (Matt. 8:20; Luke 9:58). See also Bed.
A mariner who directed a ship, especially in shallow waters. The pilot of the ship carrying Paul to Rome influenced the decision to sail from Fair Havens for Phoenix, contrary to Paul’s warning (Acts 27:11). James 3:4 refers to the pilot’s power to steer a large ship with a small rudder. Some English translations read “pilot” in Ezek. 27:8, 27–29, but since the relevant Hebrew term (khobel ) refers elsewhere to a sailor in general (Jon. 1:6), it may not denote the rather specialized task of piloting in this text.
The head of Moadiah’s priestly family (Neh. 12:17). Moadiah returned to Judea with Zerubbabel (12:5), and Piltai lived in Judea in the subsequent generation.
It is difficult to imagine a world without consistent metrological systems. Society’s basic structures, from economy to law, require a uniform and accurate method for measuring time, distances, weights, volumes, and so on. In today’s world, technological advancements allow people to measure various aspects of the universe with incredible accuracy—from nanometers to light-years, milligrams to kilograms.
The metrological systems employed in biblical times span the same concepts as our own modern-day systems: weight, linear distance, and volume or capacity. However, the systems of weights and measurements employed during the span of biblical times were not nearly as accurate or uniform as the modern units employed today. Preexisting weight and measurement systems existed in the contextual surroundings of both the OT and the NT authors and thus heavily influenced the systems employed by the Israelite nation as well as the NT writers. There was great variance between the different standards used merchant to merchant (Gen. 23:16), city to city, region to region, time period to time period, even despite the commands to use honest scales and honest weights (Lev. 19:35–36; Deut. 25:13–15; Prov. 11:1; 16:11; 20:23; Ezek. 45:10).
Furthermore, inconsistencies and contradictions exist within the written records as well as between archaeological specimens. In addition, significant differences are found between preexilic and postexilic measurements in the biblical texts, and an attempt at merging dry capacity and liquid volume measurements further complicated the issue. This is to be expected, especially when we consider modern-day inconsistencies—for example, 1 US liquid pint = 0.473 liters, while 1 US dry pint = 0.550 liters. Thus, all modern equivalents given below are approximations, and even the best estimates have a margin of error of + 5 percent or more.
Weights
Weights in biblical times were carried in a bag or a satchel (Deut. 25:13; Prov. 16:11; Mic. 6:11) and were stones, usually carved into various animal shapes for easy identification. Their side or flat bottom was inscribed with the associated weight and unit of measurement. Thousands of historical artifacts, which differ by significant amounts, have been discovered by archaeologists and thus have greatly complicated the work of determining accurate modern-day equivalents.
Beka. Approximately 1⁄5 ounce, or 5.6 grams. Equivalent to 10 gerahs or ½ the sanctuary shekel (Exod. 38:26). Used to measure metals and goods such as gold (Gen. 24:22).
Gerah. 1⁄50 ounce, or 0.56 grams. Equivalent to 1⁄10 beka, 1⁄20 shekel (Exod. 30:13; Lev. 27:25).
Litra. Approximately 12 ounces, or 340 grams. A Roman measure of weight. Used only twice in the NT (John 12:3; 19:39). The precursor to the modern British pound.
Mina. Approximately 1¼ pounds, or 0.56 kilograms. Equivalent to 50 shekels. Used to weigh gold (1 Kings 10:17; Ezra 2:69), silver (Neh. 7:71–72), and other goods. The prophet Ezekiel redefined the proper weight: “The shekel is to consist of twenty gerahs. Twenty shekels plus twenty-five shekels plus fifteen shekels equal one mina” (Ezek. 45:12). Before this redefinition, there were arguably 50 shekels per mina. In Jesus’ parable of the servants, he describes the master entrusting to his three servants varying amounts—10 minas, 5 minas, 1 mina—implying a monetary value (Luke 19:11–24), probably of either silver or gold. One mina was equivalent to approximately three months’ wages for a laborer.
Pim. Approximately 1⁄3 ounce, or 9.3 grams. Equivalent to 2⁄3 shekel. Referenced only once in the Scriptures (1 Sam. 13:21).
Shekel. Approximately 2⁄5 ounce, or 11 grams. Equivalent to approximately 2 bekas. The shekel is the basic unit of weight measurement in Israelite history, though its actual weight varied significantly at different historical points. Examples include the “royal shekel” (2 Sam. 14:26), the “common shekel” (2 Kings 7:1), and the “sanctuary shekel,” which was equivalent to 20 gerahs (e.g., Exod. 30:13; Lev. 27:25; Num. 3:47). Because it was used to weigh out silver or gold, the shekel also functioned as a common monetary unit in the NT world.
Talent. Approximately 75 pounds, or 34 kilograms. Equivalent to approximately 60 minas. Various metals were weighed using talents: gold (Exod. 25:39; 37:24; 1 Chron. 20:2), silver (Exod. 38:27; 1 Kings 20:39; 2 Kings 5:22), and bronze (Exod. 38:29). This probably is derived from the weight of a load that a man could carry.
Table 12. Biblical Weights and Measures and Their Modern Equivalents:
Weights
Beka – 10 geraahs; ½ shekel = 1/5 ounce = 5.6 grams
Gerah – 1/10 beka; 1/20 shekel = 1/50 ounce = 0.56 grams
Litra – 12 ounces = 340 grams
Mina – 50 shekels = 1 ¼ pounds = 0.56 kilograms
Pim – 2/3 shekel = 1/3 ounce = 9.3 grams
Shekel – 2 bekas; 20 gerahs = 2/5 ounce = 11 grams
Talent – 60 minas = 75 pounds = 34 kilograms
Linear measurements
Cubit – 6 handbreadths = 18 inches = 45.7 centimeters
Day’s journey = 20-25 miles = 32-40 kilometerse
Fingerbreadth – ¼ handbreadth = ¾ inch = 1.9 centimeterse
Handbreadth – 1/6 cubit = 3 inches = 7.6 centimeters
Milion – 1 mile = 1.6 kilometers
Orguia – 1/100 stadion = 5 feet 11 inches = 1.8 meters
Reed/rod – 108 inches = 274 centimeters
Sabbath day’s journey – 2,000 cubits = ¾ mile = 1.2 kilometers
Span – 3 handbreadths = 9 inches = 22.8 centimeters
Stadion – 100 orguiai = 607 feet = 185 meters
Capacity
Cab – 1 omer = ½ gallon = 1.9 liters
Choinix – ¼ gallon = 0.9 liters
Cor – 1 homer; 10 ephahs = 6 bushels; 48.4 gallons = 183 liters
Ephah – 10 omers; 1/10 homer = 3/5 bushel; 6 gallons = 22.7 liters
Homer – 10 ephahs; 1 cor = 6 bushels; 48.4 gallons = 183 liters
Koros – 10 bushels; 95 gallons – 360 liters
Omer – 1/10 ephah; 1/100 homer = 2 quarts = 1.9 liters
Saton – 1 seah = 7 quarts = 6.6 liters
Seah – 1/3 ephah; 1 saton = 7 quarts = 6.6 liters
Liquid Volume
Bath – 1 ephah = 6 gallons = 22.7 liters
Batos – 8 gallons = 30.3 liters
Hin – 1/6 bath; 12 logs = 1 gallon; 4 quarts = 3.8 liters
Log – 1/72 bath; 1/12 hin = 1/3 quart = 0.3 liters
Metretes – 10 gallons = 37.8 literes
Linear Measurements
Linear measurements were based upon readily available natural measurements such as the distance between the elbow and the hand or between the thumb and the little finger. While convenient, this method of measurement gave rise to significant inconsistencies.
Cubit. Approximately 18 inches, or 45.7 centimeters. Equivalent to 6 handbreadths. The standard biblical measure of linear distance, as the shekel is the standard measurement of weight. The distance from the elbow to the outstretched fingertip. Used to describe height, width, length (Exod. 25:10), distance (John 21:8), and depth (Gen. 7:20). Use of the cubit is ancient. For simple and approximate conversion into modern units, divide the number of cubits in half for meters, then multiply the number of meters by 3 to arrive at feet.
1 cubit = 2 spans = 6 handbreadths = 24 fingerbreadths
Day’s journey. An approximate measure of distance equivalent to about 20–25 miles, or 32–40 kilometers. Several passages reference a single or multiple days’ journey as a description of the distance traveled or the distance between two points: “a day’s journey” (Num. 11:31; 1 Kings 19:4), “a three-day journey” (Gen. 30:36; Exod. 3:18; 8:27; Jon. 3:3), “seven days” (Gen. 31:23), and “eleven days” (Deut. 1:2). After visiting Jerusalem for Passover, Jesus’ parents journeyed for a day (Luke 2:44) before realizing that he was not with them.
Fingerbreadth. The width of the finger, or ¼ of a handbreadth, approximately ¾ inch, or 1.9 centimeters. The fingerbreadth was the beginning building block of the biblical metrological system for linear measurements. Used only once in the Scriptures, to describe the bronze pillars (Jer. 52:21).
Handbreadth. Approximately 3 inches, or 7.6 centimeters. Equivalent to 1/6 cubit, or four fingerbreadths. Probably the width at the base of the four fingers. A short measure of length, thus compared to a human’s brief life (Ps. 39:5). Also the width of the rim on the bread table (Exod. 25:25) and the thickness of the bronze Sea (1 Kings 7:26).
Milion. Translated “mile” in Matt. 5:41. Greek transliteration of Roman measurement mille passuum, “a thousand paces.”
Orguia. Approximately 5 feet 11 inches, or 1.8 meters. Also translated as “fathom.” A Greek unit of measurement. Probably the distance between outstretched fingertip to fingertip. Used to measure the depth of water (Acts 27:28).
Reed/rod. Approximately 108 inches, or 274 centimeters. This is also a general term for a measuring device rather than a specific linear distance (Ezek. 40:3, 5; 42:16–19; Rev. 11:1; 21:15).
Sabbath day’s journey. Approximately ¾ mile, or 1.2 kilometers (Acts 1:12). About 2,000 cubits.
Span. Approximately 9 inches, or 22.8 centimeters. Equivalent to three handbreadths, and ½ cubit. The distance from outstretched thumb tip to little-finger tip. The length and width of the priest’s breastpiece (Exod. 28:16).
Stadion. Approximately 607 feet, or 185 meters. Equivalent to 100 orguiai. Used in the measurement of large distances (Matt. 14:24; Luke 24:13; John 6:19; 11:18; Rev. 14:20; 21:16).
Land Area
Seed. The size of a piece of land could also be measured on the basis of how much seed was required to plant that field (Lev. 27:16; 1 Kings 18:32).
Yoke. Fields and lands were measured using logical, available means. In biblical times, this meant the amount of land a pair of yoked animals could plow in one day (1 Sam. 14:14; Isa. 5:10).
Capacity
Cab. Approximately ½ gallon, or 1.9 liters. Equivalent to 1 omer. Mentioned only once in the Scriptures, during the siege of Samaria (2 Kings 6:25).
Choinix. Approximately ¼ gallon, or 0.9 liters. A Greek measurement, mentioned only once in Scripture (Rev. 6:6).
Cor. Approximately 6 bushels (48.4 gallons, or 183 liters). Equal to the homer, and to 10 ephahs. Used for measuring dry volumes, particularly of flour and grains (1 Kings 4:22; 1 Kings 5:11; 2 Chron. 2:10; 27:5; Ezra 7:22). In the LXX, cor is also a measure of liquid volume, particularly oil (1 Kings 5:11; 2 Chron. 2:10; Ezra 45:14).
Ephah. Approximately 3⁄5 bushel (6 gallons, or 22.7 liters). Equivalent to 10 omers, or 1⁄10 homer. Used for measuring flour and grains (e.g., Exod. 29:40; Lev. 6:20). Isaiah prophesied a day of reduced agricultural yield, when a homer of seed would produce only an ephah of grain (Isa. 5:10). The ephah was equal in size to the bath (Ezek. 45:11), which typically was used for liquid measurements.
Homer. Approximately 6 bushels (48.4 gallons, or 183 liters). Equivalent to 1 cor, or 10 ephahs. Used for measuring dry volumes, particularly of various grains (Lev. 27:16; Isa. 5:10; Ezek. 45:11, 13–14; Hos. 3:2). This is probably a natural measure of the load that a donkey can carry, in the range of 90 kilograms. There may have existed a direct link between capacity and monetary value, given Lev. 27:16: “fifty shekels of silver to a homer of barley seed.” A logical deduction of capacity and cost based on known equivalences might look something like this:
1 homer = 1 mina; 1 ephah = 5 shekels; 1 omer = 1 beka
Koros. Approximately 10 bushels (95 gallons, or 360 liters). A Greek measure of grain (Luke 16:7).
Omer. Approximately 2 quarts, or 1.9 liters. Equivalent to 1⁄10 ephah, 1⁄100 homer (Ezek. 45:11). Used by Israel in the measurement and collection of manna in the wilderness (Exod. 16:16–36) and thus roughly equivalent to a person’s daily food ration.
Saton. Approximately 7 quarts, or 6.6 liters. Equivalent to 1 seah. The measurement of flour in Jesus’ parable of the kingdom of heaven (Matt. 13:33; Luke 13:21).
Seah. Approximately 7 quarts, or 6.6 liters. Equivalent to 1⁄3 ephah, or 1 saton. Used to measure flour, grain, seed, and other various dry goods (e.g., 2 Kings 7:1; 1 Sam. 25:18).
Liquid Volume
Bath. Approximately 6 gallons, or 22.7 liters. Equivalent to 1 ephah, which typically was used for measurements of dry capacity. Used in the measurement of water (1 Kings 7:26), oil (1 Kings 5:11), and wine (2 Chron. 2:10; Isa. 5:10).
Batos. Approximately 8 gallons, or 30.3 liters. A Greek transliteration of the Hebrew word bath (see above). A measure of oil (Luke 16:6).
Hin. Approximately 4 quarts (1 gallon, or 3.8 liters). Equivalent to 1⁄6 bath and 12 logs. Used in the measurement of water (Ezek. 4:11), oil (Ezek. 46:5), and wine (Num. 28:14).
Log. Approximately 1⁄3 quart, or 0.3 liter. Equivalent to 1⁄72 bath and 1⁄12 hin. Mentioned five times in Scripture, specifically used to measure oil (Lev. 14:10–24).
Metretes. Approximately 10 gallons, or 37.8 liters. Used in the measurement of water at the wedding feast (John 2:6).
A pin or stake meant to fit firmly into a tight hole. A common biblical use is the peg or stake that secures the ropes of a tent to the ground (Exod. 27:19; 35:18; 38:20, 31; 39:40; Num. 3:37; 4:32; Isa. 33:20; 54:2; Zech. 10:4). In one of the more graphic scenes of the OT, Jael drives a tent peg through the head of the sleeping enemy general Sisera and into the ground (Judg. 4:21, 22; 5:26). Other uses include a hanging pin, often wooden, driven into a wall (Isa. 22:23–25; Ezek. 15:3); a fastening fixture holding weaving to a loom (Judg. 16:13–14); metaphorically, a place of firmness and security (Ezra 9:8).
Common and valuable for food, beans were cooked while green in the pods or after being dried. Dry beans were threshed and winnowed like cereals and other grains. Beans are mentioned twice in the NIV (2 Sam. 17:28; Ezek. 4:9).
An architectural feature of the temple in Jerusalem. The word is found in some translations of Isa. 54:12 (NIV: “battlements”), in the fantastic description of a city built of gemstones. The Hebrew word here is derived from the word for “sun” (shemesh), suggesting that what is in view is the highest part of the wall, the part that would glitter in the sunshine. In the NT, in the story of Jesus’ temptation by the devil, the devil sets Jesus on the pinnacle of the temple (Matt. 4:5; Luke 4:9 [NIV: “highest point”]) and tempts him to throw himself from it. This refers probably not to the rooftop of Herod’s temple but to the southeast corner of the outer court, a point that stands high above the Kidron Valley below.
One of the eleven Edomite chiefs, descendants of Esau, listed in Gen. 36:41; 1 Chron. 1:52.
Hebrews uses the word archēgos in highlighting Jesus as the “pioneer” of salvation and faith (Heb. 2:10; 12:2; NASB: “author”). The same Greek term is used in the phrase “author of life” in Acts 3:15 and is translated as “Prince” in Acts 5:31. See also Author, Author of Life.
The Bible often refers to songs, music, musical sounds and instruments, and dancing. We can infer several details about the instruments from their descriptions in the Bible as well as from archaeological finds and other ancient texts. NT references to music are scant; the OT material may be supplemented by ancient Near Eastern resources from Egypt, Canaan/Israel, Ugarit, and Mesopotamia.
Music
Style. In all likelihood, Israel’s music sounded much like that of its neighbors. This conjecture is particularly strengthened by findings from Ugarit, a city on the Syrian coast across from Cyprus. These findings, roughly from the time of the judges, mention some of the same musical instruments found in the Bible, some of which have been uncovered by archaeologists. The style of the poetry is very similar to the Song of Deborah (Judg. 5). Lyrically, some of the descriptions and titles used by the Canaanites for Baal are applied by Israel to Yahweh, to assert that he is the true God who has these attributes. Given these similarities in text, poetic style, and instrumentation, it is most probable that Israel’s music sounded much like that of its neighbors. Still, there is some evidence for regional styles. The direction to play psalms “according to gittith” (superscription to Pss. 8; 81; 84) may refer to the style of Gath, and similar regional interpretations are proposed for other directions in the psalms.
Lyrics. The lyric side of Israel’s songs exhibits rhythm and deliberate structure. The most obvious planned structure is the alphabetic acrostic, where the poet or songwriter composes one or more verses to begin with successive letters of the Hebrew alphabet. But the psalms exhibit many other structures involving symmetries and balance, such as equal halves, centered lines, symmetrical patterns of stanza length, and other features. The lines themselves usually demonstrate balance among their parts, having similar numbers of beats or accented syllables. Several lament poems exhibit a particular pattern known as qinah meter, which presumably also fits a musical template.
Performance. The performance of the psalms was, on at least some occasions, accompanied by multiple instruments and performed in a choir to achieve the volume necessary for community gatherings, which had no amplification equipment. It is generally assumed, though not known, that all choir members sang melody rather than in parts. They may well have integrated solo performances and musical interludes. From the poetry of the psalms, we observe different speaking voices. That is, in some instances, we hear the voice of the king, or of the people generally, or an official who addresses the audience, or a priestly or prophetic speaking voice, even the words of God himself. This is very suggestive that public performance may have brought different singers to the foreground at different times. There are also poems that employ a repeated refrain, suggesting an antiphonal performance, and others in which the priests or people in Jerusalem take up parts different from those of the arriving worshipers. While the exact execution of these songs is speculative, these elements suggest a certain amount of pageantry, at least for community settings. David is responsible for setting up Israel’s musical orders for the temple, with professional musicians with rotating responsibilities (1 Chron. 16; 25).
Instruments
Strings. The most frequently mentioned instrument is the kinnor, a lyre, also often referred to as a harp. The sound box of the harp is at the base, from which a straight or curved neck rises at a sharp angle so that the strings going from the box to the neck are of different length. The lyre has two uprights and a crosspiece on top, from which the strings of similar length stretch down to the sound box. The kinnor-lyre had eight to ten strings (based on Akkadian and Ugaritic findings and Jewish descriptions) and could be played with a pick or by hand. David’s “harp” was such a lyre. The “harp” mentioned in the NT (1 Cor. 14:7; Rev. 5:8; 14:2; 15:2) probably was also a lyre. Another OT lyre, or perhaps a harp, the nebel, complemented the kinnor-lyre. Jewish tradition about the strings implies that it produced a lower sound. The nebel-lyre is most often mentioned with other instruments, though occasionally alone. Another stringed instrument mentioned three times, the ’asor, may have been a harp or a lyre with ten strings (Pss. 33:2; 92:3; 144:9). In Pss. 45:8; 150:4 there is mention of “the strings,” which may refer to more than just the stringed instruments specifically mentioned in the Bible. The ancient world also had lutes, an instrument with a long, straight neck, fretted like a guitar or ukulele, proceeding from a small sound box.
Percussion. Timbrels, cymbals, and castanets or rattles are percussion instruments mentioned in the Bible. The timbrel, also known from Egypt and Ugarit, was a hand drum, like a tambourine but without metal jingles. The timbrel accompanies dancing and may have been used by the dancers (Exod. 15:20; Judg. 11:34; 1 Sam. 18:6). Cymbals may have been paired or individual, but it is not certain whether these latter were suspended cymbals or finger cymbals, being four to six inches in diameter. In 2 Sam. 6:5 there is mention of another percussion instrument, mena’an’im (the root of this word means “to shake”), perhaps “sistrums” (NIV) or “castanets” (NASB) (although the KJV renders it as “cornets”). Egyptian sistrums were small, forked, metal instruments with three sliding crossbars that had hooked ends. Archaeologists have also found rattles made of pottery, with ceramic balls inside. Castanets were small hand-clappers joined with a string. Israel likely had all of these, though it is hard to know which is referred to in 2 Sam. 6:5. The cymbal is mentioned once in the NT (1 Cor. 13:1), though not as musically pleasing in that context.
Woodwinds and horns. The OT attests to both an animal horn, most frequently called a shopar, and a metal trumpet, the khatsotserah (Num. 10:2–10). The NT refers to a horn with a word used to translate both OT terms (salpinx). The ancient world had both flutes and shawms. Shawms have a bell-like flare at the end, while the shaft of a flute is straight to the end. What is likely a double-reed shawm is frequently translated “flute” (1 Sam. 10:5; 1 Kings 1:40; Isa. 5:12; 30:29; Jer. 48:36 [NIV: “pipes”]). It is unclear whether the instrument mentioned in Gen. 4:21; Ps. 150:4 commonly translated as “flute” is a woodwind or a stringed instrument. The NT also mentions a flute or reed instrument (Matt. 11:17; 9:23; 1 Cor. 14:7; Rev. 18:22) that could be played for dancing or mourning.
Simplicity and complexity. Instruments such as horns, trumpets, and some percussion instruments were not used only for making music. The blowing of the ram’s horn or the trumpet might be used to sound the alarm, convene an assembly, or in preparation for an announcement. Aaron was to wear metal bells on the hem of his robe when entering the holy place (Exod. 28:33–35). Some of the percussion instruments may have been used to augment dance and keep rhythm more than to make music for singing. The strings were the primary instruments to accompany singing, though they were not necessarily accompanied by song.
A few Assyrian texts treat the tuning and playing of music with technical notations. From their string designations and tuning directions we can infer that their scales utilized seven notes as in the modern octave (seven notes plus one repeating). The notes for tuning stringed instruments suggest that the tunings produced different scales. Musical theory, then, was not completely absent. Many of the pictorial representations of musicians from Egypt and Mesopotamia include multiple instruments being played together (cf. Nebuchadnezzar’s instructions in Dan. 3:5, 7, 10, 15 and David’s celebration in 2 Sam. 6:5). These are not simply multiple kinds of noisemakers, although community gatherings would require volume. Rather, they exhibit a sense of understanding which instruments complemented each other well. While the singing of the ancient Near East no doubt included chanting, singing with multiple instruments suggests something more melodious than mere chanting interspersed with the strumming of a lute. This music could be styled to fit different moods, to soothe, to celebrate, to mourn, to worship. It is reasonable to suggest that the music accompanying the psalms reflected the wide range of emotions mentioned in the text.
Dancing
The dancing mentioned in the Bible is usually celebratory and positive and is combined with singing or the playing of musical instruments. Such dancing may occur at any happy occasion but is mentioned most often in connection with victory or worship (e.g., Exod. 15:20; Judg. 11:34; 1 Sam. 18:6). The women of Shiloh “join in the dancing” (Judg. 21:21) at an annual festival, which implies some manner of folk dancing. The dancing of Herodias’s daughter probably was erotic (Matt. 14:6; Mark 6:22), and the dancing of the Israelites around the golden calf probably was laden with sensuality as well (Exod. 32:19).
The king of Jarmuth (Josh. 10:3), he was one of five Amorite kings enlisted by Adoni-Zedek of Jerusalem to attack the Gibeonites, who were allies of the Israelites. Joshua came to their aid, killing Piram and the others at Makkedah.
Pirathon is a town located in Ephraim, in an area also associated with the Amalekites (Judg. 12:15), about six miles southwest of Shechem (modern Nablus). It has been identified with modern Farata. Two Pirathonites are mentioned in the Bible: the judge Abdon (Judg. 12:13–15) and Benaiah, one of David’s mighty warriors (2 Sam. 23:20; 1 Chron. 11:31; 27:14). Pirathon may also appear in a list of fortified cities in 1 Macc. 9:50.
Pirathon is a town located in Ephraim, in an area also associated with the Amalekites (Judg. 12:15), about six miles southwest of Shechem (modern Nablus). It has been identified with modern Farata. Two Pirathonites are mentioned in the Bible: the judge Abdon (Judg. 12:13–15) and Benaiah, one of David’s mighty warriors (2 Sam. 23:20; 1 Chron. 11:31; 27:14). Pirathon may also appear in a list of fortified cities in 1 Macc. 9:50.
A mountain or ridge northeast of the Dead Sea. The region across the river from Jericho is described as being “below the slopes of Pisgah” (Deut. 3:17; 32:49; Josh. 12:3). Pisgah refers to the same location as Mount Nebo. In Deut. 34:1 Moses “climbed Mount Nebo from the plains of Moab to the top of Pisgah,” from which he was able to survey the entire promised land before his death.
Pisgah was one of three mountains upon which Balaam and Balak sought a divine revelation, in the “field of Zophim” (Num. 23:14). Throughout the Bible, mountaintops serve as the setting for worship, divine revelation, and divination: in the OT, Sinai, Gerizim, Zion, Carmel; in the NT, the mountains where Jesus teaches, is transfigured, and is worshiped (Matt. 5:1–2; Mark 9:2; Matt. 28:16–17), and where John the Seer envisions the new Jerusalem (Rev. 21:10).
One of four rivers (with Gihon, Tigris, and Euphrates) that branched off from the river flowing from Eden (Gen. 2:10–11). The Pishon flowed through Havilah. Neither name can be identified with a location known today. However, Pishon may have referred to a river known to the Israelites, since the context contains names of several other identifiable places.
A mountainous region in central Asia Minor (modern Turkey). Paul passed through Pisidia on his first missionary journey, on his way to Pisidian Antioch (Acts 13:14). This Antioch was not actually in Pisidia, but was so named because of its proximity and to distinguish it from other cities of the same name. Paul passed again through Pisidia on the return leg of his first journey (Acts 14:24). Because of its mountainous terrain, the limited extent to which the region had been Hellenized and later Romanized, and the reputation of the inhabitants in antiquity for robbery, many commentators have suggested that Paul is referring to his travels in Pisidia in 2 Cor. 11:26, where he says, “I have been in danger from rivers, in danger from bandits.”
One of four rivers (with Gihon, Tigris, and Euphrates) that branched off from the river flowing from Eden (Gen. 2:10–11). The Pishon flowed through Havilah. Neither name can be identified with a location known today. However, Pishon may have referred to a river known to the Israelites, since the context contains names of several other identifiable places.
A descendant of Asher and the son of Jether (1 Chron. 7:38 [NRSV: “Pispa”]), he is among the latest descendants of Asher listed by the Chronicler.
Pits were used in ancient Israel for storing water or grain (e.g., Lev. 11:36; Deut. 6:11). Such structures are known to modern archaeologists. In some cases, they are lined with stones (Isa. 14:19). Pits were also used to press wine (Mark 12:1), to trap animals (1 Chron. 11:22), as hiding places (1 Sam. 13:6; 2 Sam. 17:9), or as prisons (Gen. 37:20; 41:14; Isa. 24:22), especially waterless cisterns (Jer. 38:6; Zech. 9:11). In biblical poetry the pit is a prominent metaphor for death (Ps. 28:1; Prov. 28:17; Isa. 14:15) and calamity (Isa. 24:17–18; Lam. 3:47). Exodus 21:33 warns against leaving a pit uncovered, lest a person or animal fall into it. Jesus also used this image in his teaching (Matt. 12:11; 15:14).
A viscous substance used for waterproofing vessels, such as Noah’s wooden ark (Gen. 6:14) and the papyrus basket containing the infant Moses (Exod. 2:3). Pitch may have been a softer form of bitumen or asphalt, resinous substances made by distilling organic matter. The image of burning pitch describes divine judgment on Edom in Isa. 34:9.
A vessel especially for pouring out liquid. The Israelite tabernacle and temple contained golden pitchers for pouring out drink offerings (Exod. 25:29; 37:16; Num. 4:7). The corresponding pitchers in the temple were made according to David’s instructions (1 Chron. 28:17).
A pit dug in the ground to trap animals. In several places in the Bible, the pitfall is used figuratively to describe the attempts of enemies to harm the biblical speaker by setting a metaphorical trap (Pss. 57:6; 119:85; Jer. 18:22).
Supply cities built by the Israelites during their Egyptian enslavement (Exod. 1:11). Several archaeological sites in the Nile Delta have been proposed. Rameses is identified as an Israelite settlement (Gen. 47:11) or starting point of the exodus from Egypt (Num. 33:3).
Listed twice in genealogies of Saul (1 Chron. 8:35; 9:41), a great-great-grandson of Saul through Saul’s son Jonathan.
To pity someone is to feel or express compassion toward that person. Of the two main Hebrew verbs translated “pity,” khus describes an attitude of merciful kindness toward a person (Deut. 25:12), and khamal refers to sparing someone from something negative (Lam. 2:2). When khus and khamal occur in the same sentence, the NIV generally translates them “pity” and “spare” respectively (e.g., Deut. 13:8; Ezek. 7:4). The Greek eleeō can also be translated “to have mercy” (Luke 17:13 NASB), while splanchnizomai graphically depicts compassion (Luke 10:33), as splanchna, from which splanchnizomai is derived, is the Greek word for “intestines” (compare English: “My heart goes out to you”).
Most often, when “pity” occurs in the Bible, lack of pity is under discussion. The Israelites were to show no pity to the Canaanites (Deut. 7:16), nor were they to pity those who violated the Mosaic law (Deut. 19:21; 25:11–12). God repeatedly warned the Israelites that he would show them no pity when he judged them (Isa. 9:17; Jer. 13:14; Ezek. 7:4). However, God does express pity (Ezek. 16:5–6; Zech. 8:14–15), particularly through Jesus Christ (Matt. 18:27; Mark 9:22; Luke 17:13–14) and Christians (1 John 3:17).
The plagues unleashed against Egypt (Exod. 7:1–11:10) demonstrated to Pharaoh (Exod. 9:14), to the Israelites (Exod. 10:2), and to “all the earth” (Exod. 9:16; Rom. 9:17) God’s sovereign control over nature on behalf of his covenant people. Both the timing and the intensity of the plagues indicate that these were not random natural phenomena. The unfolding of the whole series of plagues would have taken at least nine months.
Many of the plagues attacked the multiplicity of Egyptian deities (Exod. 12:12). All the water turned bloodred (Exod. 7:17–21 [for the idiom, see Joel 2:31]), and there was death in the Nile, ironically considered the lifeblood of Osiris, god of the underworld. Hapi was god of the Nile, responsible for the flooding that deposited rich soil on the farmlands. Frogs challenged Heqet, a fertility deity, making their way into Pharaoh’s bedroom. Cattle were sacred; Hathor was represented as a cow with the solar disk between her horns. Boils on humans and animals meant that the Egyptian magicians could not stand before Moses, possibly an attack on priests, who were to be unblemished. Deep darkness covered all Egypt (Exod. 10:21–22), a direct affront to Re, the sun god. Darkness and the death of the firstborn were especially sharp attacks because the sun was the primary deity, and Pharaoh was its earthly representative. There are echoes in Scripture of these plagues as God used natural phenomena to bring chastisement to his erring people, and they foreshadow the eschatological devastations in Revelation.
In Judg. 9:37 the KJV renders me’onenim, a Hebrew word mean-ing “diviners” or “soothsayers” (Deut. 18:10, 14; Mic. 5:12), as a proper name, “Meonenim.” The Hebrew lacks the word “plain” in this verse; rather, it has a kind of tree, ’elon (“oak”). Many modern versions translate the phrase as “diviners’ tree” (NIV), “Diviners’ Oak” (ESV, RSV; cf. NASB), or “Oracle Oak” (MSG), while the NRSV transliterates the entire phrase as the name “Elon-meonenim.” See also Diviners’ Tree.
“Sharon” refers to the Sharon Plain (e.g., Acts 9:35). The coastal plain, one of the north-south sections into which Palestine can be divided north of the Negev, is the westernmost geographical feature of these strips. The Mediterranean Sea is to the west of the coastal plain and the foothills of the Shephelah to the east. The coastal plain is called the Sharon Plain once it extends north of the Yarkon River. The Sharon Plain is divided by two kurkar (local sandstone) ridges running north to south. North, toward the Carmel Mountains, the plain narrows and virtually disappears at the promontory at Haifa. It widens farther north past Akko and into Lebanon. The Sharon Plain held forests of oaks and terebinth trees during antiquity, but it was deforested during the Ottoman Empire. New forests have been replanted since modern Israel’s statehood.
The Plain of Shinar was the site of the tower of Babel. According to Genesis, people settled here after they moved “eastward” (Gen. 11:2 [or perhaps “from the east” or “in the east”]). The identification of Shinar as Babylonia (so the NIV footnote at 11:2) makes it probable that this phrase is better rendered “eastward” (NIV) or “to the east” (NLT). After the immigrants settled, they began to build a tower that would help them not “be scattered over the face of the whole earth” (11:4). When God confused their language, they were indeed scattered (11:9).
The Plain of Shinar, then, was the epicenter of postdiluvian civilization, the point from which the various people groups migrated outward with their distinct languages. This picture of the dispersion of civilization from southern Mesopotamia is similar to secular models that propose that recorded history started with the Sumerian people and language.
In the ancient Near East, plaster was used to make a surface (typically a wall or floor) smooth, protected, appealing, or waterproof (Lev. 14:42; Dan. 5:5). Plaster could be made from clay, which was applied wet and left to bake in the sun. It could also be made from crushed and heated limestone or gypsum.
The rendering of the Hebrew word ’ermon, in most modern English versions (KJV: “chesnut”; NKJV: “chestnut”) . The plane tree typically grows alongside rivers, and it often has flaking bark. The Assyrian Empire is likened to a plane tree because of its strength and beauty (Ezek. 31:8), and Jacob uses its branches in his deception with Laban’s flocks (Gen. 30:37). See also Chesnut; Plants.
In the OT, a translation synonymous with “boards” used for construction (Exod. 27:8; 38:7; 1 Kings 6:9, 15; Song 8:9; Ezek. 27:5, 6; 41:25–26), and in the NT, an alternative translation to “log” or wooden “beam” used by Jesus in comparison with a speck of dust (Matt. 7:3–5; Luke 6:41–42). The debris from Paul’s shipwreck on which he and his shipmates floated to safety in Malta included planks (Acts 27:44).
Common and valuable for food, beans were cooked while green in the pods or after being dried. Dry beans were threshed and winnowed like cereals and other grains. Beans are mentioned twice in the NIV (2 Sam. 17:28; Ezek. 4:9).
In the ancient Near East, plaster was used to make a surface (typically a wall or floor) smooth, protected, appealing, or waterproof (Lev. 14:42; Dan. 5:5). Plaster could be made from clay, which was applied wet and left to bake in the sun. It could also be made from crushed and heated limestone or gypsum.
(1) A shallow vessel for holding food. (2) A small metal plaque engraved with the words “Holy to the Lord” and affixed to the front of the high priest’s turban as a reminder of the holiness required by God (Exod. 28:36). (3) Metal sheets that Eleazar had fashioned from the censers of 250 men in the Korah rebellion who were consumed by fire from God. The sheets were overlaid on the altar as a sign warning the Israelites that only descendants of Aaron could burn incense before God (Num. 16:35–40).
A large plate for serving food. The head of John the Baptist was placed on a platter and presented to the daughter of Herod’s wife Herodias (Mark 6:25, 28). Jesus compared the Pharisees to a dirty platter (Luke 11:39 [NIV: “dish”]).
The Bible contains little information about nonathletic games, but archaeology has revealed numerous types of board games and children’s games in Egypt, Mesopotamia, and Canaan. Although actual game pieces and dice have been found, information concerning the rules of the games is lacking. The Hebrew Bible does not describe anything like Greek or Roman games, but the NT makes numerous references to athletic competitions.
Greek games originated with funeral rites that commemorated heroes. The Iliad provides the earliest reference to Greek games as it describes games sponsored by Achilles in memory of Patroklos. The games became an integral part of Greek culture, honored the Greek gods, and were an essential element in a Greek education. Games were held at hundreds of local festivals across the Mediterranean, but the four Panhellenic games were the most prestigious. The games were accompanied by a sacred truce and held in sanctuaries. The Greeks trained and competed in the nude. Initially, running was the only competition, but by the second century AD Pausanius enumerated twenty-four contests, all of which were individual competitions. The specific contests varied from place to place, but the main events included running, chariot racing, long jumping, javelin throwing, discus throwing (2 Macc. 4:14), wrestling, boxing (1 Cor. 9:26), and the pankration, which was a form of all-out fighting. Some of the games included musical competitions. The prize, a wreath, was awarded only for first prize, and the winner of all four Panhellenic games was the periodonikēs. The victor returned home to a hero’s welcome, fame, and gifts. Some examples of cheating and bribery have survived, and those caught were fined.
The Olympic games, established in 776 BC, were the oldest and most prestigious of the Panhellenic games. They were held every four years in the sanctuary complex of Zeus in Olympia. The stadium was typically about 600 feet long, but Olympia’s was the longest, at about 630 feet, because of the tradition that Heracles had laid out the course. The remaining Panhellenic games were established about two hundred years later, in the sixth century BC. The Pythian games were held at the sanctuary of Apollo in Delphi. The Nemean games were held at the sanctuary of Zeus in Argos. The Isthmian games were administered by Corinth at the sanctuary of Poseidon.
The Romans preferred gladiatorial games and wild-game hunts over Greek games. Nevertheless, Romans were allowed to participate in the Panhellenic games. In fact, the emperors Tiberius and Nero participated. The Roman games were wildly popular with the people. By the second century AD, 135 days of games were held each year in Rome. The Circus Maximus was the largest venue, allowing up to two hundred thousand spectators to attend the chariot races. The Colosseum, the largest amphitheater in the Roman Empire, was built in AD 80, financed with spoils taken during the First Jewish Revolt. It held fifty thousand spectators for the gladiatorial games. Prisoners of war, slaves, and criminals condemned to die were forced to fight as gladiators and face wild beasts. Gladiatorial games were held throughout the empire. Herod the Great threw condemned criminals to wild animals in his amphitheater near Jerusalem in order to delight the spectators (Josephus, Ant. 15.273–75). Paul refers to fighting wild beasts in Ephesus (1 Cor. 15:32), though this is likely a metaphor for his spiritual opponents. Roman-style games honored Rome and became a symbol of loyalty to the Roman Empire.
Jewish views toward Greek and Roman games varied. Some Jews, especially those in the Diaspora, embraced the games as spectators and participants (2 Macc. 4:9–14). During the reign of Antiochus IV, some Jewish youth participated in the gymnasium in Jerusalem. They even underwent surgery to cover the signs of their circumcision (1 Macc. 1:12–15). Herod the Great built amphitheaters, stadiums, and hippodromes throughout his kingdom, and Philo of Alexandria frequented the games. However, the authors of 1–2 Maccabees criticize the priests for neglecting their duties by attending the games. Furthermore, the religious association of the games led many conservative Jews to oppose the games.
Because Paul and his audiences were familiar with Greek and Roman games, he drew upon them as analogies to the Christian life. During Paul’s eighteen-month ministry in Corinth, the nearby Isthmian games were played. Through references to training and competition, Paul demonstrates the need to be disciplined, focused, determined as an athlete (1 Cor. 9:24–27; 2 Tim. 4:7; cf. Heb. 12:1). In contrast to the wreath won by Greek athletes, Christians strive for an eternal prize and a crown of righteousness (1 Cor. 9:27; Phil. 3:14; 2 Tim. 4:7–8).
The practice of giving and taking pledges as securities on loans was common in the ancient Near East, including Israel. One notable example is that of Judah, who gave the pledge of his seal and cord as well as his staff to Tamar until he could return and pay a goat from his flock (Gen. 38:17–20). Taking a pledge was acknowledged as an alternative to exacting interest from debtors (Exod. 22:25–26). The poor likely did not have the means to pay interest, and it was illegal to exact it from the poor or from one’s kin (Lev. 25:35–38; Deut. 23:19). The giving of a pledge allowed the poor the opportunity to borrow. The practice was highly regulated in an attempt to protect the penurious of society. Some things were not to be taken as pledges because they were necessary for life. For example, an upper millstone could not be taken in pledge because of its necessity in food processing (Deut. 24:6). Some garments were acceptable as a pledge, but the widow’s was exempt (Deut. 24:12–13, 17), and transgressors of this rule were condemned by the prophets (Ezek. 18:7, 12; Amos 2:8). To give a pledge or to be guarantor of a debt on behalf of someone else was not always considered wise and might result in loss unless immediate action was taken (Prov. 6:1–5; 22:26).
The Pleiades (the Seven Sisters) form a constellation of seven stars that the Bible always lists together with Orion, another star cluster that appears in close proximity in the night sky. Job 9:9 and Amos 5:8 mention the Pleiades and Orion as products of God’s craftsmanship and evidence of his creative power. Job 38:31 adds the interesting detail that they are “bound” together by him. In Greek myth, Orion chased after seven sisters (the Pleiades) for five years, and Zeus turned both Orion and the daughters into stars just before he caught them.
An instrument and process used by farmers to break up ground in preparation for planting (Isa. 28:24; Hos. 10:11). The plow was made of wood (1 Kings 19:21), and the point was covered with a metal plowshare (Isa. 2:4; Joel 3:10) that required occasional sharpening (1 Sam. 13:20–21). Usually, plowmen used pairs of oxen (1 Kings 19:19; Job 1:14) to pull the plow, although one might harness single animals or other animals such as donkeys (Deut. 22:10), depending on the situation and resources. The busy time of plowing at the beginning of the rainy season (around November) required hard work (Exod. 34:21; Prov. 20:4) and commitment (Luke 9:62). One also finds the term “plow” used figuratively for creating or doing something (making trouble [Job 4:8]), often with the negative ideas of destruction (Jer. 26:18) or punishment (Ps. 129:3).
A cord with a weight attached to one end, to measure verticality, used in ancient construction. Appearing in five OT passages, a plumb line measures righteousness and signals God’s commitment for renewal. In Amos 7:7–9 a plumb line in the hand of God communicates his judgment. In Zech. 4:10 a plumb line in the hand of Zerubbabel brings rejoicing (NIV: “capstone”). A plumb line signals God’s act of washing in 2 Kings 21:13. A plumb line in Isa. 28:17; 34:11 is righteousness and justice as well as desolation and chaos. While signaling an end, a plumb line also indicates a new beginning.
An ancestor of a family that belonged to the “servants of Solomon” (Ezra 2:57; Neh. 7:59) and returned to Jerusalem and Judah from Babylon with Zerubbabel and others around 539 BC. Little is known about this group except that they likely performed menial functions at the temple, as they are grouped with the “temple servants” (see Nethinim). The name of the group suggests that they were formed during the period of Solomon, though they could have been so named because Solomon built the first temple.
Seed casings used as pig feed (Luke 15:16). The NIV provides the only other use of pods in 2 Kings 6:25, where most English versions read “dove’s dung.” The context suggests that whatever is in view has rising value during a famine. Thus, “dove’s dung” probably was a popular name for a plant normally considered inedible or at least distasteful.
Works from two Greek poets (Acts 17:28) provide Paul with expressions for this speech in Acts 17:24–31 at Athens. Opening words of the Phaenomena by Aratus and a paraphrase of the Hymn to Zeus by Cleanthes allude to a true and lofty note of spiritual devotion. Paul takes this praise and devotion offered by the Greek poets to their unknown or fictitious gods and bestows it upon the one true God, whom he declares to the people of Athens as creator, sustainer, ruler, father, and judge.
About a third of the OT is poetic. Poetry is a more elevated way of speaking and writing than prose. It is a departure from normal patterns of speech and exhibits a high degree of attention to literary artifice. In poetry, how something is said is as important as what is said. Poetry employs various poetic devices and conventions that are less frequent in or completely absent from ordinary speech. Among these are acrostic, inclusion, chiasm, succinctness, parallelism, and the heightened use of imagery (see also Acrostic).
Hebrew poetry also employs the full range of figures of speech, including metaphor, simile, synecdoche (substituting part for whole or vice versa, such as “set sail” or “lying in wait for blood”), anthimeria (substituting one part of speech for another, such as “let the dry appear”), merism (the whole expressed with two opposites, such as “day and night”), anthropomorphism, personification (“let the rivers clap their hands” [Ps. 98:8]), and so on.
Inclusion and Chiasm
Inclusion (or inclusio) is a structuring device whereby a unit of text begins and ends with the same or a very similar word or phrase. Thus the included material is bounded and defined as a unit of text. For example, Song 2:8–17 begins, “Listen! My beloved! Look! Here he comes, leaping across the mountains, bounding over the hills. My beloved is like a gazelle or a young stag,” and it ends, “Until the day breaks and the shadows flee, turn, my beloved, and be like a gazelle or like a young stag on the rugged hills.” This opening and closing with the same metaphor bounds the enclosed material as a unit of text. Another example is the way Prov. 1:2–7 (NRSV) begins and ends with the words “wisdom,” “instruction,” and “understanding/knowledge,” which delineates these verses as a block of text.
Chiasm (or chiasmus) is a way of organizing material whereby the second half of a text is a mirror image of the first half. “The Sabbath was made for man, not man for the Sabbath” (Mark 2:27 pars.) can be diagrammed as A/B/Bʹ/Aʹ. More and more elaborate chiasms have been proposed for various parts of Scripture, with many elements on each side. The flood narrative, the Abraham cycle, the book of Ruth, and so on may be written to a chiastic structure.
Succinctness and Imagery
One of the characteristics of Hebrew poetry is its succinctness; it says a lot with a few words. One way this is accomplished is through the use of imagery. “The Lord is my rock” (Ps. 18:2) compresses volumes of theology into a single image, thus requiring far less verbosity than if the concept had been stated without imagery. However, the trade-off is that more is required of the reader. The reader must ask, “How is the Lord like a rock?” and fill in the blank. This is true also of other ways that poetry is succinct—for example, its tendency to leave out particles and connectives. For example, “The Lord is my shepherd, / I lack nothing” (Ps. 23:1) leaves out a needed conjunction between the two phrases, which the reader must supply. Is it “The Lord is my shepherd, sooner or later I shall need nothing”? “The Lord is my shepherd, even so I shall need nothing”? Or “The Lord is my shepherd, therefore I shall need nothing.” The reader must decide the correct association between the two lines because the conjunction is purposely left out of the verse. Thus poetry engages the reader and must be read slowly and carefully.
Parallelism
The most recognizable feature of biblical poetry is the phenomenon of parallelism. This is the counterweight to succinctness. While poetry is designed to say much with few words, these words occur in line pairs, the second of which takes the thought further. For example, “Why do the nations conspire / and the peoples plot in vain?” (Ps. 2:1). Obviously, “nations” is parallel with “peoples,” and “conspire” with “plot in vain.” Line A and line B state in essence the same thought with different words, and they state it in the same way. This is called synonymous parallelism. “Lazy hands make for poverty, / but diligent hands bring wealth” (Prov. 10:4). In this verse, the parallel elements are opposites: lazy and diligent, poverty and wealth. This is called antithetical parallelism.
Sometimes, the second line completes the thought of the first line, forming complementary parallelism: “Israel, put your hope in the Lord / both now and forevermore” (Ps. 131:3). When a symbol is set in parallel with the thing symbolized, this is emblematic parallelism: “As the deer pants for streams of water, / so my soul pants for you, my God” (Ps. 42:1). Sometimes line B follows line A in time, forming sequential parallelism: “I call out to the Lord, / and he answers me from his holy mountain” (Ps. 3:4). When line B follows logically from line A, this is consequential parallelism: “In peace I will lie down and sleep, / for you alone, Lord, make me dwell in safety” (Ps. 4:8). Traditionally, when the relation between the lines does not fit into any defined category, the parallelism is called synthetic.
Poisons in the OT generally derived from reptiles, insects, or other animals and caused inflammation, fever, and frequently death. Various poisonous snakes were found in Palestine (Num. 21:6; Deut. 8:15; 32:24, 33; Job 20:14, 16; Pss. 58:4; 140:3; Prov. 23:32; Isa. 14:29; Jer. 8:17; Mark 16:18; cf. Acts 28:1–6 [on Malta]). Several plants were known to be poisonous, though few are mentioned in Scripture (Deut. 29:18; Hos. 10:4). Job 6:4 refers to the use of poison-tipped arrows to increase potency of the weapon, probably used both in hunting and combat.
Poisons in the OT generally derived from reptiles, insects, or other animals and caused inflammation, fever, and frequently death. Various poisonous snakes were found in Palestine (Num. 21:6; Deut. 8:15; 32:24, 33; Job 20:14, 16; Pss. 58:4; 140:3; Prov. 23:32; Isa. 14:29; Jer. 8:17; Mark 16:18; cf. Acts 28:1–6 [on Malta]). Several plants were known to be poisonous, though few are mentioned in Scripture (Deut. 29:18; Hos. 10:4). Job 6:4 refers to the use of poison-tipped arrows to increase potency of the weapon, probably used both in hunting and combat.
Poisons in the OT generally derived from reptiles, insects, or other animals and caused inflammation, fever, and frequently death. Various poisonous snakes were found in Palestine (Num. 21:6; Deut. 8:15; 32:24, 33; Job 20:14, 16; Pss. 58:4; 140:3; Prov. 23:32; Isa. 14:29; Jer. 8:17; Mark 16:18; cf. Acts 28:1–6 [on Malta]). Several plants were known to be poisonous, though few are mentioned in Scripture (Deut. 29:18; Hos. 10:4). Job 6:4 refers to the use of poison-tipped arrows to increase potency of the weapon, probably used both in hunting and combat.
An ancestor of a family that belonged to the “servants of Solomon” (Ezra 2:57; Neh. 7:59) and returned to Jerusalem and Judah from Babylon with Zerubbabel and others around 539 BC. Little is known about this group except that they likely performed menial functions at the temple, as they are grouped with the “temple servants” (see Nethinim). The name of the group suggests that they were formed during the period of Solomon, though they could have been so named because Solomon built the first temple.
In the KJV, an archaic verb meaning “to shear hair,” often done as a sign of mourning (2 Sam. 14:26; Ezek. 44:20; Mic. 1:16), or a noun referring to numbered heads (Num. 1:2, 18, 20, 22; 1 Chron. 23:3, 24). More recent translations (e.g., NIV) prefer “to trim” or “to make bald” and to list “one by one.”
A “head” tax levied by a government, often following a census (see 2 Sam. 24:1–17; 1 Chron. 21:1–17). Taxes were levied against conquered peoples (2 Kings 15:19–20; 23:35). The Romans demanded tribute from every head (tributum capitis) annually (see Mark 12:13–17 pars.). The procurator (e.g., Pontius Pilate) or regional head (e.g., Herod Antipas) was responsible for collecting these taxes. Around the time of Jesus’ birth, many Jews rebelled against the census and tax (Acts 5:37). According to Luke 2:1, Joseph and Mary came to Bethlehem near the time of Jesus’ birth because of a census for tax purposes decreed by Caesar Augustus.
Oral, ceremonial, or physical defilement, desecration, corruption, contamination; to make morally, ceremonially, or physically unclean or impure; to make filthy (Num. 35:33; 2 Chron. 36:14; Ezra 2:62; Neh. 7:64; Ps. 106:38; Prov. 25:26; Isa. 24:5; Jer. 3:1, 2, 9; 16:18; Ezek. 23:30; Zeph. 3:1, 4; Mal. 1:7, 12; Acts 15:20; 2 Pet. 2:10, 20). The choice of “pollution/pollute” rather than a synonym is a translation decision. The word occurs many other places in certain versions.
Pollution in modern secular usage generally refers to the dirtying of environmental spaces as a result of human activity, for example, air and water pollution. Proverbs 25:26 employs this understanding. More generally, the stewardship mandate given to humanity by God in Gen. 2:15 provides biblical support for the importance of caring for the environment. This would include reducing or eliminating known polluting activities and cleaning up previously polluted spaces. See also Clean, Cleanness.
One of the twin sons of the god Zeus, the other being Castor, who adorned the figurehead of the ship that conveyed Paul to Rome (Acts 28:11).
Oral, ceremonial, or physical defilement, desecration, corruption, contamination; to make morally, ceremonially, or physically unclean or impure; to make filthy (Num. 35:33; 2 Chron. 36:14; Ezra 2:62; Neh. 7:64; Ps. 106:38; Prov. 25:26; Isa. 24:5; Jer. 3:1, 2, 9; 16:18; Ezek. 23:30; Zeph. 3:1, 4; Mal. 1:7, 12; Acts 15:20; 2 Pet. 2:10, 20). The choice of “pollution/pollute” rather than a synonym is a translation decision. The word occurs many other places in certain versions.
Pollution in modern secular usage generally refers to the dirtying of environmental spaces as a result of human activity, for example, air and water pollution. Proverbs 25:26 employs this understanding. More generally, the stewardship mandate given to humanity by God in Gen. 2:15 provides biblical support for the importance of caring for the environment. This would include reducing or eliminating known polluting activities and cleaning up previously polluted spaces. See also Clean, Cleanness.
Oral, ceremonial, or physical defilement, desecration, corruption, contamination; to make morally, ceremonially, or physically unclean or impure; to make filthy (Num. 35:33; 2 Chron. 36:14; Ezra 2:62; Neh. 7:64; Ps. 106:38; Prov. 25:26; Isa. 24:5; Jer. 3:1, 2, 9; 16:18; Ezek. 23:30; Zeph. 3:1, 4; Mal. 1:7, 12; Acts 15:20; 2 Pet. 2:10, 20). The choice of “pollution/pollute” rather than a synonym is a translation decision. The word occurs many other places in certain versions.
Pollution in modern secular usage generally refers to the dirtying of environmental spaces as a result of human activity, for example, air and water pollution. Proverbs 25:26 employs this understanding. More generally, the stewardship mandate given to humanity by God in Gen. 2:15 provides biblical support for the importance of caring for the environment. This would include reducing or eliminating known polluting activities and cleaning up previously polluted spaces. See also Clean, Cleanness.
An intimate, exclusive, lifelong covenant relationship between a man and a woman wherein a new family is established.
Theology of Marriage
The biblical basis for marriage is recorded in Gen. 2:18–24, which establishes a number of important points relating to marriage.
First, in Gen. 2:18 God highlights the first expressed inadequacy within creation: the man is alone. The solution to the man’s solitude is found not among the animals (a fact demonstrated by the careful search expressed by having the man name each of them) but in a creature specifically created to address the problem of his solitude: woman. She is created from his “rib” (a better translation is “side”), so that she is more like him than any of the animals. In spite of this, she is not a clone, but rather a complement to him. She is described as a “helper suitable for him,” which highlights her fulfillment of the inadequacy God had previously identified.
Second, the role of the wife is not restricted to providing a means by which to fulfill the command to fill the earth (through bearing children), for the problem identified in Gen. 2:18 cannot be reduced to this alone. The OT establishes that human beings are relational and social, and that isolation is not good, quite aside from considerations relating to childbearing. Indeed, when marriage is employed as a metaphor for the relationship between God and his people (see below), it can be conceptualized quite apart from the notion of procreation, suggesting that the latter should not be considered the primary purpose of marriage.
Third, Gen. 2:23 describes the relationship between the man and the woman in terms strongly reminiscent of the traditional kinship formula used with reference to family members elsewhere in the OT: “bone of my bones, and flesh of my flesh” (cf., e.g., Gen. 29:14; Judg. 9:2; 2 Sam. 5:1; 19:13–14—similar to the modern English expression “my flesh and blood”; see also Matt. 19:5; Eph. 5:31). Although “be united” (other translations use “cleave”) and “one flesh” are frequently understood to refer to sexual union, this is not the only, or even the primary, implication of the words. Genesis 2:24 expresses the unification of the husband and the wife as the antithesis of the man’s leaving his father and mother. These terms (“leave” or “forsake,” “be united” or “cleave”) are used elsewhere in covenantal contexts. “Cleave” is usually used of people in the sense of clinging to another out of affection and loyalty (Gen. 34:3; Ruth 1:14; 2 Sam. 20:2; 1 Kings 11:2). It is also frequently used of Israel clinging to God (Deut. 10:20; 11:22; 13:5; 30:20; Josh. 22:5; 23:8). “Forsake” is used of breaking covenants (Deut. 12:19; 14:27; 29:25; Jer. 1:16; 2:13, 17, 19; 5:7; 16:11; 17:13; 19:4; 22:9). The verb also appears in the context of marital divorce in Prov. 2:16–17; Isa. 54:6; 62:4.
The implication of Gen. 2:24 is that the man was formerly “united” to his parents in a familial relationship, but when he marries, the covenantal relationship with his parents is superseded by the new relationship with his wife. Thus, in establishing the covenantal relationship of marriage, the man and the woman form a new family unit (they become “one flesh,” which parallels the kinship formula more fully expressed in Gen. 2:23). It is noteworthy that Gen. 2 thus defines a family as husband and wife; a family is formed before any children are born. Furthermore, the emphasis on the priority of the relationship between husband and wife is particularly striking, given both the importance of honoring one’s parents (Exod. 20:12; Deut. 5:16) and the distinctly patrilocal nature of inheritance whereby sons would remain in the parents’ household after marriage and ultimately inherit a share of it, but daughters would leave their parents’ house to be with their husbands.
Fourth, the description of the woman as the man’s “helper” cannot alone be used to demonstrate that the wife’s role was either subordinate or superior to her husband’s. Although the term is elsewhere often used as a description of God, it is also used of subordinate helpers, and other contextual indications determine the relative status of the helper aside from the use of the term itself.
Marriage in the Old Testament
The Bible presents few formal legal, liturgical, or cultic requirements for marriage (whereas there are specific laws dealing with divorce), although it does record some details of specific marriages from which some insight into marriage practices can be gleaned. Marriages often were established through an arrangement between the parents of the husband and those of the wife or between the husband and the parents of his prospective wife (e.g., Gen. 24; 38:6), but there appears to be some diversity, with examples of a man choosing his own wife (e.g., Judah in Gen. 38:2) or instances when the consent of the woman is sought (e.g., Gen. 24:8, 58). The requirement of a formal certificate for divorce (Deut. 24:1, 3), together with examples of marriage contracts from the ancient Near East, are possible evidence that marriage within Israel required certification, although there is no explicit confirmation of this in the OT or in Israel prior to the rabbinic period. The marriages recorded in the OT often involved feasts of varying duration (Gen. 29:22; Judg. 14:12), the bride being accompanied to her home in a festive procession that included music and singing (Ps. 78:63; Jer. 7:34; 16:9), and a blessing pronounced over the bride that she might bear many children (Gen. 24:60; Ruth 4:11). Deuteronomy 22:15 suggests that evidence of the bride’s virginity was retained by the wife’s family to guard against false accusations by a husband seeking divorce.
Another aspect of marriage that appears to have been normative although not legislated was the payment of a mohar, or “bride-price” (Gen. 34:12; Exod. 22:16; 1 Sam. 18:25), as well as the provision of a dowry (1 Kings 9:16). The former was a payment made by the groom’s family to the bride’s family, the latter an amount given by the father to his daughter. Typically, the former appears to have exceeded the latter in value. The bride-price, at least in later times, functioned as insurance should the wife be divorced.
The Bible does not issue any specific age constraints upon those being married, indicating that the OT practice probably did not differ significantly from that of other nations in the ancient Near East, where girls were considered ready for marriage once they had reached puberty or the age of twelve, and boys were generally slightly older. Constraints were placed on the eligibility of marriage partners, and generally marriages were endogamous: marriage partners were chosen from within the clan, tribe, or nation (e.g., Gen. 24:1–9; 27:46–28:5; cf. Deut. 7:3, which prohibits marriage with some, but not all, foreigners, and Deut. 21:10–14, which permits Israelite warriors to take a wife from among female prisoners of war). While there were exceptions to this constraint (e.g., Moses married a Midianite; Bathsheba was married to a Hittite; Boaz married Ruth, a Moabite), in later times the restriction was given legal sanction under Ezra and Nehemiah (Ezra 9:2, 12; Neh. 13:25; cf. Luke 14:26; 18:29).
In spite of the likelihood that many marriages in the OT and the ancient world in general were arranged, the notion of romantic love as both an ideal for marriage and a basis for choosing one’s spouse clearly was known and even regarded as desirable. This is reflected in the approbation given romantic love in Song of Songs as well as in stories such as that of Jacob (Gen. 29:18; see also Judg. 14:1–3; 1 Sam. 18:20).
Socially, marriage was of particular import for a woman in the ancient world, for her well-being usually depended on her place within the house of either her father or her husband. Because inheritance was passed down the male line, women without connection to the house of a man were in a very tenuous state. Inheritance itself was also an important issue in the ancient world, and so great value was placed not just on marriage but also on bearing children (particularly male [see also Firstborn]). Associated with these social functions of marriage in ancient Israel is the fact that the OT permits and records a number of instances of polygamy (always polygyny, never polyandry). This afforded social security to widows (see also Levirate Law, Levirate Marriage) and helped ensure the line of inheritance. It should be noted, however, that neither the welfare aspect of marriage nor the related acceptance of polygamy is based on the biblical foundation for marriage in Gen. 2, and consequently, polygamy does not reflect the biblical ideal for marriage.
The fundamental importance of the marriage relationship is also highlighted by the severity of the penalties for adultery (e.g., Exod. 20:14; Deut. 5:18; 22:22–24; see also Adultery).
Marriage in the New Testament
Jesus reinforces the importance of marriage, emphasizing its divine origin and lifelong nature (Matt. 19:6; Mark 10:9) as well as its inviolability (Mark 10:2–12). In light of this, Jesus’ assertion that at the resurrection there will be no marriage is surprising (Matt. 22:30). Although Jesus offers no explanation as to why there will be no marriage following the resurrection, it is perhaps likely that the fundamental need identified by God in Gen. 2:18 (the man was alone) will be solved in a different manner in the age to come: the intimate help and companionship ideally found in marriage will be provided in perfected relationship with God and all others.
Paul elaborates somewhat on marriage in the Christian community. Christian marriage ought to be characterized by mutual submission in some respects (1 Cor. 7:4; Eph. 5:21) while reflecting some asymmetrical aspects of the relationship between Christ and the church in others (Eph. 5:22–33). Christians ought to marry within the church (2 Cor. 6:14–18, although this passage is not restricted to marriage); however, those who are married to nonbelievers are not to seek divorce, but are to remain faithful to their spouses for the sake of both the spouse and their children (1 Cor. 7:10–16).
The NT makes reference to some of the marriage customs of the day, including sharing a feast (Matt. 22:2–12; Luke 12:36; John 2:1–11), the expectation that guests be suitably attired (Matt. 22:11–12), and a procession to the groom’s home (Matt. 25:1–13; Luke 12:35–38).
Symbolic Use of Marriage
Marriage is used figuratively in both Testaments. The relationship between God and his people is described with marriage language (Isa. 62:4–5; Jer. 2:2). By using such language, the prophets emphasize the intimacy and unity inherent in the relationship between God and his chosen people, as well as the devastating betrayal when the covenant is broken. The use of the marriage metaphor is thus extended to the use of divorce language to describe God’s treatment of unfaithful Israel (Jer. 3:8), and the notion of adultery and promiscuity is equated with the worship of foreign gods (Ezek. 16; 23). The prophet Hosea’s marriage is itself a graphic representation of God’s relationship with his people and, in particular, their faithlessness; however, it also holds out the anticipation of a new covenant, one wherein God declares, “You will call me ‘my husband’; you will no longer call me ‘my master’ ” (Hos. 2:16). The metaphorical use of marriage to image the relationship between God and his people also reflects the implicit belief in the asymmetrical nature of the relationship between husband and wife in the ancient world.
The NT primarily identifies the church as the bride and Christ as the husband when using marriage language figuratively (e.g., Eph. 5:22–33). In so doing, the NT affirms Christ’s deity by explicitly depicting him in the place occupied by God in the OT’s use of marriage symbolism. Jesus uses marriage in his parabolic teaching about the kingdom of God (Matt. 22:2–14; 25:1–12), as well as in reference to himself as bridegroom when explaining the behavior of his disciples (Mark 2:19–20; Luke 5:34–35). Revelation depicts the return of Christ as the time of the marriage between the bride and the bridegroom (Rev. 19:7; 21:9).
A fruit-bearing tree found in Palestine. Representations of pomegranates adorned Aaron’s garments (Exod. 28:33–34) and the temple of Solomon (1 Kings 7:18–20). See also Flowers; Plants.
In 2 Chron. 4:13 the KJV translates the Hebrew word gullah as “pommel,” referring to the “bowl-shaped capitals” (NIV) on top of the pillars at the temple.
A small body of still water. Ponds were collections of stagnant water, but they could also be reservoirs for storing water (Exod. 7:19; 8:5). In James 3:12 the “pond” (ESV [NIV: “spring”]) of freshwater contrasting salty water pictures how the human tongue should not contradict itself by praising God while cursing people. The term “pool” is also used of natural ponds (Ps. 107:35). See also Pool.
Pontius Pilate was the fifth Roman governor of Judea. He presided at the trial of Jesus, ultimately sentencing him to death. Based on the account of Josephus, he was appointed to his post in AD 26 or 27 and was removed from it ten years later (c. AD 37) by the governor of the neighboring province of Syria after he mishandled a confrontation with a group of religious fanatics in Samaria. Several previous debacles involving Pilate are known from Josephus and Philo, possibly including the event mentioned in Luke 13:1, where Jesus is told about “the Galileans whose blood Pilate had mixed with their sacrifices.” In one instance, Pilate offended the Judeans by introducing to Jerusalem military standards with images of the emperor. On another occasion, Pilate affronted the population when he built an aqueduct to supply water to Jerusalem, either because he took money from the temple to finance the project or because the aqueduct ran through a cemetery, rendering its water ritually unclean according to Jewish law. While Josephus’s intention is to present the rule of Pilate as tumultuous, and the Gospels are concerned to downplay his role in Jesus’ trial relative to that of the Jewish leaders, his lengthy tenure suggests that he was generally a successful governor and that his term was one of relative quiet governing what was at times a volatile population in Judea.
Pilate’s role in the trial of Jesus is mentioned in all four Gospels. As the governor of Judea, he possessed the power to execute criminals, a power denied to the Jewish authorities who arrested and initiated the charges against Jesus. The Gospels present Pilate as interrogating Jesus primarily about his political activities, reflecting the fact that Pilate’s interest in the trial was not religious or theological, but instead was based on his concern for maintaining order in his province. The general tendency of the Gospel accounts is to minimize the culpability of Pilate in the death of Jesus. According to Matthew’s Gospel, Pilate’s wife told him that Jesus was an innocent man (27:19), and Pilate later disclaimed responsibility for the death of Jesus and publicly washed his hands to signify his own innocence (27:24). According to Luke 23:4, 14, 22; John 19:6, Pilate declared that he had found no charge against Jesus. Eventually, Pilate capitulated because the crowd was growing violent (Matt. 27:24) and because they implicitly threatened to slander Pilate by saying that he was not maintaining the order of the Roman Empire: “If you let this man go, you are no friend of Caesar” (John 19:12). Luke 23:12 reports that Pilate befriended Herod Antipas as a result of having referred the case to him on the basis of Jesus being a Galilean and therefore Herod’s subject.
Pilate is mentioned in 1 Tim. 6:13 as the audience of a “good confession” made by Jesus. This verse suggests that the trial of Jesus before Pilate was seen by the early church as the model for later confrontations between Christians and the governing authorities, a situation previously predicted by Jesus himself (Matt. 10:18).
Pilate is known not only from the NT, but also from Josephus, Philo, the Roman historian Tacitus, and from an inscription discovered in 1961 in Caesarea identifying Pilate as “prefect” of Judea. This technical term has connotations of military authority and is more specific than the NT’s broader term “governor” (Gk. hēgemōn).
The eastern half of the dual Roman province of Pontus and Bithynia. Pontus was the northeast region of Asia Minor (modern Turkey), north of the province of Galatia, on the south shore of the Black Sea. Its Persian dynasty under Mithridates VI ended with the Roman conquest by Pompey in 63 BC. Christianity spread to Pontus early: Jews from Pontus were present at Pentecost (Acts 2:9); Peter’s first letter addresses believers in Pontus (1 Pet. 1:1). Paul worked and traveled with Aquila (husband of Priscilla), a native of Pontus (Acts 18:2). The location and terrain of Pontus favored its prosperous trade economy.
In the OT, “pool” has three basic meanings: (1) a reservoir for containing and conserving water for a community; typically rectangular or round, and if constructed, either hewn from rock or created by damming a dry streambed; it may be fed by an aqueduct (2 Sam. 2:13; 4:12; 1 Kings 22:38; 2 Kings 3:16; 18:17; 20:20; Neh. 2:14; 3:15–16; Eccles. 2:6; Song 7:4; Isa. 7:3; 22:9, 11; 36:2; Nah. 2:8); (2) a naturally occurring pond, lake, lagoon, or marsh characterized by still or slow-moving water and the presence of reeds and other water plants (Exod. 7:19; 8:5; Pss. 107:35; 114:8; Isa. 14:23; 35:7; 41:18; 42:15); (3) a ditch filled with water (2 Kings 3:16). Elsewhere in the OT, some English translators use “pool” in rendering a metaphor or phrase that could be expressed another way (Deut. 8:7; Ps. 84:6; Song 5:12; Jer. 41:12).
In the NT, “pool” occurs only in John’s Gospel, where it refers to two constructed reservoirs or bathing places in Jerusalem: the Pool of Bethesda (once associated with an asclepeion, or pagan healing temple) and the rock-cut Pool of Siloam. Jesus performed healing miracles in both places (John 5:2, 7; 9:7, 11). See also Bethesda; King’s Pool; Siloam.
Taken together “poor,” “orphan,” and “widow” are mentioned in the NIV 280 times, evidence of God’s particular concern for those in need. “Poor” is an umbrella term for those who are physically impoverished or of diminished spirit. In biblical terms, “poor” would include most orphans and widows, though not every poor person was an orphan or widow. With over 170 references to the “poor” in the NIV, the biblical writers emphasize God’s concern for the poor. This is best summarized in Deuteronomy: “There will always be poor people in the land. Therefore I command you to be openhanded toward your fellow Israelites who are poor and needy in your land” (15:11).
The Poor
Old Testament. All sections of the OT (including the Torah, Major Prophets, Minor Prophets, and wisdom literature) contain both instructions and warnings regarding the treatment of the poor. Portions of the tithes and offerings were to be set aside for the needs of the poor (Deut. 14:28–29; 26:12–13). The law made specific provisions that allowed the poor in the land to glean from fields that they had not planted or tended (Lev. 19:9–10; 23:22). Boaz’s allowance of Ruth’s gleanings is an example (Ruth 2:7–8, 15, 23).
Favor was given to those who were kind to the poor (Job 29:12; 30:25; 31:16; Ps. 112:9; Prov. 19:17; 22:9; 28:8, 27; Isa. 58:5–7; Jer. 22:16). Inversely, those who did not care for the poor were strongly warned (Prov. 21:13; Ezek. 16:49; Amos 8:4–9). The OT often warns against oppression of the poor, with the added emphasis that God is their defender (2 Sam. 12:3–4; Job 20:19; Pss. 109:16; 140:12; Prov. 14:31; 23:11; Isa. 3:14). If a poor person made a vow, specific regulations were provided to prevent a pledge of unfair amount and to prevent the pledge from being kept overlong (Lev. 27:8; Deut. 24:12). Israelites who were hired as workers because they were impoverished were to be treated fairly and not as slaves (Lev. 25:39–42; Deut. 24:14–15). The poor were to be judged fairly, being shown neither favoritism nor oppression because of their situation (Exod. 23:3, 6; 30:15; Lev. 19:15; Job 34:19; Ps. 49:2; Isa. 10:2).
In addition, the poor were not to be disregarded in the Sabbath Year or Jubilee Year. During the Sabbath Year, the poor and the needy of the land were permitted to gather food from the land, including the fields, olive groves, and vineyards (Exod. 23:11). If a man became poor and was forced to sell his land, and if it was not redeemed by a family member, the land would be returned to the man during the Jubilee Year (Lev. 25:25–30). Also, if a man was forced to submit himself to being a hired worker, he would be redeemed in the Jubilee Year (Lev. 25:47–54).
New Testament. The NT advances the atmosphere of kindness and nonoppression toward the poor and those in need found in the OT. The NT church was marked by such a real and selfless generosity that its members sold their own possessions and gave to “anyone who had need” (Acts 2:45). The poor were to be treated with generosity, and needs were to be addressed whenever they were discovered (Matt. 19:21; Luke 3:11; 11:41; 12:33; 14:13; 19:8; Acts 6:1; 9:36; Rom. 15:26; Gal. 2:10).
Kindness to the poor was regarded as a natural manifestation of the love of God. Several NT writers considered a lack of concern and kindness toward the poor in a believer’s life cause to question the authenticity of that person’s faith (James 2:15–16; 1 John 3:17–18).
Furthermore, because of the incarnation of Christ, in which the almighty God chose to dwell with humanity, distinctions between believers on the basis of material wealth and, more specifically, favoritism toward the rich were expressly forbidden by the NT writers (1 Cor. 11:20–22; Phil. 2:1–8; James 2:1–4).
Orphans
Other specific biblical instructions regarding people in need concern those without parents and especially those without a father. Such individuals are referred to as “fatherless.” As with the provisions made for the poor, oppression of orphans or the fatherless was strictly forbidden (Exod. 22:22; Deut. 24:17; 27:19; Isa. 1:17; 10:1–2; Zech. 7:10). Furthermore, God is often referred to as the provider and helper of the orphan or fatherless (Deut. 10:18; Pss. 10:14, 18; 68:5; 146:9; Jer. 49:11). Jesus promised not to leave his followers as “orphans,” implying that he would not leave them unprotected (John 14:18). In one of the clearest statements of how Christian belief is to manifest itself, James states, “Religion that God our Father accepts as pure and faultless is this: to look after orphans and widows in their distress and to keep oneself from being polluted by the world” (James 1:27). (See also Fatherless.)
Widows
Since widows are bereft of their husbands and thus similar to orphans in vulnerability and need, they are the beneficiaries of special provisions in both Testaments. Oppression was forbidden (Exod. 22:22), provisions were to be given in similar fashion to that of the poor and orphans (Deut. 24:19–21), and ample warnings were given to those who would deny justice to widows (Deut. 27:19). Jesus raised a widow’s son from death (Luke 7:14–15), a miracle especially needed because she lacked provision after her only son’s death. The apostle Paul gave specific rules to Timothy regarding who should be placed on the list of widows to receive daily food: they must be over sixty years old and must have been faithful to their husbands (1 Tim. 5:9). In the book of Revelation, a desolate city without inhabitants is aptly described as a “widow” (18:7). (See also Widow.)
In the Bible, the “poor” may also be understood as “beggars,” describing those in an extreme state of deprivation, destitute, completely dependent on others for survival (Exod. 23:11; Isa. 14:30; Luke 16:20). Jesus pronounces blessing upon the “poor in spirit” and claims that they possess the kingdom of heaven (Matt. 5:3; cf. Luke 6:20). The qualifier “in spirit” invites disciples to see God as their merciful provider and, in turn, to extend that mercy to others (Matt. 6:1–4).
One of Haman’s ten sons, who were killed by the Jews during the reign of the Persian king Xerxes (Ahasuerus), who had granted them permission to “destroy, kill and annihilate” their enemies (Esther 8:11). At the request of Esther, the king ordered that the corpses of Poratha and his brothers be hung in public display (9:7–14).
In the OT, a covered area in front of the entrance to a building. “Porch” is but one translation for a Hebrew word (’elam) that can also refer to the portico of classical architecture, often featuring a colonnade. It may also indicate a vestibule, lobby, hall, or passage between the outer and inner entrances of a building. Depending upon the preference of the translator, these English words are used somewhat interchangeably (see 1 Kings 6:3; 7:6–8, 12, 19, 21; 1 Chron. 28:11; 2 Chron. 3:4; 8:12; 15:8; 29:7, 17; Ezek. 8:16; 40; 44:3; 46:2, 8; Joel 2:17). In the NT, “porch” (stoa) is used four times in certain translations as a specific reference to a portico or colonnade (John 5:2; 10:23; Acts 3:11; 5:12 [NIV: “colonnade”]). In other places, it is more generally synonymous with an entrance, gateway, or forecourt (Matt. 26:71 [pylōn]; Mark 14:68 [proaulion]).
Porcius Festus served as procurator (governor) of Judea from about AD 59 to 62, succeeding Marcus Antonius Felix (governed AD 52–59). Felix had imprisoned Paul in Caesarea Maritima as a political favor to a group of Jews who desired Paul’s death, and Festus did not release him (Acts 24:27). Paul stood trial before Festus, but he appealed to be tried in Rome before Caesar’s court, contrary to his opponents’ desire that he be tried in Jerusalem (see Acts 25–26). Festus granted Paul’s request, but first he remanded him to King Agrippa, before whom Paul presented his defense before being sent to Rome for trial (Acts 27–28).
The Hebrew word qippod is sometimes translated as “porcupine” (e.g., Isa. 14:23 NLT; Isa. 34:11 ESV; Zeph. 2:14 ASV). The crested porcupine, a large rodent with long, sharp, defensive quills on its back, is indigenous to the Middle East. However, the other creatures mentioned in these verses are birds. The KJV translates the Hebrew word as “bittern,” but more likely it refers to some kind of owl (as in the NIV).
(1) A third-century philosopher and strong opponent of Christianity. His anti-Christian writings influenced later critics of Christianity but have survived only in fragments. (2) A red or purple stone. In Esther 1:6 it constitutes part of the mosaic pavement upon which Xerxes (Ahasuerus) set “couches of gold and silver” during his propagandistic seven-day feast.
A material made from the skin of animals, leather was used for various articles, including belts (2 Kings 1:8) and sandals (Ezek. 16:10). Leviticus gives detailed instructions on how to deal with contaminated leather articles and textiles (Lev. 13:48–59). John the Baptist’s leather belt and garment of camel’s hair recalled Elijah’s style of dress (Matt. 3:4; Mark 1:6).
The instructions for building the tabernacle refer frequently to takhash skin (NIV: “durable leather”; Exod. 25:5; 26:14; 35:7, 23; 36:19; 39:34; Num. 4:6, 8, 10–12, 14, 25), a fine leather also used for sandals (Ezek. 16:10). Various suggestions for the animal represented by this term include badger (KJV), porpoise (NASB), sea cow (NIV 1984), dolphin (MSG), manatee (HCSB), seal (ASV), goat (ESV), and others. Perhaps the most likely candidate is the dugong, a large marine animal that lives in the Red Sea. Its skin would be hard enough to protect the tabernacle and its furniture as well as to be made into shoes. Other interpreters suggest that takhash actually refers to the color of the skin.
In older versions of the Bible, the translation for words meaning “gatekeeper” (e.g., 2 Sam. 18:26; 2 Kings 7:10–11; 1 Chron. 9:17–18; Ezra 2:42; John 10:3); also “doorkeeper” (Mark 13:34 [NIV: “the one at the door”]).
The KJV translation of a Hebrew word (’elam) more commonly translated “porch” or “portico” (even in its own translation elsewhere) in Ezek. 40:16–36. The word refers to an entrance room or foyer to the main building of the temple (1 Kings 6:3; 7:12–21) and in one place to a covered porch (7:6). This entrance to the temple measured thirty feet wide and fifteen feet deep. The height of the room is generally believed to be thirty feet, though this is uncertain because of a corruption of the original text (compare 1 Kings 6:3 with 2 Chron. 3:4). This vestibule also was the location of the two named pillars, Jakin and Boaz, and was richly adorned with gold.
The word “portion” is used to translate several Hebrew words that denote a given share in a variety of things, such as sacrificial meat (Exod. 29:26), delicacies (Esther 2:9), food (Prov. 31:15), booty (Gen. 14:24), and land (Josh. 14:4). Also, it is often used figuratively. God’s chosen people are identified as God’s portion (Deut. 32:9; Ps. 119:57). For the Levites, who did not receive an inheritance, God is their portion (Num. 18:20). To say that someone has a portion in or with another person is an idio-matic expression for membership in that person’s community. Sheba said in rebellion, “We have no portion in David” (2 Sam. 20:1 NRSV). The Transjordanian tribes built an altar as a witness to their faith because they worried that the Cisjordan tribes might later say, “You have no portion in the Lord” (Josh. 22:27 NRSV). When Peter refused to allow Jesus to wash his feet, Jesus said to him, “Unless I wash you, you have no part with me” (John 13:8). Wisdom literature often designates one’s lot in life as one’s portion (Job 20:29; Ps. 17:14; Eccles. 3:22; 5:18; 9:9; Wis. 2:9).
This term means “after the exile.” The postexilic period began with the decree of the Persian emperor Cyrus in 539 BC allowing the Jews to return to their land from the Babylonian captivity (Ezra 1:1–4). The returnees are referred to as the postexilic community and the period as the Second Temple period, for it was at this time that the temple was rebuilt.
Pottery in the Bible
The Bible contains numerous references to pottery, pottery making, and potters. Clay pottery was the most common and easiest way to cook food and to carry liquids throughout biblical times. Only pots used for very special occasions and locations (such as the temple) were made out of a material (usually some metal) other than clay (Exod. 38:3). Clay was the preferable material because it was freely obtained, easy to manipulate, and required little technology to make. The downside of pottery is that it is easily broken and thus rendered useless. Evidence of the abundance and affordability of pottery is seen in the instructions to break ceremonially unclean pottery rather than wash it (Lev. 15:12). Although cooking was the primary purpose for pottery, it could be used for a variety of applications, including storing items, carrying water, making lamps, and forming idols.
Pottery and the manufacture of pottery occasionally took on symbolic connotations in the Bible. For example, in the psalms broken pottery symbolizes the life of the psalmist as he cries to God for help (Ps. 31:12). In another psalm the psalmist envisions God destroying the nations that plot against God like someone who shatters pottery (2:9). Isaiah likens Egypt’s strength, in which Judah trusts more than in God, to pottery ready to be shattered (Isa. 30:14). Similarly, Jeremiah says that the leaders of Judah will be punished and will “fall and be shattered like fine pottery” (Jer. 25:34 NIV mg.). Isaiah also uses several other metaphors related to pottery. He says that God treads on rulers like a potter treads on clay, getting it soft and prepared for making pottery (Isa. 41:25). Isaiah also likens those who complain to God to pieces of broken pottery trying to tell the potter how to make pots (45:9).
Both Isaiah and Jeremiah liken people to clay in God’s hand. Isaiah says, “We are the clay, you are the potter; we are all the work of your hand” (Isa. 64:8). Jeremiah says essentially the same thing, but instead of using Isaiah’s positive tone, he sees the human molding process to be a difficult and dangerous one that can result in the potter rejecting the creation (Jer. 18:1–10). Jeremiah buys a pot, takes it to a gate in the city, the Potsherd Gate (a potsherd is a broken and useless piece of pottery), and smashes the pot symbolically to demonstrate how God feels about Judah (Jer. 19). Jeremiah’s choice of the Potsherd Gate was also part of the symbolism, as it is likely that most of the pottery in Jerusalem was made near or at the Potsherd Gate. The apostle Paul creates a similar metaphor, describing how a potter is able to take the same lump of clay and make different kinds of pots, some of which have special uses, and others common uses. Paul implies that God has the right to determine how and for what purpose he creates humans because he is like the potter with the clay (Rom. 9:21). Paul also refers to humans as clay jars with treasure in them (2 Cor. 4:7).
In another example, after the destruction of Jerusalem the people in captivity lament that they are simply like earthen pots before God (Lam. 4:2), suggesting that they are ready to receive the punishment that God has chosen for them to endure. Job also wonders if God has molded him like clay only then to turn him back into dust (Job 10:9).
Manufacture of Pottery
Preparing the clay. Before any pottery can be made, the clay must be gathered and prepared for use. Clay collected from different geographical areas will have different levels of pure clay and other earthen materials. Pure clay is very difficult to work with, but it produces some of the smoothest and strongest pots. Most of the clay used in Palestine was not of superior quality, and so most often imperfections developed in the pots as they were being made. We also know that during the time of the late monarchy, potters in Israel tended to mix clay with different kinds of sand to produce better results. With today’s advanced forensic technology, it often can be determined where the clay used to make a pot was harvested. Because it was generally impractical to transport clay any long distance, this sort of analysis can also be helpful in determining the origin of the pot. Once the clay was harvested, depending on its quality and use, it was often necessary to prepare the clay by kneading or treading it. This process was vital for removing any impurities in the clay as well as making it malleable.
Shaping. Historically, the first pottery molded was made by hand and dried in the sun. Nothing is known about the role of these early potters and whether they were highly regarded in society. Many scholars believe that early pottery was made by women, to be used for very practical purposes such as cooking and carrying water. It is fairly easy to determine the gender of the potter by measuring the natural hand and finger marks left in the clay and comparing their size in relationship to the average size of both men’s and women’s hands. These rudimentary pots usually were made by laying coils of clay one upon another.
Although it is not certain, the profession of being a potter likely did not develop until the invention of the potter’s wheel. The potter’s wheel allowed the potter to create more-sophisticated pottery and also gave the potter the ability to mass-produce pots. Several examples of potter’s wheels have been excavated dating to around 3500–3000 BC in Sumer and Ur. Most potter’s wheels during biblical times consisted of two wheels. A larger and heavier wheel was placed close to the ground, with a pole in the center of this wheel going up to a second, smaller, and lighter wheel supported by a table. The potter used his or her foot to move the larger wheel, which turned the smaller wheel. It is also possible that an apprentice turned the larger wheel. As the technology developed, sometimes two potter’s wheels were connected to one larger wheel so that two pots could be created at the same time.
Another method for making clay items was the use of press molds. Press molds were used to fashion clay by pushing the clay into the mold and then allowing it to dry. As the clay dried, it shrank and pulled away from the mold and could easily be removed from the mold. This method was used for molding figurines (most often used as household idols) and small oil lamps, which often were made of two molded pieces fused together.
Decorating and firing. Once a pot was finished being shaped, either on a wheel or in a mold, it often was decorated. The pot often was painted with pigment made from earth. Different painting styles can help in identifying a pot’s place of origin. Another common decoration method was to imprint the pot with different seals, symbols, or patterns. This was done by using a wooden or metal tool and pressing it into the wet clay. Examples of this method include several pots found at Gibeon stamped with what appear to be royal seals, which likely indicate that the pots and their contents belonged to the king. Much of the pottery from in and around Jerusalem has a red burnish applied to seal the pot and to add a smooth finish to the outside. By the time of the monarchy, potters were very sophisticated in their choice of materials and often had some of the materials, such as special sands, imported from a considerable distance. These sands added to the smoothness of the fired pot by creating a glaze on it.
Once the decoration of the pot was finished, the pot was dried in order to reveal any imperfections. If any imperfections were observed during drying, the pot was discarded. If no imperfections were seen, the pot was then fired. Depending on the potter’s resources and the technology the potter knew, the firing process could be as simple as placing the pot in a hot fire or could include the use of sophisticated kilns capable of producing extremely high and even heat. Firing a pot was extremely difficult, because ideally the heat is kept at a constant temperature throughout the process, which was not an easy task when using an open flame for the heating source. Because the process of firing pots was a well-guarded trade secret, we know few details of how pots were fired during biblical times.
Types of Pottery
There are several general categories of pottery, which are based on their characteristics and intended uses. Of course, for some extant examples of pottery from archaeological digs, their usage cannot be determined. Tableware included cups, plates, bowls, and jugs. These items tended to be more decorated than other pottery, much like tableware today tends to be more decorative than cooking pots. Cooking pots included pots with small, narrow rims and flat, open pans for frying and uncovered cooking. Storage vessels came in all sizes: pithoi, jars (two-handled), jugs (one-handled), smaller jugs (with no handles), and very small vessels for perfumes and other valuable liquids. Also, it is not unusual to find various sizes of lamps.
Importance of Pottery for Archaeology
Pottery has become an important dating tool for archaeologists. While written texts do provide more archaeological data than pottery and religious or cultural artifacts can be more visually interesting, it is pottery that helps the archaeologist piece all the information together.
History of dating pottery. While doing archaeological work in Egypt, Flinders Petrie noticed that for different time periods of Egyptian history there were different kinds of pottery, with very distinct and identifiable characteristics. These identifiable pottery characteristics included things such as the thickness of the wall of the pot, the type of rim or lip on the pot, the pot’s handles, and any special decorative elements. These characteristics, Petrie discovered, could be used to date sites that had no other dating information. Petrie carefully logged each piece of pottery found at each site and over time developed an extensive catalog of pottery types and their respective dating. Later, while digging at Tell el-Hesi in Palestine, Petrie noticed that each layer, or stratum, of the tell (archaeological mound) had a different type of pottery, much like the different kinds of pottery he had noticed in Egypt. Because of his careful and painstaking work in Egypt, Petrie also noticed that the different types of pottery in Palestine were similar to those that he had uncovered in Egypt. As a result, Petrie was able to develop a chronology of pottery that could be used to date different archaeological digs and strata in the entire ancient Near East. Later, W. F. Albright expanded on Petrie’s work by adding several sublayers and further refining the dating of each time period of pottery.
To help explain this significant discovery, L. E. Stager uses the example of how bottles for soft drinks have changed over the years. For example, he notes that when soda bottles were first mass-marketed, the writing on the bottle was part of the glass with raised letters. Over time the bottle changed and evolved; different types of writing were used on glass bottles until ultimately the bottles were smooth and the words were painted on them. In more recent years soda bottles have been made of plastic. This evolution of the soda bottle can roughly illustrate the changes in pottery over time. Because this method of dating depends on a catalog of documented pottery, it requires that all pottery found, no matter how insignificant, be cataloged and recorded so that others can compare the pottery finds from one place with those in other places.
Time periods. In the dating of ancient Near Eastern pottery, history is divided into broad time periods that are then further subdivided. The Middle Bronze Age (c. 2200–1550 BC) encompasses the time of the earliest biblical stories, including perhaps the stories of the patriarchs. During this period and the Early Bronze Age (c. 3300–2200 BC), the artisanship evident in the pottery was limited, and pots had little or no decoration; however, the skill applied to the vessels had improved dramatically from the prior period, the Chalcolithic (4500–3300 BC). These vessels show thin walls and evidence of mass production.
The Late Bronze Age (c. 1550–1200 BC), which likely includes the time of Moses and perhaps Joshua, shows an unusual and dramatic decrease in the quality of local Canaanite pottery. There is no known explanation for this deterioration, but it is evident. At the same time, pottery from other coastal regions, especially Mycenaean Greece and Crete, is very common, and pots from these locations are quite sophisticated and highly decorated. This indicates that during this time there was a strong cultural influence from these areas. Some have suggested that this is due to the colonization of parts of Palestine by the Sea Peoples, who perhaps are the Philistines of biblical history.
The Iron Age (c. 1200–586 BC), which encompasses the time period from the Israelite conquest and settlement through the monarchy, demonstrates more low-quality pottery, especially early in this period. In contrast with the examples of pottery manufactured locally at Israelite sites, Philistine pottery is quite sophisticated, highly decorated with red and black duotones in geometric patterns. The later pottery of the monarchy shows much more skill and sophistication.
The Persian (539–332 BC), Hellenistic (332–63 BC), and Roman periods (after 63 BC) conclude the biblical periods. Each of these periods is dominated by the aesthetics and quality of the invading countries’ pottery. By this time, trade routes were strongly established, and so the invaders, it appears, flooded the markets with their pottery, often to the detriment of the local potters.
One possessing great power and authority. The term is used of God in the KJV of 1 Tim. 6:15, and the same Greek word, dynastēs, is used of human beings in positions of power or authority (Luke 1:52; Acts 8:27).
The royal official of Pharaoh who purchased Joseph as a slave from Ishmaelite traders (Gen. 37:36). When Potiphar saw that God was giving Joseph great success in his endeavors, he entrusted Joseph with managing all his possessions. Potiphar’s wife took advantage of Joseph’s independence and made repeated sexual advances toward him, but Joseph remained faithful to his master, even to the point of running away from Potiphar’s wife (Gen. 39:12). Potiphar threw Joseph into prison when his wife lied and said that it was Joseph, not she, who had been the aggressor (Gen. 39:16–20).
A priest in the Egyptian city of On (better known as Heliopolis, “city of the sun” [cf. Jer. 43:13]), his name means “he whom Re [the sun god] has given.” He became Joseph’s father-in-law when his daughter, Asenath, was given in marriage to Joseph by Pharaoh (Gen. 41:45), and then he was the grandfather of their sons, Manasseh and Ephraim (Gen. 41:45; 46:20).
A broken piece of pottery that is essentially useless. Because of the easy availability and cheap cost of pottery in the ancient Near East and pottery’s relative fragility, broken pottery was common. Potsherds are mentioned a few times in the Bible. Job used a potsherd to scrape his skin when he was infected with skin sores (Job 2:8). The gate near the Valley of Ben Hinnom was called the “Potsherd Gate” (Jer. 19:2). It is at this place that Jeremiah smashed a clay pot into potsherds to warn the people of God’s wrath.
Although potsherds were rubbish in the ancient Near East, today their archaeological significance is immense. Because of the profusion of pottery in the ancient Near East, potsherds are extant at every level of an archaeological dig. Pottery now provides the best and easiest way to date a particular level of an archaeological site, and because it is rare to find intact vessels, most dating in archaeology is based on potsherds. With today’s sophisticated system of dating pottery, potsherds can help date any ancient Near Eastern site usually to within fifty to a hundred years.
Potsherds also often functioned as an easy surface on which to write. This writing was accomplished by scratching the surface of the broken pottery. This practice contributes to the wealth of archaeological information gained from potsherds. Potsherds that have writing on them are called “ostraca,” and these are the most common form of writing found at archaeological digs. Because they often only contain a couple of words or at most a couple of sentences, they often are difficult to translate due to the lack of context. Some of the most interesting and famous ostraca are the “Lachish letters,” written by a military officer named Hoshaiah to his superior, Joash, who was stationed at Lachish shortly before its conquest by the Babylonians in 587/586 BC. See also Pottery.
This term is used in the KJV to refer to a vegetable porridge usually made with lentils, beans, and peas. Esau relinquished his birthright for this humble and common meal prepared by Jacob (Gen. 25:29–34). Elisha converted a bad stew into a wholesome meal, serving it to the sons of the prophets (2 Kings 4:38–41). In Haggai, pottage is one of the things used in an illustration about holiness versus defilement (Hag. 2:12).
Pottery in the Bible
The Bible contains numerous references to pottery, pottery making, and potters. Clay pottery was the most common and easiest way to cook food and to carry liquids throughout biblical times. Only pots used for very special occasions and locations (such as the temple) were made out of a material (usually some metal) other than clay (Exod. 38:3). Clay was the preferable material because it was freely obtained, easy to manipulate, and required little technology to make. The downside of pottery is that it is easily broken and thus rendered useless. Evidence of the abundance and affordability of pottery is seen in the instructions to break ceremonially unclean pottery rather than wash it (Lev. 15:12). Although cooking was the primary purpose for pottery, it could be used for a variety of applications, including storing items, carrying water, making lamps, and forming idols.
Pottery and the manufacture of pottery occasionally took on symbolic connotations in the Bible. For example, in the psalms broken pottery symbolizes the life of the psalmist as he cries to God for help (Ps. 31:12). In another psalm the psalmist envisions God destroying the nations that plot against God like someone who shatters pottery (2:9). Isaiah likens Egypt’s strength, in which Judah trusts more than in God, to pottery ready to be shattered (Isa. 30:14). Similarly, Jeremiah says that the leaders of Judah will be punished and will “fall and be shattered like fine pottery” (Jer. 25:34 NIV mg.). Isaiah also uses several other metaphors related to pottery. He says that God treads on rulers like a potter treads on clay, getting it soft and prepared for making pottery (Isa. 41:25). Isaiah also likens those who complain to God to pieces of broken pottery trying to tell the potter how to make pots (45:9).
Both Isaiah and Jeremiah liken people to clay in God’s hand. Isaiah says, “We are the clay, you are the potter; we are all the work of your hand” (Isa. 64:8). Jeremiah says essentially the same thing, but instead of using Isaiah’s positive tone, he sees the human molding process to be a difficult and dangerous one that can result in the potter rejecting the creation (Jer. 18:1–10). Jeremiah buys a pot, takes it to a gate in the city, the Potsherd Gate (a potsherd is a broken and useless piece of pottery), and smashes the pot symbolically to demonstrate how God feels about Judah (Jer. 19). Jeremiah’s choice of the Potsherd Gate was also part of the symbolism, as it is likely that most of the pottery in Jerusalem was made near or at the Potsherd Gate. The apostle Paul creates a similar metaphor, describing how a potter is able to take the same lump of clay and make different kinds of pots, some of which have special uses, and others common uses. Paul implies that God has the right to determine how and for what purpose he creates humans because he is like the potter with the clay (Rom. 9:21). Paul also refers to humans as clay jars with treasure in them (2 Cor. 4:7).
In another example, after the destruction of Jerusalem the people in captivity lament that they are simply like earthen pots before God (Lam. 4:2), suggesting that they are ready to receive the punishment that God has chosen for them to endure. Job also wonders if God has molded him like clay only then to turn him back into dust (Job 10:9).
Manufacture of Pottery
Preparing the clay. Before any pottery can be made, the clay must be gathered and prepared for use. Clay collected from different geographical areas will have different levels of pure clay and other earthen materials. Pure clay is very difficult to work with, but it produces some of the smoothest and strongest pots. Most of the clay used in Palestine was not of superior quality, and so most often imperfections developed in the pots as they were being made. We also know that during the time of the late monarchy, potters in Israel tended to mix clay with different kinds of sand to produce better results. With today’s advanced forensic technology, it often can be determined where the clay used to make a pot was harvested. Because it was generally impractical to transport clay any long distance, this sort of analysis can also be helpful in determining the origin of the pot. Once the clay was harvested, depending on its quality and use, it was often necessary to prepare the clay by kneading or treading it. This process was vital for removing any impurities in the clay as well as making it malleable.
Shaping. Historically, the first pottery molded was made by hand and dried in the sun. Nothing is known about the role of these early potters and whether they were highly regarded in society. Many scholars believe that early pottery was made by women, to be used for very practical purposes such as cooking and carrying water. It is fairly easy to determine the gender of the potter by measuring the natural hand and finger marks left in the clay and comparing their size in relationship to the average size of both men’s and women’s hands. These rudimentary pots usually were made by laying coils of clay one upon another.
Although it is not certain, the profession of being a potter likely did not develop until the invention of the potter’s wheel. The potter’s wheel allowed the potter to create more-sophisticated pottery and also gave the potter the ability to mass-produce pots. Several examples of potter’s wheels have been excavated dating to around 3500–3000 BC in Sumer and Ur. Most potter’s wheels during biblical times consisted of two wheels. A larger and heavier wheel was placed close to the ground, with a pole in the center of this wheel going up to a second, smaller, and lighter wheel supported by a table. The potter used his or her foot to move the larger wheel, which turned the smaller wheel. It is also possible that an apprentice turned the larger wheel. As the technology developed, sometimes two potter’s wheels were connected to one larger wheel so that two pots could be created at the same time.
Another method for making clay items was the use of press molds. Press molds were used to fashion clay by pushing the clay into the mold and then allowing it to dry. As the clay dried, it shrank and pulled away from the mold and could easily be removed from the mold. This method was used for molding figurines (most often used as household idols) and small oil lamps, which often were made of two molded pieces fused together.
Decorating and firing. Once a pot was finished being shaped, either on a wheel or in a mold, it often was decorated. The pot often was painted with pigment made from earth. Different painting styles can help in identifying a pot’s place of origin. Another common decoration method was to imprint the pot with different seals, symbols, or patterns. This was done by using a wooden or metal tool and pressing it into the wet clay. Examples of this method include several pots found at Gibeon stamped with what appear to be royal seals, which likely indicate that the pots and their contents belonged to the king. Much of the pottery from in and around Jerusalem has a red burnish applied to seal the pot and to add a smooth finish to the outside. By the time of the monarchy, potters were very sophisticated in their choice of materials and often had some of the materials, such as special sands, imported from a considerable distance. These sands added to the smoothness of the fired pot by creating a glaze on it.
Once the decoration of the pot was finished, the pot was dried in order to reveal any imperfections. If any imperfections were observed during drying, the pot was discarded. If no imperfections were seen, the pot was then fired. Depending on the potter’s resources and the technology the potter knew, the firing process could be as simple as placing the pot in a hot fire or could include the use of sophisticated kilns capable of producing extremely high and even heat. Firing a pot was extremely difficult, because ideally the heat is kept at a constant temperature throughout the process, which was not an easy task when using an open flame for the heating source. Because the process of firing pots was a well-guarded trade secret, we know few details of how pots were fired during biblical times.
Types of Pottery
There are several general categories of pottery, which are based on their characteristics and intended uses. Of course, for some extant examples of pottery from archaeological digs, their usage cannot be determined. Tableware included cups, plates, bowls, and jugs. These items tended to be more decorated than other pottery, much like tableware today tends to be more decorative than cooking pots. Cooking pots included pots with small, narrow rims and flat, open pans for frying and uncovered cooking. Storage vessels came in all sizes: pithoi, jars (two-handled), jugs (one-handled), smaller jugs (with no handles), and very small vessels for perfumes and other valuable liquids. Also, it is not unusual to find various sizes of lamps.
Importance of Pottery for Archaeology
Pottery has become an important dating tool for archaeologists. While written texts do provide more archaeological data than pottery and religious or cultural artifacts can be more visually interesting, it is pottery that helps the archaeologist piece all the information together.
History of dating pottery. While doing archaeological work in Egypt, Flinders Petrie noticed that for different time periods of Egyptian history there were different kinds of pottery, with very distinct and identifiable characteristics. These identifiable pottery characteristics included things such as the thickness of the wall of the pot, the type of rim or lip on the pot, the pot’s handles, and any special decorative elements. These characteristics, Petrie discovered, could be used to date sites that had no other dating information. Petrie carefully logged each piece of pottery found at each site and over time developed an extensive catalog of pottery types and their respective dating. Later, while digging at Tell el-Hesi in Palestine, Petrie noticed that each layer, or stratum, of the tell (archaeological mound) had a different type of pottery, much like the different kinds of pottery he had noticed in Egypt. Because of his careful and painstaking work in Egypt, Petrie also noticed that the different types of pottery in Palestine were similar to those that he had uncovered in Egypt. As a result, Petrie was able to develop a chronology of pottery that could be used to date different archaeological digs and strata in the entire ancient Near East. Later, W. F. Albright expanded on Petrie’s work by adding several sublayers and further refining the dating of each time period of pottery.
To help explain this significant discovery, L. E. Stager uses the example of how bottles for soft drinks have changed over the years. For example, he notes that when soda bottles were first mass-marketed, the writing on the bottle was part of the glass with raised letters. Over time the bottle changed and evolved; different types of writing were used on glass bottles until ultimately the bottles were smooth and the words were painted on them. In more recent years soda bottles have been made of plastic. This evolution of the soda bottle can roughly illustrate the changes in pottery over time. Because this method of dating depends on a catalog of documented pottery, it requires that all pottery found, no matter how insignificant, be cataloged and recorded so that others can compare the pottery finds from one place with those in other places.
Time periods. In the dating of ancient Near Eastern pottery, history is divided into broad time periods that are then further subdivided. The Middle Bronze Age (c. 2200–1550 BC) encompasses the time of the earliest biblical stories, including perhaps the stories of the patriarchs. During this period and the Early Bronze Age (c. 3300–2200 BC), the artisanship evident in the pottery was limited, and pots had little or no decoration; however, the skill applied to the vessels had improved dramatically from the prior period, the Chalcolithic (4500–3300 BC). These vessels show thin walls and evidence of mass production.
The Late Bronze Age (c. 1550–1200 BC), which likely includes the time of Moses and perhaps Joshua, shows an unusual and dramatic decrease in the quality of local Canaanite pottery. There is no known explanation for this deterioration, but it is evident. At the same time, pottery from other coastal regions, especially Mycenaean Greece and Crete, is very common, and pots from these locations are quite sophisticated and highly decorated. This indicates that during this time there was a strong cultural influence from these areas. Some have suggested that this is due to the colonization of parts of Palestine by the Sea Peoples, who perhaps are the Philistines of biblical history.
The Iron Age (c. 1200–586 BC), which encompasses the time period from the Israelite conquest and settlement through the monarchy, demonstrates more low-quality pottery, especially early in this period. In contrast with the examples of pottery manufactured locally at Israelite sites, Philistine pottery is quite sophisticated, highly decorated with red and black duotones in geometric patterns. The later pottery of the monarchy shows much more skill and sophistication.
The Persian (539–332 BC), Hellenistic (332–63 BC), and Roman periods (after 63 BC) conclude the biblical periods. Each of these periods is dominated by the aesthetics and quality of the invading countries’ pottery. By this time, trade routes were strongly established, and so the invaders, it appears, flooded the markets with their pottery, often to the detriment of the local potters.
A burial ground for foreigners outside Jerusalem. The land was purchased with the thirty pieces of silver that Judas received for betraying Jesus (Matt. 27:3–10; Acts 1:18–19), though it is unclear whether it was the priests or Judas who made the purchase. The silver was “blood money” because it had been used to arrange for Jesus’ death, and so it could not go back into the temple treasury. Therefore, it was used to purchase the plot of land, most likely from a potter. It is identified with the “Field of Blood” (Matt. 27:8; Acts 1:19 [Aram. “Akeldama”]).
Pottery in the Bible
The Bible contains numerous references to pottery, pottery making, and potters. Clay pottery was the most common and easiest way to cook food and to carry liquids throughout biblical times. Only pots used for very special occasions and locations (such as the temple) were made out of a material (usually some metal) other than clay (Exod. 38:3). Clay was the preferable material because it was freely obtained, easy to manipulate, and required little technology to make. The downside of pottery is that it is easily broken and thus rendered useless. Evidence of the abundance and affordability of pottery is seen in the instructions to break ceremonially unclean pottery rather than wash it (Lev. 15:12). Although cooking was the primary purpose for pottery, it could be used for a variety of applications, including storing items, carrying water, making lamps, and forming idols.
Pottery and the manufacture of pottery occasionally took on symbolic connotations in the Bible. For example, in the psalms broken pottery symbolizes the life of the psalmist as he cries to God for help (Ps. 31:12). In another psalm the psalmist envisions God destroying the nations that plot against God like someone who shatters pottery (2:9). Isaiah likens Egypt’s strength, in which Judah trusts more than in God, to pottery ready to be shattered (Isa. 30:14). Similarly, Jeremiah says that the leaders of Judah will be punished and will “fall and be shattered like fine pottery” (Jer. 25:34 NIV mg.). Isaiah also uses several other metaphors related to pottery. He says that God treads on rulers like a potter treads on clay, getting it soft and prepared for making pottery (Isa. 41:25). Isaiah also likens those who complain to God to pieces of broken pottery trying to tell the potter how to make pots (45:9).
Both Isaiah and Jeremiah liken people to clay in God’s hand. Isaiah says, “We are the clay, you are the potter; we are all the work of your hand” (Isa. 64:8). Jeremiah says essentially the same thing, but instead of using Isaiah’s positive tone, he sees the human molding process to be a difficult and dangerous one that can result in the potter rejecting the creation (Jer. 18:1–10). Jeremiah buys a pot, takes it to a gate in the city, the Potsherd Gate (a potsherd is a broken and useless piece of pottery), and smashes the pot symbolically to demonstrate how God feels about Judah (Jer. 19). Jeremiah’s choice of the Potsherd Gate was also part of the symbolism, as it is likely that most of the pottery in Jerusalem was made near or at the Potsherd Gate. The apostle Paul creates a similar metaphor, describing how a potter is able to take the same lump of clay and make different kinds of pots, some of which have special uses, and others common uses. Paul implies that God has the right to determine how and for what purpose he creates humans because he is like the potter with the clay (Rom. 9:21). Paul also refers to humans as clay jars with treasure in them (2 Cor. 4:7).
In another example, after the destruction of Jerusalem the people in captivity lament that they are simply like earthen pots before God (Lam. 4:2), suggesting that they are ready to receive the punishment that God has chosen for them to endure. Job also wonders if God has molded him like clay only then to turn him back into dust (Job 10:9).
Manufacture of Pottery
Preparing the clay. Before any pottery can be made, the clay must be gathered and prepared for use. Clay collected from different geographical areas will have different levels of pure clay and other earthen materials. Pure clay is very difficult to work with, but it produces some of the smoothest and strongest pots. Most of the clay used in Palestine was not of superior quality, and so most often imperfections developed in the pots as they were being made. We also know that during the time of the late monarchy, potters in Israel tended to mix clay with different kinds of sand to produce better results. With today’s advanced forensic technology, it often can be determined where the clay used to make a pot was harvested. Because it was generally impractical to transport clay any long distance, this sort of analysis can also be helpful in determining the origin of the pot. Once the clay was harvested, depending on its quality and use, it was often necessary to prepare the clay by kneading or treading it. This process was vital for removing any impurities in the clay as well as making it malleable.
Shaping. Historically, the first pottery molded was made by hand and dried in the sun. Nothing is known about the role of these early potters and whether they were highly regarded in society. Many scholars believe that early pottery was made by women, to be used for very practical purposes such as cooking and carrying water. It is fairly easy to determine the gender of the potter by measuring the natural hand and finger marks left in the clay and comparing their size in relationship to the average size of both men’s and women’s hands. These rudimentary pots usually were made by laying coils of clay one upon another.
Although it is not certain, the profession of being a potter likely did not develop until the invention of the potter’s wheel. The potter’s wheel allowed the potter to create more-sophisticated pottery and also gave the potter the ability to mass-produce pots. Several examples of potter’s wheels have been excavated dating to around 3500–3000 BC in Sumer and Ur. Most potter’s wheels during biblical times consisted of two wheels. A larger and heavier wheel was placed close to the ground, with a pole in the center of this wheel going up to a second, smaller, and lighter wheel supported by a table. The potter used his or her foot to move the larger wheel, which turned the smaller wheel. It is also possible that an apprentice turned the larger wheel. As the technology developed, sometimes two potter’s wheels were connected to one larger wheel so that two pots could be created at the same time.
Another method for making clay items was the use of press molds. Press molds were used to fashion clay by pushing the clay into the mold and then allowing it to dry. As the clay dried, it shrank and pulled away from the mold and could easily be removed from the mold. This method was used for molding figurines (most often used as household idols) and small oil lamps, which often were made of two molded pieces fused together.
Decorating and firing. Once a pot was finished being shaped, either on a wheel or in a mold, it often was decorated. The pot often was painted with pigment made from earth. Different painting styles can help in identifying a pot’s place of origin. Another common decoration method was to imprint the pot with different seals, symbols, or patterns. This was done by using a wooden or metal tool and pressing it into the wet clay. Examples of this method include several pots found at Gibeon stamped with what appear to be royal seals, which likely indicate that the pots and their contents belonged to the king. Much of the pottery from in and around Jerusalem has a red burnish applied to seal the pot and to add a smooth finish to the outside. By the time of the monarchy, potters were very sophisticated in their choice of materials and often had some of the materials, such as special sands, imported from a considerable distance. These sands added to the smoothness of the fired pot by creating a glaze on it.
Once the decoration of the pot was finished, the pot was dried in order to reveal any imperfections. If any imperfections were observed during drying, the pot was discarded. If no imperfections were seen, the pot was then fired. Depending on the potter’s resources and the technology the potter knew, the firing process could be as simple as placing the pot in a hot fire or could include the use of sophisticated kilns capable of producing extremely high and even heat. Firing a pot was extremely difficult, because ideally the heat is kept at a constant temperature throughout the process, which was not an easy task when using an open flame for the heating source. Because the process of firing pots was a well-guarded trade secret, we know few details of how pots were fired during biblical times.
Types of Pottery
There are several general categories of pottery, which are based on their characteristics and intended uses. Of course, for some extant examples of pottery from archaeological digs, their usage cannot be determined. Tableware included cups, plates, bowls, and jugs. These items tended to be more decorated than other pottery, much like tableware today tends to be more decorative than cooking pots. Cooking pots included pots with small, narrow rims and flat, open pans for frying and uncovered cooking. Storage vessels came in all sizes: pithoi, jars (two-handled), jugs (one-handled), smaller jugs (with no handles), and very small vessels for perfumes and other valuable liquids. Also, it is not unusual to find various sizes of lamps.
Importance of Pottery for Archaeology
Pottery has become an important dating tool for archaeologists. While written texts do provide more archaeological data than pottery and religious or cultural artifacts can be more visually interesting, it is pottery that helps the archaeologist piece all the information together.
History of dating pottery. While doing archaeological work in Egypt, Flinders Petrie noticed that for different time periods of Egyptian history there were different kinds of pottery, with very distinct and identifiable characteristics. These identifiable pottery characteristics included things such as the thickness of the wall of the pot, the type of rim or lip on the pot, the pot’s handles, and any special decorative elements. These characteristics, Petrie discovered, could be used to date sites that had no other dating information. Petrie carefully logged each piece of pottery found at each site and over time developed an extensive catalog of pottery types and their respective dating. Later, while digging at Tell el-Hesi in Palestine, Petrie noticed that each layer, or stratum, of the tell (archaeological mound) had a different type of pottery, much like the different kinds of pottery he had noticed in Egypt. Because of his careful and painstaking work in Egypt, Petrie also noticed that the different types of pottery in Palestine were similar to those that he had uncovered in Egypt. As a result, Petrie was able to develop a chronology of pottery that could be used to date different archaeological digs and strata in the entire ancient Near East. Later, W. F. Albright expanded on Petrie’s work by adding several sublayers and further refining the dating of each time period of pottery.
To help explain this significant discovery, L. E. Stager uses the example of how bottles for soft drinks have changed over the years. For example, he notes that when soda bottles were first mass-marketed, the writing on the bottle was part of the glass with raised letters. Over time the bottle changed and evolved; different types of writing were used on glass bottles until ultimately the bottles were smooth and the words were painted on them. In more recent years soda bottles have been made of plastic. This evolution of the soda bottle can roughly illustrate the changes in pottery over time. Because this method of dating depends on a catalog of documented pottery, it requires that all pottery found, no matter how insignificant, be cataloged and recorded so that others can compare the pottery finds from one place with those in other places.
Time periods. In the dating of ancient Near Eastern pottery, history is divided into broad time periods that are then further subdivided. The Middle Bronze Age (c. 2200–1550 BC) encompasses the time of the earliest biblical stories, including perhaps the stories of the patriarchs. During this period and the Early Bronze Age (c. 3300–2200 BC), the artisanship evident in the pottery was limited, and pots had little or no decoration; however, the skill applied to the vessels had improved dramatically from the prior period, the Chalcolithic (4500–3300 BC). These vessels show thin walls and evidence of mass production.
The Late Bronze Age (c. 1550–1200 BC), which likely includes the time of Moses and perhaps Joshua, shows an unusual and dramatic decrease in the quality of local Canaanite pottery. There is no known explanation for this deterioration, but it is evident. At the same time, pottery from other coastal regions, especially Mycenaean Greece and Crete, is very common, and pots from these locations are quite sophisticated and highly decorated. This indicates that during this time there was a strong cultural influence from these areas. Some have suggested that this is due to the colonization of parts of Palestine by the Sea Peoples, who perhaps are the Philistines of biblical history.
The Iron Age (c. 1200–586 BC), which encompasses the time period from the Israelite conquest and settlement through the monarchy, demonstrates more low-quality pottery, especially early in this period. In contrast with the examples of pottery manufactured locally at Israelite sites, Philistine pottery is quite sophisticated, highly decorated with red and black duotones in geometric patterns. The later pottery of the monarchy shows much more skill and sophistication.
The Persian (539–332 BC), Hellenistic (332–63 BC), and Roman periods (after 63 BC) conclude the biblical periods. Each of these periods is dominated by the aesthetics and quality of the invading countries’ pottery. By this time, trade routes were strongly established, and so the invaders, it appears, flooded the markets with their pottery, often to the detriment of the local potters.
Taken together “poor,” “orphan,” and “widow” are mentioned in the NIV 280 times, evidence of God’s particular concern for those in need. “Poor” is an umbrella term for those who are physically impoverished or of diminished spirit. In biblical terms, “poor” would include most orphans and widows, though not every poor person was an orphan or widow. With over 170 references to the “poor” in the NIV, the biblical writers emphasize God’s concern for the poor. This is best summarized in Deuteronomy: “There will always be poor people in the land. Therefore I command you to be openhanded toward your fellow Israelites who are poor and needy in your land” (15:11).
The Poor
Old Testament. All sections of the OT (including the Torah, Major Prophets, Minor Prophets, and wisdom literature) contain both instructions and warnings regarding the treatment of the poor. Portions of the tithes and offerings were to be set aside for the needs of the poor (Deut. 14:28–29; 26:12–13). The law made specific provisions that allowed the poor in the land to glean from fields that they had not planted or tended (Lev. 19:9–10; 23:22). Boaz’s allowance of Ruth’s gleanings is an example (Ruth 2:7–8, 15, 23).
Favor was given to those who were kind to the poor (Job 29:12; 30:25; 31:16; Ps. 112:9; Prov. 19:17; 22:9; 28:8, 27; Isa. 58:5–7; Jer. 22:16). Inversely, those who did not care for the poor were strongly warned (Prov. 21:13; Ezek. 16:49; Amos 8:4–9). The OT often warns against oppression of the poor, with the added emphasis that God is their defender (2 Sam. 12:3–4; Job 20:19; Pss. 109:16; 140:12; Prov. 14:31; 23:11; Isa. 3:14). If a poor person made a vow, specific regulations were provided to prevent a pledge of unfair amount and to prevent the pledge from being kept overlong (Lev. 27:8; Deut. 24:12). Israelites who were hired as workers because they were impoverished were to be treated fairly and not as slaves (Lev. 25:39–42; Deut. 24:14–15). The poor were to be judged fairly, being shown neither favoritism nor oppression because of their situation (Exod. 23:3, 6; 30:15; Lev. 19:15; Job 34:19; Ps. 49:2; Isa. 10:2).
In addition, the poor were not to be disregarded in the Sabbath Year or Jubilee Year. During the Sabbath Year, the poor and the needy of the land were permitted to gather food from the land, including the fields, olive groves, and vineyards (Exod. 23:11). If a man became poor and was forced to sell his land, and if it was not redeemed by a family member, the land would be returned to the man during the Jubilee Year (Lev. 25:25–30). Also, if a man was forced to submit himself to being a hired worker, he would be redeemed in the Jubilee Year (Lev. 25:47–54).
New Testament. The NT advances the atmosphere of kindness and nonoppression toward the poor and those in need found in the OT. The NT church was marked by such a real and selfless generosity that its members sold their own possessions and gave to “anyone who had need” (Acts 2:45). The poor were to be treated with generosity, and needs were to be addressed whenever they were discovered (Matt. 19:21; Luke 3:11; 11:41; 12:33; 14:13; 19:8; Acts 6:1; 9:36; Rom. 15:26; Gal. 2:10).
Kindness to the poor was regarded as a natural manifestation of the love of God. Several NT writers considered a lack of concern and kindness toward the poor in a believer’s life cause to question the authenticity of that person’s faith (James 2:15–16; 1 John 3:17–18).
Furthermore, because of the incarnation of Christ, in which the almighty God chose to dwell with humanity, distinctions between believers on the basis of material wealth and, more specifically, favoritism toward the rich were expressly forbidden by the NT writers (1 Cor. 11:20–22; Phil. 2:1–8; James 2:1–4).
Orphans
Other specific biblical instructions regarding people in need concern those without parents and especially those without a father. Such individuals are referred to as “fatherless.” As with the provisions made for the poor, oppression of orphans or the fatherless was strictly forbidden (Exod. 22:22; Deut. 24:17; 27:19; Isa. 1:17; 10:1–2; Zech. 7:10). Furthermore, God is often referred to as the provider and helper of the orphan or fatherless (Deut. 10:18; Pss. 10:14, 18; 68:5; 146:9; Jer. 49:11). Jesus promised not to leave his followers as “orphans,” implying that he would not leave them unprotected (John 14:18). In one of the clearest statements of how Christian belief is to manifest itself, James states, “Religion that God our Father accepts as pure and faultless is this: to look after orphans and widows in their distress and to keep oneself from being polluted by the world” (James 1:27). (See also Fatherless.)
Widows
Since widows are bereft of their husbands and thus similar to orphans in vulnerability and need, they are the beneficiaries of special provisions in both Testaments. Oppression was forbidden (Exod. 22:22), provisions were to be given in similar fashion to that of the poor and orphans (Deut. 24:19–21), and ample warnings were given to those who would deny justice to widows (Deut. 27:19). Jesus raised a widow’s son from death (Luke 7:14–15), a miracle especially needed because she lacked provision after her only son’s death. The apostle Paul gave specific rules to Timothy regarding who should be placed on the list of widows to receive daily food: they must be over sixty years old and must have been faithful to their husbands (1 Tim. 5:9). In the book of Revelation, a desolate city without inhabitants is aptly described as a “widow” (18:7). (See also Widow.)
A synonym of “strength.” “Power” often translates the Hebrew words koakh or ’az or the Greek word dynamis, all of which denote strength or might. The Hebrew word yad (“hand”) may also denote power when it is used to speak of the dominion of a ruler (e.g., 2 Kings 17:7 [NASB: “hand of Pharaoh”; NIV: “power of Pharaoh”]).
Although humans have a degree of power, God is omnipotent, all-powerful (Jer. 32:17). He utilized his great power in creating the world (Jer. 51:15; Rom. 1:20; Rev. 4:11). He has also displayed his power through other mighty acts, such as delivering the Israelites from Egypt (Exod. 14:31; Deut. 9:26). The wisdom literature extols God’s power (Job 9:4; Pss. 20:6; 66:3; 147:5), as do the prophets (Isa. 40:10; Jer. 27:5; Dan. 2:20; Nah. 1:3) and the letters of the NT (1 Cor. 6:14; Eph. 1:18–21; Col. 2:10). God continues to display his power through the gospel (Rom. 1:16), not only in rescuing believers from their sins (1 Cor. 1:24–25) but also in empowering them to live holy lives (2 Cor. 4:7).
The Holy Spirit has acted and continues to act as the agent of God’s power (Judg. 14:6; 1 Sam. 16:13; Acts 1:8). Just as the Holy Spirit has done many powerful signs and wonders through Jesus and the apostles (Acts 10:38; Rom. 15:18–19), he gives rebirth to each Christian through his power (Gal. 4:29). The Holy Spirit also strengthens Christians with power “so that Christ may dwell in [their] hearts through faith” (Eph. 3:17).
The elite bodyguard maintained at Rome by the emperors, starting with Augustus. Beginning with nine cohorts of approximately five hundred men each, they grew to sixteen cohorts of one thousand men under Vitellius. Domitian maintained ten cohorts, or approximately ten thousand men, which then became the standard. Each cohort was led by a tribune and divided into six centuries, each led by a centurion. The guard was abolished in AD 312 after Constantine defeated Maxentius.
During the Julio-Claudian age (AD 27–68), the guard’s duties were primarily ceremonial; they served as a guard for the emperor at his palace in Rome and also on state occasions. The praetorian guard served shorter terms than the soldiers of the Roman army, the legionaries (sixteen versus twenty-five years), and enjoyed greater pay and more splendid uniforms.
When Paul was placed under house arrest in Rome after having appealed to Caesar, he had a soldier guarding him (Acts 28:16). It was often the praetorians who were given the duty of guarding prisoners. Paul relates in the Letter to the Philippians that because of his imprisonment, the cause of Christ had become known throughout “the whole praetorian guard” (Phil. 1:13 NASB [NIV: “palace guard”]).
The official residence of a Roman governor, military commander, or official. In the Gospel accounts, the praetorium of Pontius Pilate in Jerusalem is the location of some of the beatings, mockings, and trials of Jesus (Matt. 27:27–31; Mark 15:16–20; John 18:28–19:15). The precise location of the Jerusalem praetorium is uncertain. Some identify it as the Antonia Fortress, on the northern edge of the temple area, while others have concluded that it was the palace of Herod the Great in the western part of the city. Paul was held in the praetorium in Caesarea for two years while awaiting trial (Acts 23:33–26:32). The term could also be used of the praetorian guard, Caesar’s personal troops. This seems to be the meaning in Phil. 1:12–13, where Paul (probably writing from imprisonment in Rome) says, “It has become clear throughout the whole palace guard [praitōrion] and to everyone else that I am in chains for Christ.”
It is hard to offer a simple definition of praise because multiple words are used in the Bible to describe praise and its many different forms. The physical aspects of praise include bowing (1 Chron. 29:20), kneeling (Ps. 95:6), singing (Ps. 96:2), being quiet (Ps. 131:2), making noise (Luke 19:37), opening hands (1 Kings 8:54), lifting hands (Ps. 134:2), meditating (Ps. 145:5), exulting (Ps. 21:13), and living an obedient life before God (Rom. 15:7). The emotive aspects of praise include adoration (Ps. 9:1), prayer (Ps. 66:20), thanksgiving (Ps. 69:30), and joy (Ps. 71:23). Furthermore, praise can be given in any location and at any time. Finally, God is to be praised because of his creation, his good works, his love, and the life, death, and resurrection of his Son.
Generally, praise acknowledges and thanks God for all the good things in life. The Bible is full of examples of such praise; best known are the numerous psalms of praise in the Psalter. The Hebrew expression hallelu yah literally means “praise the Lord” and is used in both Testaments (Gk. hallēlouia). In the OT, God is portrayed as jealous for the praise of his people (Isa. 42:8); God is supposed to be the only object of praise. Conversely, Jesus cautions his followers to seek praise from God rather than from other humans (Matt. 6:1–4).
Not only are humans to be active in giving praise to God, but also all creation, including the sun, the moon, and the stars (Pss. 19:1–3; 148), takes part. The final psalm in the Psalter encourages “everything that has breath [to] praise the Lord” (Ps. 150:6). Throughout the OT praise was an important part of the tabernacle and temple worship, with specific people being assigned the duty of making music and singing praises to God (1 Chron. 6:31–32). Moses and Miriam broke into spontaneous praise after the Israelites had crossed the Red Sea and seen the Egyptians drowned (Exod. 15:1–21). David praised God not only in words but also in dance (2 Sam. 6:14). The angels praised God during the announcement of Jesus’ birth (Luke 2:13). Both James and Peter encouraged Christians to praise God in spite of their external circumstances (James 5:13; 1 Pet. 4:16). Revelation records the praising of God forever as one of the final eschatological events (19:1–10).
A distinction needs to be made between the various occurrences of the words “pray” and “prayer” in most translations of the Bible and the modern connotation of the same words. In the OT, the main Hebrew words translated as “to pray” and “prayer” (palal and tepillah) refer to the act of bringing a petition or request before God. They do not normally, if ever, refer to the other elements that we today think of as being included in the act of praying, such as praise or thanksgiving. The same is the case in the NT, where the main Greek words translated “to pray” and “prayer” (proseuchomai and proseuchē) also specifically denote making a petition or request to God. But other words and constructions in both Testaments are also translated “to pray” and “prayer,” and this article will deal with the larger concept, including praise, thanksgiving, petition, and confession, as opposed to the narrower meaning of the particular Hebrew and Greek terms (see also Praise; Thanksgiving; Worship).
Old Testament
In the OT there is no language or understanding comparable to modern ways of talking about prayer as conversational or dialogical. Prayer does not involve mutuality. Prayer is something that humans offer to God, and the situation is never reversed; God does not pray to humans. Understanding this preserves the proper distinction between the sovereign God and the praying subject. Therefore, prayers in the OT are reverential. Some OT prayers have extended introductions, such as that found in Neh. 1:5, that seem to pile up names for God. These should be seen as instances not of stiltedness or ostentation, but rather as setting up a kind of “buffer zone” in recognition of the distance between the Creator and the creature. In the NT, compare the same phenomenon in Eph. 1:17.
Many of the prayers in the OT are explicitly set in a covenantal context. God owes nothing to his creatures, but God has sworn to be faithful to those with whom he has entered into covenant. Thus, many OT prayers specifically appeal to the covenant as a motivation for both those praying and God’s answering (1 Kings 8:23–25; Neh. 1:5–11; 9:32; Pss. 25:10–11; 44:17–26; 74:20; 89:39–49). In postexilic books such as Ezra, Nehemiah, and Daniel, an important feature in the recorded prayers is the use of prior Scripture, praying God’s words (many times covenantal) back to him (in the NT, see Acts 4:24–30). Also, the closeness engendered by the covenant relationship between God and his people was unique in the ancient Near Eastern context. So Moses can marvel, “What other nation is so great as to have their gods near them the way the Lord our God is near us whenever we pray to him?” (Deut. 4:7).
Prayer must be made from a heart that is right toward God. There is no guarantee that God will hear every prayer (Ps. 66:18; Prov. 1:28; Isa. 1:15; 59:2). For the most part, the “rightness” that God requires in prayer is “a broken and contrite heart” (Ps. 51:17; cf. Isa. 66:2).
Although several passages talk about prayer in the context of sacrifice (e.g., Gen. 13:4), there is surprisingly little emphasis on prayer in the legal texts about sacrifice in the Pentateuch, no prescriptions for the kinds of prayer or the words that are to be said in connection with the sacrifices. Interestingly, however, in later, perhaps postexilic contexts, where there is no temple and therefore no sacrifice, we find texts such as Ps. 141:2, where the petitioner asks God to accept prayer as if it were an offering of incense and the evening sacrifice (cf. Prov. 15:8; in the NT, see Rev. 5:8).
A presupposition of prayer in the OT is that God hears prayer and may indeed answer and effect the change being requested. Prayer is not primarily about changing the psychological state or the heart of the one praying, but rather about God changing the circumstances of the one praying.
There is a striking honesty, some would even say brashness, evident in many OT prayers. Jeremiah laments that God has deceived both the people (Jer. 4:10) and Jeremiah himself (20:7) and complains about God’s justice (12:1–4). Job stands, as it were, in God’s face and demands that the Almighty answer his questions (Job 31:35–37). The psalmist accuses God of having broken his covenant promises (Ps. 89:39). While it is true that God does, to some extent, rebuke Jeremiah and Job (Jer. 12:5; Job 38–42), he does not ignore them or cast them aside. This would seem, ultimately, to encourage such honesty and boldness on the part of those who pray.
Literarily, accounts of prayers in narratives serve to provide characterizations of the ones praying. The recorded prayers of people such as Abraham, Moses, Hannah, Ezra, and Nehemiah demonstrate their true piety and humility before God. By contrast, the prayer of Jonah recorded in Jon. 2, in its narrative context, betrays a certain hypocrisy on the part of the reluctant prophet.
New Testament
The depiction of prayer in the NT is largely consistent with that of the OT, but there are important developments.
Jesus tells his disciples to address God as “Father” (Matt. 6:9; cf. Rom. 8:15; Gal. 4:6). Although recent scholarship has demonstrated that “Abba” is not the equivalent of our “daddy,” it expresses a certain intimacy that goes beyond what was prevalent at the time, but retains an element of reverence as well. God is not just “Father,” but “our Father in heaven” (Matt. 6:9). Even Jesus addresses God as “Holy Father” (John 17:11), “Righteous Father” (John 17:25), and “Father, Lord of heaven and earth” (Matt. 11:25). And Paul, as mentioned earlier, uses a buffer zone, rarely in his epistles using the word “Father” by itself, but instead referring to “God our Father” (e.g., Rom. 1:7) and frequently using the phrase “the God and Father of our Lord Jesus Christ” (Rom. 15:6; 2 Cor. 1:3; 11:31; Eph. 1:3; cf. Eph. 1:17; Col. 1:3). God is our Father, but still he is a Father before whom one reverently kneels (Eph. 3:14).
Prayer to God is now to be made in the name of Jesus (Matt. 18:19–20; John 14:13; 15:16; 16:23–26). While there is some debate as to the exact nuance of this idea, it seems clear that, at the very least, prayers in Jesus’ name need to be ones that Jesus would affirm and are in accordance with his holy character and expressed will. It is, in essence, saying to God that the prayer being offered is one that Jesus would approve.
Prayer can also be made to Jesus (John 14:14), and such devotion to him in the early church is evidence of his being regarded as deity. The instances of this in the NT are rare, however, and generally either exclamatory or rhetorical (Acts 7:59; 1 Cor. 16:22; Rev. 22:20). The norm would still seem to be that prayer is to be made to the Father, through Jesus’ name.
Unlike anything prior in the OT, Jesus tells his followers to pray for their enemies (Matt. 5:44). Jesus and his followers serve as examples (Luke 23:34; Acts 7:60).
The Holy Spirit plays a vital role in prayers. It is by him that we are able to call out, “Abba, Father” (Rom. 8:15; Gal. 4:6). The Spirit himself intercedes for us (Rom. 8:26). Our praying is to be done in the Spirit (Eph. 6:18; Jude 20; possibly 1 Cor. 14:15).
Jesus encourages fervent and even continual or repeated prayer (Luke 18:1–8), but not showy or repetitive prayer (Matt. 6:5–8).
Jesus becomes the model of prayer. He prays before important decisions (Luke 6:12–13) and in connection with significant crisis points (Matt. 14:23; 26:36–44; Luke 3:21; 9:29; John 12:27). He offers prayers that are not answered (Luke 22:41–44) and prayers that are (Heb. 5:7). Even as he tells his disciples to always pray and not give up (Luke 18:1 [which is also the meaning of the sometimes overly literalized “pray without ceasing” in 1 Thess. 5:17 NRSV]), so he himself wrestles in prayer (Luke 22:41–44; Heb. 5:7). He has prayed for his disciples (John 17; Luke 22:32), and even now, in heaven, he still intercedes for us (Heb. 7:25). Indeed, our intercession before God’s throne is valid because his is (Heb. 4:14–16).
A distinction needs to be made between the various occurrences of the words “pray” and “prayer” in most translations of the Bible and the modern connotation of the same words. In the OT, the main Hebrew words translated as “to pray” and “prayer” (palal and tepillah) refer to the act of bringing a petition or request before God. They do not normally, if ever, refer to the other elements that we today think of as being included in the act of praying, such as praise or thanksgiving. The same is the case in the NT, where the main Greek words translated “to pray” and “prayer” (proseuchomai and proseuchē) also specifically denote making a petition or request to God. But other words and constructions in both Testaments are also translated “to pray” and “prayer,” and this article will deal with the larger concept, including praise, thanksgiving, petition, and confession, as opposed to the narrower meaning of the particular Hebrew and Greek terms (see also Praise; Thanksgiving; Worship).
Old Testament
In the OT there is no language or understanding comparable to modern ways of talking about prayer as conversational or dialogical. Prayer does not involve mutuality. Prayer is something that humans offer to God, and the situation is never reversed; God does not pray to humans. Understanding this preserves the proper distinction between the sovereign God and the praying subject. Therefore, prayers in the OT are reverential. Some OT prayers have extended introductions, such as that found in Neh. 1:5, that seem to pile up names for God. These should be seen as instances not of stiltedness or ostentation, but rather as setting up a kind of “buffer zone” in recognition of the distance between the Creator and the creature. In the NT, compare the same phenomenon in Eph. 1:17.
Many of the prayers in the OT are explicitly set in a covenantal context. God owes nothing to his creatures, but God has sworn to be faithful to those with whom he has entered into covenant. Thus, many OT prayers specifically appeal to the covenant as a motivation for both those praying and God’s answering (1 Kings 8:23–25; Neh. 1:5–11; 9:32; Pss. 25:10–11; 44:17–26; 74:20; 89:39–49). In postexilic books such as Ezra, Nehemiah, and Daniel, an important feature in the recorded prayers is the use of prior Scripture, praying God’s words (many times covenantal) back to him (in the NT, see Acts 4:24–30). Also, the closeness engendered by the covenant relationship between God and his people was unique in the ancient Near Eastern context. So Moses can marvel, “What other nation is so great as to have their gods near them the way the Lord our God is near us whenever we pray to him?” (Deut. 4:7).
Prayer must be made from a heart that is right toward God. There is no guarantee that God will hear every prayer (Ps. 66:18; Prov. 1:28; Isa. 1:15; 59:2). For the most part, the “rightness” that God requires in prayer is “a broken and contrite heart” (Ps. 51:17; cf. Isa. 66:2).
Although several passages talk about prayer in the context of sacrifice (e.g., Gen. 13:4), there is surprisingly little emphasis on prayer in the legal texts about sacrifice in the Pentateuch, no prescriptions for the kinds of prayer or the words that are to be said in connection with the sacrifices. Interestingly, however, in later, perhaps postexilic contexts, where there is no temple and therefore no sacrifice, we find texts such as Ps. 141:2, where the petitioner asks God to accept prayer as if it were an offering of incense and the evening sacrifice (cf. Prov. 15:8; in the NT, see Rev. 5:8).
A presupposition of prayer in the OT is that God hears prayer and may indeed answer and effect the change being requested. Prayer is not primarily about changing the psychological state or the heart of the one praying, but rather about God changing the circumstances of the one praying.
There is a striking honesty, some would even say brashness, evident in many OT prayers. Jeremiah laments that God has deceived both the people (Jer. 4:10) and Jeremiah himself (20:7) and complains about God’s justice (12:1–4). Job stands, as it were, in God’s face and demands that the Almighty answer his questions (Job 31:35–37). The psalmist accuses God of having broken his covenant promises (Ps. 89:39). While it is true that God does, to some extent, rebuke Jeremiah and Job (Jer. 12:5; Job 38–42), he does not ignore them or cast them aside. This would seem, ultimately, to encourage such honesty and boldness on the part of those who pray.
Literarily, accounts of prayers in narratives serve to provide characterizations of the ones praying. The recorded prayers of people such as Abraham, Moses, Hannah, Ezra, and Nehemiah demonstrate their true piety and humility before God. By contrast, the prayer of Jonah recorded in Jon. 2, in its narrative context, betrays a certain hypocrisy on the part of the reluctant prophet.
New Testament
The depiction of prayer in the NT is largely consistent with that of the OT, but there are important developments.
Jesus tells his disciples to address God as “Father” (Matt. 6:9; cf. Rom. 8:15; Gal. 4:6). Although recent scholarship has demonstrated that “Abba” is not the equivalent of our “daddy,” it expresses a certain intimacy that goes beyond what was prevalent at the time, but retains an element of reverence as well. God is not just “Father,” but “our Father in heaven” (Matt. 6:9). Even Jesus addresses God as “Holy Father” (John 17:11), “Righteous Father” (John 17:25), and “Father, Lord of heaven and earth” (Matt. 11:25). And Paul, as mentioned earlier, uses a buffer zone, rarely in his epistles using the word “Father” by itself, but instead referring to “God our Father” (e.g., Rom. 1:7) and frequently using the phrase “the God and Father of our Lord Jesus Christ” (Rom. 15:6; 2 Cor. 1:3; 11:31; Eph. 1:3; cf. Eph. 1:17; Col. 1:3). God is our Father, but still he is a Father before whom one reverently kneels (Eph. 3:14).
Prayer to God is now to be made in the name of Jesus (Matt. 18:19–20; John 14:13; 15:16; 16:23–26). While there is some debate as to the exact nuance of this idea, it seems clear that, at the very least, prayers in Jesus’ name need to be ones that Jesus would affirm and are in accordance with his holy character and expressed will. It is, in essence, saying to God that the prayer being offered is one that Jesus would approve.
Prayer can also be made to Jesus (John 14:14), and such devotion to him in the early church is evidence of his being regarded as deity. The instances of this in the NT are rare, however, and generally either exclamatory or rhetorical (Acts 7:59; 1 Cor. 16:22; Rev. 22:20). The norm would still seem to be that prayer is to be made to the Father, through Jesus’ name.
Unlike anything prior in the OT, Jesus tells his followers to pray for their enemies (Matt. 5:44). Jesus and his followers serve as examples (Luke 23:34; Acts 7:60).
The Holy Spirit plays a vital role in prayers. It is by him that we are able to call out, “Abba, Father” (Rom. 8:15; Gal. 4:6). The Spirit himself intercedes for us (Rom. 8:26). Our praying is to be done in the Spirit (Eph. 6:18; Jude 20; possibly 1 Cor. 14:15).
Jesus encourages fervent and even continual or repeated prayer (Luke 18:1–8), but not showy or repetitive prayer (Matt. 6:5–8).
Jesus becomes the model of prayer. He prays before important decisions (Luke 6:12–13) and in connection with significant crisis points (Matt. 14:23; 26:36–44; Luke 3:21; 9:29; John 12:27). He offers prayers that are not answered (Luke 22:41–44) and prayers that are (Heb. 5:7). Even as he tells his disciples to always pray and not give up (Luke 18:1 [which is also the meaning of the sometimes overly literalized “pray without ceasing” in 1 Thess. 5:17 NRSV]), so he himself wrestles in prayer (Luke 22:41–44; Heb. 5:7). He has prayed for his disciples (John 17; Luke 22:32), and even now, in heaven, he still intercedes for us (Heb. 7:25). Indeed, our intercession before God’s throne is valid because his is (Heb. 4:14–16).
In the early church, preaching often took place in a missionary context (e.g., Acts 10:34–43). An impressive variety of words is used to describe preaching to unbelievers, including the following: “evangelize” (euangelizomai [Acts 8:4, 12, 25, 35, 40]), “announce” (anangello [Acts 20:20]), “proclaim” (kēryssō [Acts 8:5]), and “persuade” (peithō [Acts 19:8, 26]). Preaching to believers also took place, in a worship context. This article highlights the latter context.
Influences on Preaching
From its inception, a core component of Christian worship was the public proclamation of a word from God. What form early Christian preaching took in the worship assembly is unclear. However, three elements seem most influential in its development: the practice of prophesying, the practices of the synagogue, and the tradition of Greco-Roman rhetoric.
Prophesying. The practice of prophesying in the public assembly appears to be an early form of preaching. Paul makes reference to prophets speaking in the church in Corinth (1 Cor. 11–14). Prophecy was that form of communication in which a word of God, a revelation, was shared and the church was edified (1 Cor. 11:4–5; 14:1, 3–5, 26, 29–31, 39). Others in the worship community tested the prophetic message to verify its truthfulness (1 Cor. 14:29; cf. 1 Thess. 5:19–22; 1 John 4:1–3).
A couple of indications lead to the conclusion that prophecy was more closely related to preaching than to speaking in tongues. For one, worshipers could comprehend the former but needed an interpreter for the latter. For another, the function of prophecy was exhortation (parakaleō [1 Cor. 14:4–5]). “Exhortation” (paraklēsis) is Paul’s most comprehensive term for public proclamation (e.g., 1 Thess. 2:3–4). That is why Paul admonishes worshipers not to interrupt one another in the process of prophesying (1 Cor. 14:29–31). The practice of prophecy influenced the shape that early Christian preaching took.
Synagogue. Another element influencing early Christian preaching was the synagogue. It seems quite likely that early Christian preaching flowed out of the practice found in Jewish synagogues. In the synagogue, the pattern was the reading of Scripture followed by commentary (Luke 4:14–30; Acts 13:15–41).
These two components—prophecy and the reading and exposition of Scripture in the synagogue—play the largest role in influencing the shape of early Christian preaching. How they did so remains uncertain. The early believers may have merged the two practices in Christian worship. Jewish Christians, who had attended the synagogue, took the practice of reading and interpreting Scripture and adopted it into the context of worship in house churches, along with the Jewish tradition of prophesying. Thus, the practice of prophesying merged with the practice of reading and expounding on Scripture to create a more systematic form of proclamation.
The exposition of Scripture may also have assisted in judging the validity of a particular prophecy. However, the criteria for verifying the truth of a prophecy were broader than Scripture alone; it was also measured against one’s lifestyle (Matt. 7:15–20, 21–23) and how the prophecy aligned with established doctrines of the church (1 Cor. 14:29, 37; 1 John 4:1–3).
Greco-Roman rhetoric. A third component influencing early Christian preaching was the classical rhetoric of the Greeks and the Romans. The teachings of rhetoric saturated the culture and education of the day. However, the degree to which it penetrated first-century Christian culture remains uncertain. Paul’s letters display a familiarity with Greco-Roman rhetoric, and from that, one can assume that its influence affected the practice of preaching to some extent.
Sermons and Their Content
The NT contains no fully developed sermon in the context of a public worship. Scholars do believe, however, that Paul’s sermon to the elders in Ephesus is a good representation of his preaching because it contains a theology and vocabulary that echo his teaching in his letters to various churches (Acts 20:17–35). Paul’s letters also likely indicate what he preached to believers. His letters have an oral quality about them and were read in the assemblies (Col. 4:16; 1 Thess. 5:27). Thus, Paul’s letters offer a flavor of early Christian preaching.
Another important issue related to early Christian preaching involves the content of what was preached and whether a sharp distinction should be made between kerygma and didachē. C. H. Dodd has defined early Christian preaching as proclamation to nonbelievers. The term he uses to describe it is kerygma. For him, preaching was an evangelistic message about the gospel of God proclaimed to non-Christians. Teaching, didachē, remained distinct and was an ethical admonition (paraklēsis) delivered to Christians. However, Paul’s letters contain no such distinction between the two. Paul links his preaching the gospel of God with his appeal (paraklēsis) to the church (cf. 1 Thess. 2:2–3 with 2 Cor. 5:19–20). That is, Paul continues to announce the good news to the churches along with exhortations to incarnate that good news in the lives of the recipients. Both kerygma and didachē embodied the content of early Christian preaching.
In the early church, preaching often took place in a missionary context (e.g., Acts 10:34–43). An impressive variety of words is used to describe preaching to unbelievers, including the following: “evangelize” (euangelizomai [Acts 8:4, 12, 25, 35, 40]), “announce” (anangello [Acts 20:20]), “proclaim” (kēryssō [Acts 8:5]), and “persuade” (peithō [Acts 19:8, 26]). Preaching to believers also took place, in a worship context. This article highlights the latter context.
Influences on Preaching
From its inception, a core component of Christian worship was the public proclamation of a word from God. What form early Christian preaching took in the worship assembly is unclear. However, three elements seem most influential in its development: the practice of prophesying, the practices of the synagogue, and the tradition of Greco-Roman rhetoric.
Prophesying. The practice of prophesying in the public assembly appears to be an early form of preaching. Paul makes reference to prophets speaking in the church in Corinth (1 Cor. 11–14). Prophecy was that form of communication in which a word of God, a revelation, was shared and the church was edified (1 Cor. 11:4–5; 14:1, 3–5, 26, 29–31, 39). Others in the worship community tested the prophetic message to verify its truthfulness (1 Cor. 14:29; cf. 1 Thess. 5:19–22; 1 John 4:1–3).
A couple of indications lead to the conclusion that prophecy was more closely related to preaching than to speaking in tongues. For one, worshipers could comprehend the former but needed an interpreter for the latter. For another, the function of prophecy was exhortation (parakaleō [1 Cor. 14:4–5]). “Exhortation” (paraklēsis) is Paul’s most comprehensive term for public proclamation (e.g., 1 Thess. 2:3–4). That is why Paul admonishes worshipers not to interrupt one another in the process of prophesying (1 Cor. 14:29–31). The practice of prophecy influenced the shape that early Christian preaching took.
Synagogue. Another element influencing early Christian preaching was the synagogue. It seems quite likely that early Christian preaching flowed out of the practice found in Jewish synagogues. In the synagogue, the pattern was the reading of Scripture followed by commentary (Luke 4:14–30; Acts 13:15–41).
These two components—prophecy and the reading and exposition of Scripture in the synagogue—play the largest role in influencing the shape of early Christian preaching. How they did so remains uncertain. The early believers may have merged the two practices in Christian worship. Jewish Christians, who had attended the synagogue, took the practice of reading and interpreting Scripture and adopted it into the context of worship in house churches, along with the Jewish tradition of prophesying. Thus, the practice of prophesying merged with the practice of reading and expounding on Scripture to create a more systematic form of proclamation.
The exposition of Scripture may also have assisted in judging the validity of a particular prophecy. However, the criteria for verifying the truth of a prophecy were broader than Scripture alone; it was also measured against one’s lifestyle (Matt. 7:15–20, 21–23) and how the prophecy aligned with established doctrines of the church (1 Cor. 14:29, 37; 1 John 4:1–3).
Greco-Roman rhetoric. A third component influencing early Christian preaching was the classical rhetoric of the Greeks and the Romans. The teachings of rhetoric saturated the culture and education of the day. However, the degree to which it penetrated first-century Christian culture remains uncertain. Paul’s letters display a familiarity with Greco-Roman rhetoric, and from that, one can assume that its influence affected the practice of preaching to some extent.
Sermons and Their Content
The NT contains no fully developed sermon in the context of a public worship. Scholars do believe, however, that Paul’s sermon to the elders in Ephesus is a good representation of his preaching because it contains a theology and vocabulary that echo his teaching in his letters to various churches (Acts 20:17–35). Paul’s letters also likely indicate what he preached to believers. His letters have an oral quality about them and were read in the assemblies (Col. 4:16; 1 Thess. 5:27). Thus, Paul’s letters offer a flavor of early Christian preaching.
Another important issue related to early Christian preaching involves the content of what was preached and whether a sharp distinction should be made between kerygma and didachē. C. H. Dodd has defined early Christian preaching as proclamation to nonbelievers. The term he uses to describe it is kerygma. For him, preaching was an evangelistic message about the gospel of God proclaimed to non-Christians. Teaching, didachē, remained distinct and was an ethical admonition (paraklēsis) delivered to Christians. However, Paul’s letters contain no such distinction between the two. Paul links his preaching the gospel of God with his appeal (paraklēsis) to the church (cf. 1 Thess. 2:2–3 with 2 Cor. 5:19–20). That is, Paul continues to announce the good news to the churches along with exhortations to incarnate that good news in the lives of the recipients. Both kerygma and didachē embodied the content of early Christian preaching.
In the early church, preaching often took place in a missionary context (e.g., Acts 10:34–43). An impressive variety of words is used to describe preaching to unbelievers, including the following: “evangelize” (euangelizomai [Acts 8:4, 12, 25, 35, 40]), “announce” (anangello [Acts 20:20]), “proclaim” (kēryssō [Acts 8:5]), and “persuade” (peithō [Acts 19:8, 26]). Preaching to believers also took place, in a worship context. This article highlights the latter context.
Influences on Preaching
From its inception, a core component of Christian worship was the public proclamation of a word from God. What form early Christian preaching took in the worship assembly is unclear. However, three elements seem most influential in its development: the practice of prophesying, the practices of the synagogue, and the tradition of Greco-Roman rhetoric.
Prophesying. The practice of prophesying in the public assembly appears to be an early form of preaching. Paul makes reference to prophets speaking in the church in Corinth (1 Cor. 11–14). Prophecy was that form of communication in which a word of God, a revelation, was shared and the church was edified (1 Cor. 11:4–5; 14:1, 3–5, 26, 29–31, 39). Others in the worship community tested the prophetic message to verify its truthfulness (1 Cor. 14:29; cf. 1 Thess. 5:19–22; 1 John 4:1–3).
A couple of indications lead to the conclusion that prophecy was more closely related to preaching than to speaking in tongues. For one, worshipers could comprehend the former but needed an interpreter for the latter. For another, the function of prophecy was exhortation (parakaleō [1 Cor. 14:4–5]). “Exhortation” (paraklēsis) is Paul’s most comprehensive term for public proclamation (e.g., 1 Thess. 2:3–4). That is why Paul admonishes worshipers not to interrupt one another in the process of prophesying (1 Cor. 14:29–31). The practice of prophecy influenced the shape that early Christian preaching took.
Synagogue. Another element influencing early Christian preaching was the synagogue. It seems quite likely that early Christian preaching flowed out of the practice found in Jewish synagogues. In the synagogue, the pattern was the reading of Scripture followed by commentary (Luke 4:14–30; Acts 13:15–41).
These two components—prophecy and the reading and exposition of Scripture in the synagogue—play the largest role in influencing the shape of early Christian preaching. How they did so remains uncertain. The early believers may have merged the two practices in Christian worship. Jewish Christians, who had attended the synagogue, took the practice of reading and interpreting Scripture and adopted it into the context of worship in house churches, along with the Jewish tradition of prophesying. Thus, the practice of prophesying merged with the practice of reading and expounding on Scripture to create a more systematic form of proclamation.
The exposition of Scripture may also have assisted in judging the validity of a particular prophecy. However, the criteria for verifying the truth of a prophecy were broader than Scripture alone; it was also measured against one’s lifestyle (Matt. 7:15–20, 21–23) and how the prophecy aligned with established doctrines of the church (1 Cor. 14:29, 37; 1 John 4:1–3).
Greco-Roman rhetoric. A third component influencing early Christian preaching was the classical rhetoric of the Greeks and the Romans. The teachings of rhetoric saturated the culture and education of the day. However, the degree to which it penetrated first-century Christian culture remains uncertain. Paul’s letters display a familiarity with Greco-Roman rhetoric, and from that, one can assume that its influence affected the practice of preaching to some extent.
Sermons and Their Content
The NT contains no fully developed sermon in the context of a public worship. Scholars do believe, however, that Paul’s sermon to the elders in Ephesus is a good representation of his preaching because it contains a theology and vocabulary that echo his teaching in his letters to various churches (Acts 20:17–35). Paul’s letters also likely indicate what he preached to believers. His letters have an oral quality about them and were read in the assemblies (Col. 4:16; 1 Thess. 5:27). Thus, Paul’s letters offer a flavor of early Christian preaching.
Another important issue related to early Christian preaching involves the content of what was preached and whether a sharp distinction should be made between kerygma and didachē. C. H. Dodd has defined early Christian preaching as proclamation to nonbelievers. The term he uses to describe it is kerygma. For him, preaching was an evangelistic message about the gospel of God proclaimed to non-Christians. Teaching, didachē, remained distinct and was an ethical admonition (paraklēsis) delivered to Christians. However, Paul’s letters contain no such distinction between the two. Paul links his preaching the gospel of God with his appeal (paraklēsis) to the church (cf. 1 Thess. 2:2–3 with 2 Cor. 5:19–20). That is, Paul continues to announce the good news to the churches along with exhortations to incarnate that good news in the lives of the recipients. Both kerygma and didachē embodied the content of early Christian preaching.
Precious stones appear in visions and theophanies in the Bible. Examples include Ezek. 1:16; 10:1; Rev. 4:3. These precious stones, also used in jewelry, were well known to people in the ancient Near East and in the first-century Mediterranean basin.
Jewelry known in antiquity is broadly divided into two groups: everyday jewelry and fine jewelry. Everyday jewelry, found commonly among the people, was made of materials such as bronze, iron, and bone. Fine jewelry, on the other hand, consisted of objects crafted from gold or silver and included costly and precious stones. Jewelry was worn both by men and women as part of clothing. The ancients also conserved wealth with investments in jewels or used jewels as indicators of socioeconomic placing in society.
Most gold jewelry had sheet metal as its foundation. This sheet metal was shaped and/or decorated. One form of decoration, filigree, involved soldering wiring in a pattern on a background. A later form of decoration known as granulation used tiny grains of gold as a substitute for wires. An additional method of decorating jewelry was inlaying with colored stones, glass, or other precious items. Engraving was likewise used for decoration.
Jewelry in Antiquity
Jewelry has been discovered in Babylon dating back as far as 2700 BC. Examples of jewelry from this era were found in cemeteries in the city of Ur. Examples of ancient jewelry were likewise found in cemeteries on the island of Crete, dating back to 2400 BC. Other specimens of jewelry come from the Mycenaean world around 1100 BC. Jewelry dating after 800 BC was of high quality. During this period places such as Knossos on Crete and cities such as Corinth and Athens produced beautiful gold work.
By the seventh century BC, the finest jewelry was found on the Greek islands and in Asia Minor. Jewelry in Ephesus was offered to the goddess Diana, yet was also made for personal adornment. By 600 BC, jewelry became very scarce in Greece. This scarcity lasted for the next 150 years. Archaeologists postulate that supplies of gold were cut off by the Persians. After the Persians were defeated during the Classical period, some of the finest gold work was produced. Captured Persian treasures and exploitation of Macedonian mines made gold and precious stones and metals highly accessible to the Greeks. Consequently, jewelry was readily available during the Hellenistic period. The Greeks incorporated a variety of stones in their jewelry: carnelian, chalcedony, amethyst, and garnet, as well as small pearls. Materials and inspiration for the Greeks for certain types of jewelry came from newly conquered territories. In the early Roman Empire jewelry resembled that seen during the Hellenistic period. In general, during the Greek and the Roman periods, jewelry was gold-plated and decorated with costly stones.
Certain writers in antiquity documented well-known or costly jewelry and precious stones. One Roman historian described the value of pearls as the “topmost rank among all things of price.” Correspondingly, he wrote about two pearls owned by Cleopatra, queen of Egypt, known as the largest in history. The Egyptian Book of the Dead, dating to around 1500 BC, makes mention of amulets in the shape of hearts, considered jewelry by some experts. These amulets were made of carnelian, lapis lazuli, and green feldspar.
Jewelry in the biblical world was known by different terms. An ornamental circlet worn singly or as multiples on one’s arms or legs was known as a “bangle.” This term, however, does not occur in the Bible. The abundant presence of bangles as artifacts in archaeological digs is an indicator of their significance in everyday life in the biblical world. Bangles were stiff ornaments of relatively heavy weight. Materials varied: bronze, iron, silver, gold, and so forth. Bangles were of three types: bracelets, anklets, and armlets. They were either solid, complete circles or circlets with two distinct ends. These ends had specific designs, often artistically crafted in the shape of animal heads, such as those of serpents.
Rings likewise were prevalent in the biblical world. Rings were worn in the ears, nose, and around fingers and toes. Nose rings were popular during the Iron Age (1200–586 BC). In addition, rings were worn on neck cords. Rings not only were worn as articles of adornment but also were used as signets. Brooches or pins mostly were worn on clothing and were made of wood, bronze, iron, silver, or gold.
Amulets were common as religious jewelry. Worn as divine protection from harm, amulets varied from simple to ornate. Egyptian amulets often incorporated snake imagery or representations of Egyptian gods. Ancient Near Eastern amulets often were smaller than an inch wide. Greek amulets were colorful and crafted from stones. Christian amulets in the shape of the crucified Christ have also been found.
Although not often worn individually, beads were the most prevalent jewelry item in the ancient Near East. Beads were strung in bracelets, rings, circlets, and so forth.
Jewelry in the Bible
Many different items of jewelry are found in the Bible, including earrings (Gen. 35:4; Exod. 35:22; Judg. 8:24–26; Job 42:11), bracelets (Gen. 24:22, 30, 47; Num. 31:50), necklaces (Gen. 41:42; Ezek. 16:11; Dan. 5:29), nose rings (Gen. 24:22, 30, 47; Isa. 3:21; Ezek. 16:12), rings (Gen. 38:18, 25; 41:42; Exod. 28:11, 21, 36; 35:22; 39:14, 30; Num. 31:50; 1 Kings 21:8; Esther 3:10, 12; 8:2, 8, 10; Job 38:14; Isa. 3:21; Jer. 22:24; Hos. 2:13; Luke 15:22; James 2:2), headbands (Exod. 13:16; Deut. 6:8; 11:18), armlets (Num. 31:50; 2 Sam. 1:10; Isa. 3:20), pendants (Judg. 8:21, 26; Isa. 3:18), and anklets (Isa. 3:20).
Various articles of jewelry in the Bible carried significance beyond mere aesthetics. Early in Genesis, bracelets were used to signify the desire for covenantal marriage. When Abraham’s servant discovered Rebekah, a potential bride for Isaac, he gave her a nose ring and placed bracelets on her arms to signify that God had chosen her (Gen. 24:22, 47). The bracelets and nose ring weighed over ten shekels. By placing the jewelry on Rebekah’s arm, the servant indicated that a marriage contract was sought. The high value of the jewelry signifies the high bridal price paid for Rebekah.
Early in the OT, jewelry was used in temple worship. The law designated that the high priest’s breastpiece and ephod contain precious stones along with setting stones. The stones signified the majesty and holiness of God as his people worshiped in his holy temple (Exod. 25:7; 35:9).
Lovers flattered one another by comparing physical features to articles of fine jewelry (Song 5:14) and admiring their fine jewelry (4:9). God’s people appear as a jeweled necklace when God gathers them (Isa. 49:18) and are as highly esteemed as a bride adorned with jewels (61:10).
Biblical authors also challenged people’s desire for jewelry with admonitions to seek godly attributes and gifts of God above jewels and jewelry. Wisdom was to be desired above jewels (Prov. 3:15; 8:11), knowledgeable speech above gold and jewels (20:15), and a godly spouse far above jewels (31:10).
Similar to the habits of most ancient cultures, Israelite kings and other notable leaders wore jewelry of special significance. Like other kings of antiquity, Saul wore armlets and a crown (2 Sam. 1:10), which were intended to signify royalty and competence in military affairs. Such jewelry typically carried insignias that denoted features of national and royal identity. The victorious warrior in Rev. 19 wears many diadems (crowns) in order to signify his unmatched power (19:12). He has more than one crown, and even more than seven diadems, which is the number of diadems that the dragon has (12:3).
At times, jewelry carried negative connotations, especially when acquired within polytheistic trends of society or else designed as an object of worship. Even Jacob was found burying his jewelry that accompanied his foreign idols (Gen. 35:4). Such instances lend credence to theories that even early Hebrew faith wrangled with polytheism and was infused with its many golden artifacts. Gideon made an ephod from the sparkling plunder (rings and pendants) of the Midianites (Judg. 8:21). This ephod became an object of worship for the Israelites and greatly offended God.
Kings had signet rings that contained their own personalized engravings. The engravings were made by stonecutters who carefully worked the small semiprecious stones atop the rings. Throughout the OT, rings were used to make impressions on official documents (Exod. 28:11; 1 Kings 21:8; Esther 8:8). Prophets used signet rings to seal prophecies that were of grave importance for the nation (Isa. 8:16; Jer. 32:10). Unique rings were designed by notable families in order to signify the honor of the patriarch. Of special interest is the usage of the ring in Jesus’ parable of the prodigal son. The ring was placed on the returning son’s finger to show the radical grace of the father, who was willing to join his honor to his son’s shame (Luke 15:22) as the son was brought back into the household.
In certain NT writings, women are admonished not to adorn themselves with external jewelry (1 Tim. 2:9; 1 Pet. 3:3), as this was a sign of materialism and immodesty. In Rev. 21, jewels appear in John’s depiction of the new Jerusalem: it is a city of majestic beauty adorned with precious jewels, gates of pearls, and streets of gold (21:18–21).
The term “predestination” means “to determine or decide something beforehand.” Some form of the Greek verb proorizō (“to determine beforehand”) occurs six times in the NT (Acts 4:28; Rom. 8:29, 30; 1 Cor. 2:7; Eph. 1:5, 11). It is practically synonymous with the concept of foreordination and is closely related to divine foreknowledge (Acts 2:23; Rom. 8:29; 1 Pet. 1:1–2, 20). Various Scriptures indicate that God the Father is the one who predestines (John 17:6–10; Rom. 8:29; Eph. 1:3–5; 1 Pet. 1:2).
The specific objects of predestination are humans, angels, and the Messiah. These divine predeterminations occurred before the creation of the world and were motivated by the love of God (Eph. 1:4–5). In regard to humans, this means that in eternity past, God determined that some individuals would be the recipients of his salvation. However, this determination does not rule out the necessity of human choice, responsibility, and faith. The decision to predestine some individuals for salvation was based not upon anything good or bad in the recipients, but solely on God’s good pleasure and according to his holy, wise, and eternal purpose (Isa. 46:10; Acts 13:48; Rom. 11:33).
Predestination as Part of God’s Larger Plan
The scope of God’s plan. Predestination is a part of God’s all-encompassing eternal plan (Isa. 40:13–14; Rom. 11:34; Eph. 1:11). Several terms express God’s plan. Among these are his “decree” (Ps. 2:7), “eternal purpose” (Eph. 3:11), “foreknowledge” (Acts 2:23), and “will” (Eph. 1:9, 11). God’s plan involves all things that come to pass, including major and insignificant events, direct and indirect causes, things appointed and things permitted. It therefore encompasses both good and evil (Ps. 139:16; Prov. 16:4; Isa. 14:24–27; 22:11; 37:26–27; 46:9–10; Acts 2:23; 4:27–28; Eph. 1:11; 2:10).
The inclusion of evil in the plan of God does not mean that he condones, authorizes, or commits moral evil. The apostle John stresses that God is light and that there is no darkness in him at all (1 John 1:5). He is absolutely holy and cannot be charged with the commission of sin (Hab. 1:13). When addressing the topic of God’s plan and purpose, the biblical authors are careful to distinguish between divine causation and human responsibility. Both fall under the purview of God’s plan. There is divine certainty about what will happen, but moral agents are never under compulsion to commit evil (see Acts 4:28; Rom. 9:11; 1 Cor. 2:7; 11:2; Heb. 2:5, 10–16; 1 Pet. 1:2, 20; 2 Pet. 3:17). For example, when Luke refers to the greatest miscarriage of justice in the history of the world, the crucifixion of Christ, he indicates that it was predestined by God, but the moral turpitude of the act is attributed to “wicked men” (Acts 2:23). The dual nature of such events is aptly reflected in Joseph’s statement to his brothers who sold him into slavery: “You meant evil against me, but God meant it for good” (Gen. 50:20 NASB).
Whereas the all-encompassing plan of God relates to his sovereign control over all things, predestination appears to be restricted primarily to certain divine decisions affecting humans, angels, and the Messiah (Isa. 42:1–7; Acts 2:23; 1 Tim. 5:21; 1 Pet. 1:20; 2:4). With reference to humans, Paul states, “In him we were also chosen, having been predestined according to the plan of him who works out everything in conformity with the purpose of his will” (Eph. 1:11). Some scholars limit predestination to those things “in him,” thus linking this work of God to his purpose in salvation. Others argue that the following phrase, “who works out everything in conformity with the purpose of his will,” demonstrates that all things fall under the purview of God’s controlling and guiding purpose (Eph. 1:11). It seems best to see the phrase “in him” as indicating the sphere in which believers are chosen and the term “predestinated” as one crucial aspect of the greater plan of God.
Divine foreknowledge and election. Some theologians argue that election and predestination are merely based upon God’s foreknowledge of those who will believe in him. Although God surely knows all those who will believe, the term “foreknowledge” connotes much more than simply knowing ahead of time who will come to faith. It means that God has sovereignly chosen to know some individuals in such an intimate way that it moved him to predestine them to eternal life (Rom. 8:29). Whereas the term “election” refers to God’s sovereign choice of those individuals, “predestination” looks forward toward the goal of that selection. Both predestination and election occur in eternity past (Eph. 1:4–5).
The purpose of predestination. Whereas election refers to God’s choice of individuals, predestination looks toward the purpose and goal of that choice. NT believers are designated as chosen by God and appointed to eternal life (Acts 13:48; Eph. 1:4). The express purpose is that they be adopted as his children (Eph. 1:5) and, as beloved children, become “conformed to the image of his Son” (Rom. 8:29). The idea is that those whom God has chosen are predestined in view of the purpose that he desires to fulfill in them, that of becoming his children who are conformed to the image of his Son. The ultimate purpose behind this plan is to bring glory to God (Eph. 1:5–6, 11–12).
Predestination and Reprobation
In his plan, God has chosen some individuals, nations, groups, and angels to fulfill special purposes, implying that other individuals, nations, groups, and angels have not been selected for those same purposes (2 Thess. 2:13; 2 Tim. 2:10; 1 Pet. 1:2). With regard to God’s choice in salvation, this has led some theologians to argue that those not chosen for salvation are by default chosen for eternal damnation. They maintain that predestination applies not only to individuals whom God plans to save, but also to those whom he does not plan to save (Prov. 16:4; Matt. 26:23–24; Rom. 9:10–13, 17–18, 21–22; 2 Tim. 2:20; 1 Pet. 2:8; 2 Pet. 2:3, 9; Jude 4; Rev. 13:8; 20:15). This is sometimes called “reprobation.” The belief in the combined concepts of election and reprobation has been called “double predestination.”
While some scholars in the history of the church have argued that God is just as active in determining the reprobate as he is the elect, others have pointed out that God’s condemnation of the nonelect is based solely upon their sin and unbelief. A real distinction exists in the level of divine involvement with regard to the destiny of one class as compared with the other. God does not appear to have the same relationship to every event or thing in his creation. The degree of divine causation in each case differs. Scripture recognizes a difference between God’s direct working and his permissive will. In this view, God directly chooses some to be saved; however, he does not choose the others to be damned but rather passes them by, allowing them to continue on their own way and eventually suffer the just punishment that their sins deserve.
Whichever view one takes, it seems that the Scripture does not teach reprobation in the same way it teaches predestination leading to eternal life. Whereas the assignment to eternal death is a judicial act taking into account a person’s sin, predestination unto eternal life is purely an act of God’s sovereign grace and mercy not taking into account any actions by those chosen. Carrying the teaching of reprobation to the extreme threatens to view God as capricious, which clearly is not scriptural (1 John 1:5).
Predestination and Human Responsibility
God was in no way obligated or morally impelled to choose or predestine anyone to eternal life. His determination not to choose everyone in no way impinges upon his holy and righteous character (Rom. 9:13). On the contrary, justice would demand that all receive the punishment that they have rightly earned for their sins (Rom. 3:23; 6:23). Therefore, the predestination of some to become like his Son required that God exercise grace and mercy in providing for the cleansing of their sin, which he accomplished through the sacrifice of his beloved Son, Jesus Christ (Acts 2:23).
God’s predetermined plan does not force individuals to respond in predetermined ways, either to accept him or to reject him. In the one case, the sinner is drawn by God to himself but must also choose to place trust in Christ (John 6:37, 44). Even in the radical intervention of God in the life of Saul on the road to Damascus, where the divine call was indeed overpowering, Saul was given opportunity to respond either positively or negatively. In the case of those who are headed for eternal judgment, God’s working is not fatalistic or mechanistic in the sense that a person may want to choose God but God’s predetermined plan will not allow such a response. To the contrary, all are invited to come to Christ (Matt. 11:28; John 3:16). The apostle John clarifies, “Whoever comes to me I will never drive away” (John 6:37 [cf. Matt. 11:28]). Those who do not come to God refuse to do so by their own volition (Matt. 23:37; John 5:40). They are not merely unable to come to God but unwilling to do so (John 5:40; 6:65; Rom. 3:11). The NT teaches that Christ died for their sins (John 3:16), pleadingly warns them to repent, and cites their transgressions as the reason for their condemnation (1 Pet. 2:8; 2 Pet. 2:21–22; Jude 8–16). When all aspects of the issue are considered, there is indeed a mystery that lies outside the boundaries of our comprehension regarding God’s sovereign working and human choice.
In contrast to ascetics who view the physical as inferior to the “spiritual” and self-serving hedonists who reduce sex to a physical commodity, Scripture has a high view of the sex act. Yet the sex act was created as an act of intimacy between a man and a woman within a marital relationship (Gen. 2:24). Marriage involves giving one’s whole person—body, soul, and spirit—to another person (of the opposite sex) through a formal covenant ratified by God. Nakedness symbolizes complete vulnerability and transparency. Covenant creates the conditions for trust and intimacy to grow. Sex is an act whereby the two celebrate this spiritual union through physical union.
While in certain cultural contexts God has at times condescended to allow variations on monogamy, including polygamy and the taking of concubines (secondary wives; e.g., Gen. 30:3–6, 18), these were never God’s created standard for sexual relations, which is a monogamous heterosexual relationship between one man and one woman (Gen. 2:24).
Paul informs the unmarried that it is better to marry than to burn with sexual desire (1 Cor. 7:8–9). By implication, marriage is the appropriate context for fulfilling one’s sexual desire. To have sex outside the context of marriage is sexual immorality, since one has not given total allegiance—emotionally, socially, economically, and personally—to one’s partner. God’s will is that each one honors him by avoiding sexual immorality and exercising self-control over one’s body. Unrepentant sexual immorality brings divine judgment (1 Thess. 4:3–7; Heb. 13:4). See also Sex, Sexuality.
All four Gospels refer to Preparation Day (paraskeuē) as the day of Jesus’ crucifixion. According to Mark 15:42, Preparation Day was “the day before the Sabbath,” meaning Friday (cf. Luke 23:54). By the end of the first century, paraskeuē had become a technical term meaning “Friday” (Did. 8.1; cf. Mart. Pol. 7.1). The precise referent of Preparation Day in John 19:14 is disputed, as the Greek phrase paraskeuē tou pascha has been translated as “the day of Preparation of the Passover” (NIV, ESV). John 19:31 states that Preparation Day was immediately followed by the Sabbath, which would place Jesus’ crucifixion on Friday and his final supper (John 13:2) on Passover Thursday (cf. Matt. 26:18). However, John 18:28 states that the Jewish leaders “wanted to be able to eat the Passover,” suggesting that Jesus was crucified on Passover. In this verse, “the Passover” (pascha) may refer to the continuing Feast of Unleavened Bread, or it may be that the Jews had prepared but not eaten the Passover by early the next morning. Regardless, the Gospels clearly record that Jesus was crucified on Friday, Preparation Day.
The term “elder” is used variously in Scripture to describe an older man, a person of authority, or an appointed leader in a church office.
Old Testament. The first instance of “elder” in the OT is in Exod. 3:16, where Moses calls the elders of Israel to gather together. These men, seventy in number, most likely were the heads of different families in Israel (Num. 11:16, 24; Deut. 19:12; 21:19). The term “elder” likely indicates both their function as leaders and their age. They were gifted leaders, but they were also wiser because of their experiences in life.
Elders exercised civic and judicial authority in Israel’s cities and towns. They made judgments of various kinds, such as disciplining a rebellious son (Deut. 21:18–21), clearing the reputation of a young virgin girl who may have been slandered (22:13–19), and urging obedience to the law and commands of God (27:1).
New Testament. In the Gospels “the elders” are named together with the chief priests as ruling authorities in Israel. They appear to have been the nonpriestly members of the Sanhedrin and, like the Pharisees, scribes, and chief priests, are in frequent conflict with Jesus (e.g., Matt. 16:21; 26:3; 28:12; Mark 7:3; 8:31; Luke 7:3; 9:22). In the book of Acts they come into conflict with the apostles in Jerusalem (Acts 4:23) and are involved in the sentencing and execution of the first martyr, Stephen (6:12; 7:54–60).
Following the model of Judaism, leaders in the first-century church are often referred to as “elders” (presbyteroi [e.g., Acts 11:30; 14:23]). In the Pastoral Epistles elders and “overseers” (or “bishops” [episkopoi]) appear to denote the same leadership office. Paul explicitly focuses on the elders’ character when he lists qualifications in 1 Tim. 3:1–7; Titus 1:5–9. Elders must be above reproach in character and behavior. This includes being the husband of one wife, temperate, self-controlled, respectable, hospitable, able to teach, not given to drunkenness, not violent but gentle, not quarrelsome, not a lover of money. Each elder must manage his own family well and require obedience and respect from his children. He must not be a recent convert, and he must have a good reputation with outsiders. If the elder does not manage his own family well, how can he take care of God’s church (1 Tim. 3:5)? God’s calling to lead the church requires people of godly character.
Elders not only teach and lead (1 Tim. 3:2; 5:17), but they are also called to shepherd the flock. The apostle Peter provides insight into how an elder should lead, exhorting them to shepherd not under compulsion but willingly and by example (1 Pet. 5:1–5). They should follow the example of the chief shepherd, Jesus (5:4). This leadership must be done in humility, since God is opposed to the proud (5:5).
The last mention of elders in the NT is in the glimpse of heaven given in the book of Revelation. In Rev. 19:4 twenty-four elders are said to serve in a priestly role as part of the worship before God. The identity of these elders is uncertain. They may be angelic beings or representatives of the twelve tribes of Israel and the twelve apostles.
The term “elder” is used variously in Scripture to describe an older man, a person of authority, or an appointed leader in a church office.
Old Testament. The first instance of “elder” in the OT is in Exod. 3:16, where Moses calls the elders of Israel to gather together. These men, seventy in number, most likely were the heads of different families in Israel (Num. 11:16, 24; Deut. 19:12; 21:19). The term “elder” likely indicates both their function as leaders and their age. They were gifted leaders, but they were also wiser because of their experiences in life.
Elders exercised civic and judicial authority in Israel’s cities and towns. They made judgments of various kinds, such as disciplining a rebellious son (Deut. 21:18–21), clearing the reputation of a young virgin girl who may have been slandered (22:13–19), and urging obedience to the law and commands of God (27:1).
New Testament. In the Gospels “the elders” are named together with the chief priests as ruling authorities in Israel. They appear to have been the nonpriestly members of the Sanhedrin and, like the Pharisees, scribes, and chief priests, are in frequent conflict with Jesus (e.g., Matt. 16:21; 26:3; 28:12; Mark 7:3; 8:31; Luke 7:3; 9:22). In the book of Acts they come into conflict with the apostles in Jerusalem (Acts 4:23) and are involved in the sentencing and execution of the first martyr, Stephen (6:12; 7:54–60).
Following the model of Judaism, leaders in the first-century church are often referred to as “elders” (presbyteroi [e.g., Acts 11:30; 14:23]). In the Pastoral Epistles elders and “overseers” (or “bishops” [episkopoi]) appear to denote the same leadership office. Paul explicitly focuses on the elders’ character when he lists qualifications in 1 Tim. 3:1–7; Titus 1:5–9. Elders must be above reproach in character and behavior. This includes being the husband of one wife, temperate, self-controlled, respectable, hospitable, able to teach, not given to drunkenness, not violent but gentle, not quarrelsome, not a lover of money. Each elder must manage his own family well and require obedience and respect from his children. He must not be a recent convert, and he must have a good reputation with outsiders. If the elder does not manage his own family well, how can he take care of God’s church (1 Tim. 3:5)? God’s calling to lead the church requires people of godly character.
Elders not only teach and lead (1 Tim. 3:2; 5:17), but they are also called to shepherd the flock. The apostle Peter provides insight into how an elder should lead, exhorting them to shepherd not under compulsion but willingly and by example (1 Pet. 5:1–5). They should follow the example of the chief shepherd, Jesus (5:4). This leadership must be done in humility, since God is opposed to the proud (5:5).
The last mention of elders in the NT is in the glimpse of heaven given in the book of Revelation. In Rev. 19:4 twenty-four elders are said to serve in a priestly role as part of the worship before God. The identity of these elders is uncertain. They may be angelic beings or representatives of the twelve tribes of Israel and the twelve apostles.
The presence of God is one of the most significant themes in the Bible. At the very heart of worshiping God and having a relationship with him is experiencing his presence. Related themes such as God’s power and glory are also inextricably interconnected to his presence.
Old Testament
The biblical story begins with humankind experiencing and enjoying God’s presence in a very personal way, as God walks with Adam and Eve in the garden. Adam and Eve, however, soon disobey God and are thus driven out of the garden and away from the close, intimate presence of God (Gen. 3:22–24). Throughout the rest of Scripture, God unfolds his plan to restore this lost relationship, a relationship that centers on his presence.
Although God makes his presence known to Abraham, Isaac, and Jacob in Genesis, it is in Exodus that the presence of God becomes even more central to the story. When God first calls Moses, he promises his powerful presence, declaring, “I will be with you” (Exod. 3:12). The power of God’s presence is revealed as God guides and protects the fleeing Israelites in the form of a pillar of cloud by day and a pillar of fire by night (13:21–22). The presence of God also plays a critical role in the formal covenant relationship that God makes with Israel at Mount Sinai (Exod. 19). At the heart of the covenant is a threefold statement by God: “I will be your God”; “you will be my people”; “I will dwell in your midst” (cf. Exod. 6:7; Lev. 26:11–12). Following up on his promise to dwell in their midst, God next gives the people explicit instructions on how to build the tabernacle, the place where he will dwell (Exod. 25:8–9). Throughout the latter chapters of Exodus, God’s glory is clearly associated with his presence (33:12–23; 40:34–38); in fact, God’s presence and glory are nearly synonymous.
God’s presence resides in the tabernacle until Solomon builds the temple in Jerusalem (1 Kings 6–7). At that time, the presence and glory of God then fill the holy place of the temple and dwell there. Over the next four hundred years, however, Israel and Judah repeatedly abandon God and turn to worshiping idols. The people repeatedly refuse to repent and to listen to God’s prophets. Eventually, therefore, their idolatrous sin and terrible social injustices drive God out of their midst. Ezekiel 8–10 describes this somber, momentous event as the glory and presence of God depart from the temple. Before long, as the prophets warned, the Babylonians capture Jerusalem and destroy both the city and the empty temple. It is significant to remember that when the temple is later rebuilt during the time of Ezra and Nehemiah, the presence and glory of God do not come back to fill the new temple. Thus, from the departure of God in Ezek. 10 until the arrival of Jesus Christ, the Jews live without the powerful presence of God dwelling in their midst.
Although the prophets had warned Israel and Judah that they would lose the presence of God as part of the imminent judgment, they also promised a powerful and glorious restoration of God’s presence in the messianic future. Furthermore, both Ezekiel and Joel promise that God will actually put his Spirit directly within his people (Ezek. 36:26–28; Joel 2:28). No longer limited to the holy of holies in the temple, under the new covenant the presence of God will actually indwell each of his people.
New Testament
In the NT, the coming of Jesus is clearly identified as the new manifestation of God’s presence that was foretold in the prophets (Matt. 1:22–23; John 1:14). Jesus’ entry into the temple is highly significant, therefore, because it signals a return of the presence of God to the temple after an absence of over six hundred years (Matt. 21:12–17; John 2:12–24). Ironically, in the temple Jesus encounters only hostility and hypocritical worship; the presence of God is rejected once again.
After the death and resurrection of Jesus, the Holy Spirit falls on his followers, filling them with God’s powerful presence (Acts 2:1–13), thus fulfilling the prophecies of Ezekiel and Joel. This new presence of God does not come to dwell in the temple; rather, it comes upon believers to dwell within them in a much more personal and relational way.
As the biblical story reaches its culmination at the end of the book of Revelation, God declares, “God’s dwelling place is now among the people, and he will dwell with them. They will be his people, and God himself will be with them and be their God” (21:3). The story has gone full circle: God has returned his people to the garden and come to dwell in their midst so that they can enjoy his wonderful presence eternally.
The state of remaining faithful to God in light of the revelation given to persons at their particular stage of redemptive history. Perseverance has always required a continued trust in God, obedience to his commands, and reliance upon his merciful provision.
Old Testament. In the OT, perseverance is related to the covenantal relationship that God had with his people. Abraham was the quintessential model of perseverance, as he was faithful in waiting for God to provide him with the heir that had been promised him. Israel had to persevere by remaining faithful to its covenant with God, which meant being obedient to his commandments and decrees. In the subsequent history of Israel, however, the nation lacked perseverance and fidelity and often turned away from God to worship the gods of other nations. Indeed, the sweep of Israel’s history, according to the prophets, was that Israel had failed miserably at persevering in the covenantal promises and thus had incurred God’s judgment (e.g., Neh. 9:6–37; Ezek. 20:1–39; Dan. 9:4–19).
New Testament. In the Gospels, Jesus is the ultimate example of the faithful Israelite and also provides many exhortations about perseverance in light of the dawning kingdom of God. Jesus perseveres when tested by Satan in the wilderness (Matt. 4:1–11; Mark 1:12–13; Luke 4:1–13). The parables of growth warn about those who do not persevere in their reception of the word (e.g., Luke 8:15). Endurance under the duress of eschatological trials is also the means by which one gains one’s life (Matt. 10:22; 24:13; Mark 13:13; Luke 21:19). In his farewell speech in the Gospel of John, Jesus exhorts his disciples to abide in him as branches stay rooted in a vine or else risk being cut off (John 15:1–11).
In the course of his letters, Paul has much to say about persevering in faith in Christ. Paul considers “endurance” (hypomonē) to be among the cardinal qualities of a believer (Rom. 5:3–4; 1 Thess. 1:3; 2 Thess. 1:4; 8:25; 1 Tim. 6:11; Titus 2:2). There is a sense in which God himself gives endurance to the believer (Rom. 15:5; Col. 1:11; 2 Thess. 3:5). Paul offers some stern warnings about apostasy and falling away (Rom. 11:21–22; 1 Cor. 10:1–12; Gal. 5:4), but he also adds that Christians experience a sense of assurance because God is “faithful” and will keep believers “blameless” on the day of Christ Jesus (1 Cor. 1:8–9; Phil. 1:10; 1 Thess. 3:13; 5:23). Paul also writes that nothing in creation can separate a believer from the love of God in Jesus Christ (Rom. 8:31–39).
The General Epistles provide further teaching about perseverance. James commends the virtue of perseverance that leads to maturity (1:3–4) and urges his audience to endure just as Job endured sufferings (5:11). Jude writes that believers should endeavor to “keep yourselves in God’s love” while also acknowledging that God himself will “keep you from falling” (vv. 21, 24). The book of Hebrews is built around the theme of perseverance and endurance, with key statements about not “drift[ing] away” (2:1) and the exhortation to “run with perseverance the race marked out for us” (12:1).
The book of Revelation focuses strongly on persevering in light of persecution and hardship. In the letters to the seven churches there is the repeated promise of the blessings that await those who “overcome,” which means enduring in the faith (2:7, 11, 17, 26; 3:5, 12, 21; cf. 21:7). The churches of Asia Minor corporately are admonished to remain faithful to the point of death (2:10) and in light of the coming judgment (14:12). Three times calls for patient endurance are made (1:9; 13:10; 14:12). In Revelation, perseverance means holding to the testimony of Jesus (12:17; 17:6; 19:10; 20:4).
Summary. The biblical teaching on perseverance attempts to balance divine sovereignty and human responsibility. The warnings of apostasy and the promises of assurance are interwoven in such a way so as not to compromise the grace and justice of God.
Human pride removes God from the center of life and exalts self, attributing to self the honor due God. Thus, pride is an act of rebellion against God. Several lists of vices include pride (Prov. 6:16–19; Mark 7:20–22; Rom. 1:28–31; 2 Tim. 3:2–4 KJV). Both James and Peter, in admonishing Christians to approach God and one another in humility, quote this proverb: “God opposes the proud but shows favor to the humble” (James 4:6; 1 Pet. 5:5; cf. Prov. 3:34).
Pride destroys both individuals and nations. It destroyed individuals such as the kings Uzziah (2 Chron. 26:16), Hezekiah (2 Chron. 32:25–26), and Herod (Acts 12:21–23). Pride also destroys nations. It brought down Israel (Jer. 13:17; Hos. 7:10; Amos 6:1–3, 8). Isaiah gives a classic description of Israel’s pride (Isa. 2:6–22). God destroyed Assyria because of its pride (Isa. 10:12–19). Pride was the downfall of other nations as well, such as Babylon (Jer. 50:29–32), Egypt (Ezek. 31:10–12; 32:12), and Moab (Jer. 48:29). God abhors pride (Prov. 16:5; cf. Ezek. 16:50) and responds by striking it down (Prov. 15:25; 16:18; Job 22:29).
A stick, often with a pointed end, used to control oxen or other animals. In the OT, “goad” translates two Hebrew terms. It is used of literal goads in 1 Sam. 13:21 (dorban); Judg. 3:31 (baqar). In Eccles. 12:11 goads are used in parallel with “embedded nails” to refer to the action of the “words of the wise,” meaning that the sages could give direction to one’s path in life, the metaphor perhaps also implying that their guidance could sometimes be painful. In Acts 26:14, “kick against the goads” refers to futile struggle against a greater power. This expression also appears in other Greek writings and thus probably is an idiom.
Human pride removes God from the center of life and exalts self, attributing to self the honor due God. Thus, pride is an act of rebellion against God. Several lists of vices include pride (Prov. 6:16–19; Mark 7:20–22; Rom. 1:28–31; 2 Tim. 3:2–4 KJV). Both James and Peter, in admonishing Christians to approach God and one another in humility, quote this proverb: “God opposes the proud but shows favor to the humble” (James 4:6; 1 Pet. 5:5; cf. Prov. 3:34).
Pride destroys both individuals and nations. It destroyed individuals such as the kings Uzziah (2 Chron. 26:16), Hezekiah (2 Chron. 32:25–26), and Herod (Acts 12:21–23). Pride also destroys nations. It brought down Israel (Jer. 13:17; Hos. 7:10; Amos 6:1–3, 8). Isaiah gives a classic description of Israel’s pride (Isa. 2:6–22). God destroyed Assyria because of its pride (Isa. 10:12–19). Pride was the downfall of other nations as well, such as Babylon (Jer. 50:29–32), Egypt (Ezek. 31:10–12; 32:12), and Moab (Jer. 48:29). God abhors pride (Prov. 16:5; cf. Ezek. 16:50) and responds by striking it down (Prov. 15:25; 16:18; Job 22:29).
In the most basic sense, a priest is mediator between God and humanity. Although there are hints in Gen. 1–2 that Adam and Eve performed a priestly role in the garden, when the OT speaks of the priesthood, it most frequently refers to those involved in the service of the tabernacle or temple under the Mosaic covenant. But before the formal institution of the Mosaic covenant, God commanded Moses to tell the people of Israel, “If you obey me fully and keep my covenant, then out of all nations you will be my treasured possession. Although the whole earth is mine, you will be for me a kingdom of priests and a holy nation” (Exod. 19:5–6). God intends all Israel to be a conduit of his presence to a lost and rebellious world. The rest of the Pentateuch indicates that Israel was to do this in three ways: (1) practice the law of God as an example of his holiness; (2) proclaim the mighty deeds of God as a testimony to his power; (3) preserve the word of God as a demonstration of his faithfulness. This, then, was the responsibility of each Israelite individually and corporately as a people.
As the OT unfolds, Israel clearly fails to live up to this lofty calling. But the prophet Isaiah looks forward to a day when God’s redeemed people “will be called priests of the Lord, you will be named ministers of our God” (Isa. 61:6). This will happen as a result of the Spirit-anointed figure who brings good news to the poor and the year of God’s favor (Isa. 61:1–4). Jesus claims that his life, ministry, and death are the fulfillment of this promise (Luke 4:16–21), which suggests that now is the time that God’s people can rightly be said to be “priests of the Lord.”
This conclusion is confirmed in 1 Pet. 2:4–10. In the midst of several quotations of and allusions to OT passages, Peter takes up the language of Exod. 19:6 when he says to believers, “You are a chosen people, a royal priesthood, a holy nation, God’s special possession, that you may declare the praises of him who called you out of darkness into his wonderful light” (v. 9). What Israel failed to be because of its persistent rebellion against God, believers are. But believers are not a royal priesthood because they are somehow better than Israel; they are a royal priesthood because they are united to Jesus Christ. Peter emphasizes this when earlier in the passage he refers to believers as living stones “being built into a spiritual house to be a holy priesthood, offering spiritual sacrifices acceptable to God through Jesus Christ” (v. 5). Because Jesus is the great high priest who offered his own blood for the sins of his people (Heb. 9:11–14), believers must “continually offer to God a sacrifice of praise—the fruit of lips that openly profess his name. And do not forget to do good and to share with others, for with such sacrifices God is pleased” (Heb. 13:15–16).
There are at least three practical ramifications of the priesthood of believers. First, each believer is to be a channel through which God’s presence and character are made known in this world. Second, everything that the believer does, even down to eating and drinking, should be done to reflect the character and glory of God (1 Cor. 10:31; Col. 3:17). Third, each believer has a role to play in the advancement of God’s kingdom.
In the most basic sense, a priest is mediator between God and humanity. Although there are hints in Gen. 1–2 that Adam and Eve performed a priestly role in the garden, when the OT speaks of the priesthood, it most frequently refers to those involved in the service of the tabernacle or temple under the Mosaic covenant. But before the formal institution of the Mosaic covenant, God commanded Moses to tell the people of Israel, “If you obey me fully and keep my covenant, then out of all nations you will be my treasured possession. Although the whole earth is mine, you will be for me a kingdom of priests and a holy nation” (Exod. 19:5–6). God intends all Israel to be a conduit of his presence to a lost and rebellious world. The rest of the Pentateuch indicates that Israel was to do this in three ways: (1) practice the law of God as an example of his holiness; (2) proclaim the mighty deeds of God as a testimony to his power; (3) preserve the word of God as a demonstration of his faithfulness. This, then, was the responsibility of each Israelite individually and corporately as a people.
As the OT unfolds, Israel clearly fails to live up to this lofty calling. But the prophet Isaiah looks forward to a day when God’s redeemed people “will be called priests of the Lord, you will be named ministers of our God” (Isa. 61:6). This will happen as a result of the Spirit-anointed figure who brings good news to the poor and the year of God’s favor (Isa. 61:1–4). Jesus claims that his life, ministry, and death are the fulfillment of this promise (Luke 4:16–21), which suggests that now is the time that God’s people can rightly be said to be “priests of the Lord.”
This conclusion is confirmed in 1 Pet. 2:4–10. In the midst of several quotations of and allusions to OT passages, Peter takes up the language of Exod. 19:6 when he says to believers, “You are a chosen people, a royal priesthood, a holy nation, God’s special possession, that you may declare the praises of him who called you out of darkness into his wonderful light” (v. 9). What Israel failed to be because of its persistent rebellion against God, believers are. But believers are not a royal priesthood because they are somehow better than Israel; they are a royal priesthood because they are united to Jesus Christ. Peter emphasizes this when earlier in the passage he refers to believers as living stones “being built into a spiritual house to be a holy priesthood, offering spiritual sacrifices acceptable to God through Jesus Christ” (v. 5). Because Jesus is the great high priest who offered his own blood for the sins of his people (Heb. 9:11–14), believers must “continually offer to God a sacrifice of praise—the fruit of lips that openly profess his name. And do not forget to do good and to share with others, for with such sacrifices God is pleased” (Heb. 13:15–16).
There are at least three practical ramifications of the priesthood of believers. First, each believer is to be a channel through which God’s presence and character are made known in this world. Second, everything that the believer does, even down to eating and drinking, should be done to reflect the character and glory of God (1 Cor. 10:31; Col. 3:17). Third, each believer has a role to play in the advancement of God’s kingdom.
The priesthood of Christ is one of his threefold offices. Jesus exercises his priestly office by offering himself up to God as a sacrifice (e.g., Heb. 2:17; 9:14–28) and by making continual intercession for the saints (John 17:6–24; Rom. 8:34; Heb. 7:25; 9:24). The priestly work of Christ figures prominently in the theology of the Epistle to the Hebrews based largely upon reflection of Ps. 110.
A priest is a minister of sacred things who represents God to the people and the people to God. The OT identifies priests of Yahweh and priests of other gods and idols. The only pagan priest that the NT mentions is the priest of Zeus from Lystra who wanted to offer sacrifices to Paul and Barnabas, whom the crowd mistook for deities (Acts 14:13). All other NT references build upon OT teaching about priests of Yahweh.
Old Testament
Early biblical history records clan heads offering sacrifices for their families (Gen. 12:7–8; 13:18; 22; 31:54; 46:1). Although the patriarchs performed these duties, they are never called “priests”; the only priests mentioned from this time are foreigners such as Melchizedek, the Egyptian priest of On, and Moses’ father-in-law Jethro (Gen. 14:18; 41:45, 50; 46:20; Exod. 3:1; 18:1). Whereas all Israelites could be called “a kingdom of priests and a holy nation” (Exod. 19:6), a distinctive priesthood came to light when God instructed Moses to prepare special priestly clothes for Aaron and his sons (Exod. 28). The high priest was distinguished from the others by more magnificent clothes. By failing to wear their special clothes while serving at the tabernacle, the priests would incur guilt and die (Exod. 28:43).
By being anointed, the priests became holy like the tabernacle and its furnishings and thus were distinguished from their compatriots (Lev. 8–9). Their holy status was to be scrupulously maintained, as it was essential for serving the congregation and ensured that they would not die due to their close contact with God. Their prime role was to minister before God by offering sacrifices so that the holy place and the people could be purified. They were also to live holy lives as an example to others, assess and treat uncleanness among the people, discern God’s will through the Urim and Thummim, pronounce God’s blessings, and teach God’s precepts and laws (Lev. 10:10–11; Num. 6:22–27; Deut. 33:8–11).
Like other Levites, the priests received no land in Canaan, since God was their inheritance. In payment for their services, the priests received a portion of the sacrifices and a tithe of the tithe given by the Israelites for the Levites’ support.
The Bible consistently states that priests were to come from the tribe of Levi, but it is not always clear whether all Levites or only Aaron’s descendants could serve as priests. Some texts (particularly Exodus through Numbers) indicate that only those of Aaron’s line qualified to be priests (Ezek. 40:46 narrows this to Zadok’s descendants), and that all other Levites, though more holy than the other tribes, did not. Other passages indicate that Levites at times served as priests, even though some contexts indicate that this service was inappropriate. For instance, a Levite served as priest to Micah and then the Danites (Judg. 17:7–13; 18:19–20). Viewed more positively, Samuel, a Levite from Ephraim (1 Chron. 6:16, 27) who served Eli while young, also acted as priest.
After the division of the kingdom, Jeroboam I rejected specific biblical instructions about the priesthood by erecting shrines to calf idols at Dan and Bethel and enlisted non-Levites as priests (1 Kings 12:31; 13:33; 2 Chron. 11:15). Political concerns apparently led him to cut off the northern kingdom from worship at the temple in Jerusalem. As a result, many Levites and priests relocated to Jerusalem.
Ezra records that 341 Levites and 4,289 priests returned to Jerusalem after the exile (Ezra 2:36–42). In line with earlier practice, the priests offered sacrifices to God and were joined by the Levites in rebuilding the wall and teaching the law to the people. Isaiah has a broader understanding of the priesthood, as he anticipates Israel bringing peoples of other nations as an offering to God and indicates that some of them would serve as priests and Levites (Isa. 66:19–21).
New Testament
In NT times many priests exerted religious and civil power as leaders of the Sadducees and the Essenes. Some priests, such as Zechariah, were portrayed as righteous men (Luke 1:5–6). Others were said to have come to faith in Jesus (Acts 6:7). Supporting the role assigned by Moses, Jesus regularly required those whom he healed to show themselves to the priest. Even so, most Gospel references to priests underscore their opposition to Jesus’ ministry and the role they played in his trial and crucifixion. This opposition continued after the resurrection, as priests challenged the witness of the apostles. When Peter and John proclaimed that a crippled beggar had been healed by Jesus’ power, the priests and others jailed, interrogated, and forbade them from speaking in Jesus’ name (Acts 4:1–20). The Sanhedrin questioned Stephen about charges of blasphemy and speaking against the temple and the Mosaic law (6:11–7:1). Saul (Paul) received a letter of authority from the high priest to arrest Christians (9:1–2). Later, as a follower of Jesus, he stood trial before Ananias, who charged him before Felix (24:1), and a wider group of chief priests who charged him before Festus (25:1–3).
Hebrews uniquely highlights how the priesthood of Jesus surpassed the OT priesthood. The OT priests presented sin offerings, but their sacrifices needed to be repeated regularly, whereas Jesus, the faithful and merciful high priest, offered a sacrifice that never needed repeating and was available to everyone at all times. Jesus also surpassed the Aaronic priests because they first needed to offer sacrifices for their own sins, but he never sinned. Furthermore, since he offered the perfect sacrifice of himself, all people, not just priests, could draw near to God.
The NT develops the idea of a priesthood of all believers by taking the concept that Israel would be a kingdom of priests and transferring it to the church (1 Pet. 2:4–9; cf. Exod. 19:6). Reflecting the general biblical view of priesthood, believers offer spiritual sacrifices to God, represent God to the world by revealing his works of salvation, and represent the world to God through prayer. In the NT, the priesthood of believers is corporate; a priestly office in the church is never expressly mentioned.
In the OT, many Hebrew words are translated as “prince,” all of which can also be rendered as, for example, “chieftain,” “captain,” “leader,” “ruler.” These words generally carry connotations of dominion, leadership, and nobility and do not necessarily indicate the direct male descendants of a sitting king or queen. Thus, Zeph. 1:8 distinguishes between princes and king’s sons. In the NT, the Greek word archōn corresponds to “prince” but is also translated as “ruler.” The same word and concept used with human authorities extend to the supernatural realm. Thus, Michael, the angelic protector of Israel in Daniel’s vision, is a “prince” (Dan. 12:1). In the Gospels, Satan is called the “prince of this world” (John 12:31; 14:30; 16:11) and also the “prince of demons” (Matt. 9:34; 12:24; see also Eph. 2:2). Isaiah calls the messiah “Prince of Peace” (Isa. 9:6), and Jesus is called a “Prince and Savior” (Acts 5:31). God is called the “Prince of princes” in Dan. 8:25.
“Author of life” is a title applied to Jesus by Peter in Acts 3:15 (KJV: “Prince of life”), where he uses it ironically to highlight that people had killed the one who was the source of life. Elsewhere, the Greek word behind “author” (archēgos) is translated as “prince,” “leader,” “captain,” or “pioneer” (Acts 5:31; Heb. 2:10; 12:2).
The Hebrew word sarah and the Hebrew construct bat-melek are translated as “princess.” The word sarah (“princess, royal lady, queen”), the feminine form of sar (“prince”), occurs five times in the OT; it refers to ladies of the court (Judg. 5:29; 1 Kings 11:3; Esther 1:18; Isa. 49:23) or is used metaphorically of Jerusalem (Lam. 1:1). Solomon’s seven hundred wives were princesses (1 Kings 11:3). The expression bat-melek (lit., “daughter of a king”) is applied to a king’s daughter (Dan. 11:6; Ps. 45:9), a king’s wife (Ps. 45:13), and the leading women of Judah (Jer. 43:6).
One of the names given to spiritual realities that were created by God in Christ but are now corrupted. Paul says that it is these “principalities” (Gk. archē), not “flesh and blood,” that form the real opposition for Christians (Eph. 6:12 KJV). Synonyms that appear in various Bible translations are “rulers,” “authorities,” “powers,” “spiritual forces,” “thrones” (Rom. 8:38; Eph. 3:10; 6:12; Col. 1:16).
Aquila and Priscilla were important coworkers with the apostle Paul in his missionary effort. They joined Paul in cooperative efforts and also worked in relative independence. They were Christian workers in what came to be important centers of early Christianity: Corinth, Ephesus, and Rome.
Aquila was a Jew from Pontus, the husband of Priscilla (the diminutive form, “Prisca,” is used by Paul in his letters). Mentioned in six verses in the NT as a pair, four of these list Priscilla first, probably indicating her wealth, social status, or prominence in the Christian community. They probably heard and trusted in the gospel in Rome and left that city after the expulsion edict of Claudius (Acts 18:2). Paul met them in Corinth, where they housed and probably worked their trade with him (18:3) before traveling with Paul to Ephesus (18:18–19). They provided hospitality to Apollos while in Ephesus, also demonstrating knowledge of the faith and teaching skill when they explained the way of God more adequately to him (18:26). People of some financial means, they were able to travel and to house churches in Ephesus (1 Cor. 16:19) and Rome (Rom. 16:3–5). In Rom. 16:4 Paul mentions that they “risked their lives” for him, and that the churches of the Gentiles were grateful to them, probably indicating sponsorship of house churches, teaching ministry, and other missionary work. Since they are first in the list of greetings in Rom. 16:3, it is likely that they were prominent Christians in Rome. They later traveled back to Ephesus (2 Tim. 4:19).
Aquila and Priscilla were important coworkers with the apostle Paul in his missionary effort. They joined Paul in cooperative efforts and also worked in relative independence. They were Christian workers in what came to be important centers of early Christianity: Corinth, Ephesus, and Rome.
Aquila was a Jew from Pontus, the husband of Priscilla (the diminutive form, “Prisca,” is used by Paul in his letters). Mentioned in six verses in the NT as a pair, four of these list Priscilla first, probably indicating her wealth, social status, or prominence in the Christian community. They probably heard and trusted in the gospel in Rome and left that city after the expulsion edict of Claudius (Acts 18:2). Paul met them in Corinth, where they housed and probably worked their trade with him (18:3) before traveling with Paul to Ephesus (18:18–19). They provided hospitality to Apollos while in Ephesus, also demonstrating knowledge of the faith and teaching skill when they explained the way of God more adequately to him (18:26). People of some financial means, they were able to travel and to house churches in Ephesus (1 Cor. 16:19) and Rome (Rom. 16:3–5). In Rom. 16:4 Paul mentions that they “risked their lives” for him, and that the churches of the Gentiles were grateful to them, probably indicating sponsorship of house churches, teaching ministry, and other missionary work. Since they are first in the list of greetings in Rom. 16:3, it is likely that they were prominent Christians in Rome. They later traveled back to Ephesus (2 Tim. 4:19).
Imprisonment of Criminals
In comparing modern society to that of biblical times, it is important to acknowledge what is distinctive about prisons in many modern societies. Prisons serve multiple functions, including imposing incarceration as punishment for crimes committed, segregating dangerous criminals from the larger population, deterring crime by imposing a negative incentive, and rehabilitating offenders so that they can eventually return to society. In many cases where modern law imposes incarceration as the penalty for crime, ancient and biblical law imposed economic penalties (such as fines), corporal punishment (beatings), and capital punishment (death). In addition, many of the biblical references to prisons and prisoners involve what in modern society would be considered political rather than criminal incarceration.
The story of Joseph prominently features an Egyptian prison. Joseph was falsely put in prison for the crime of molesting his master’s wife (Gen. 39:19–20), while his companions were imprisoned for the otherwise unspecified crime of causing offense to the king (40:1). As this story illustrates, the sentences were not of a predetermined duration, and release depended on the goodwill of the king (Gen. 40:13), a situation in which Paul also found himself hundreds of years later during Roman times (Acts 24:27). When Joseph imprisoned his brothers, it was on a presumption of guilt for the crime of espionage (Gen. 42:16). In Roman times, in contrast, certain prisoners had a right to be put on trial eventually, if not quickly (Acts 25:27; see also 16:37). Imprisonment could also be imposed for failure to pay a debt (Matt. 18:30). Joseph kept Simeon in prison as a guarantee that his brothers would fulfill a prior agreement (Gen. 42:19, 24). In addition to specialized dungeons, prisoners could also be confined in houses (Jer. 37:15; Acts 28:16) and pits (Zech. 9:11).
Political Imprisonment
In a number of biblical stories individuals are imprisoned for what we would today describe as political or ideological reasons. Samson was imprisoned by the Philistines in retaliation for the havoc that he had wreaked in their land and probably to prevent further incidents (Judg. 16:21). While in prison, Samson was enslaved. Several Israelite and Judean kings were imprisoned by their Mesopotamian overlords for offenses ranging from failure to pay taxes to revolt, including Hoshea (2 Kings 17:4), Jehoiachin (2 Kings 25:27–29), Manasseh (2 Chron. 33:11), and Zedekiah (Jer. 52:11). In some cases, the imprisonment of such elites was brutal and involved torture (2 Chron. 33:11; Jer. 52:11), though Jehoiachin was later released from prison and allowed to live out his captivity in some comfort (2 Kings 25:27–29).
In the NT, individuals were also imprisoned for such crimes. Barabbas was imprisoned by the Roman government of Judea for participating in an insurrection (Mark 15:7). Saul of Tarsus imprisoned a number of Christians, apparently without what we would today recognize as any criminal offense (Acts 8:3). Peter was imprisoned by Herod for political gain (Acts 12:4). Paul and Silas were imprisoned for disturbing the peace of Philippi (Acts 16:23).
Imprisonment of Prophets
A special case of political incarceration is the imprisonment of prophets. From the point of view of the biblical writers, prophets were imprisoned for speaking the truth to a powerful person who did not want to hear it. From the point of view of those in power, imprisoning dissenters was an important way of suppressing opinions that could undermine the regime. In some cases, the imprisonment of dissenters or troublemakers was a prelude to execution (John the Baptist and Jesus). The practice of imprisonment instead of immediate execution may reflect the ambivalent attitude of rulers toward controversial prophets: they could not be allowed to move about freely in society, but they had some status or right as prophet that prevented their execution. In some cases, prophets managed to confront a king without being punished, suggesting that there was a certain level of tolerance for them even when they were not supportive of royal power, a tolerance that might have contributed to the use of imprisonment instead of execution.
Ahab imprisoned Micaiah son of Imlah after he delivered an unfavorable oracle (1 Kings 22:27). Similarly, Asa imprisoned Hanani the seer (2 Chron. 16:10). These kings may have hoped that such treatment would coerce better news in the future. Jeremiah (Jer. 37:15) and John the Baptist (Mark 6:17) were also imprisoned for delivering unwelcome messages to those in power.
Theological Significance
In both Testaments, release from prison is a symbol of God’s salvation. The theme is prominent in the psalms, as in Ps. 146:7: “The Lord sets prisoners free” (see also Pss. 68:6; 107:10; 142:7). In Acts 12:7 Peter is freed from prison by a divinely sent messenger. Paul wrote a number of letters from prison and identified himself as a prisoner of Christ (Eph. 3:1; Col. 4:10; 2 Tim. 1:8; Philem. 1). Some texts refer in mythological terms to a prison that confines spirits or Satan (1 Pet. 3:19; Rev. 20:7).
A gate of Jerusalem mentioned only in Neh. 12:39. It should be associated with the court of the guards (cf. Jer. 32:3; 33:1; 37:14–21; 38:6–28; 39:12–18). Based on the accounts of Jeremiah’s imprisonment and the procession of Nehemiah, this gate was between the royal palace precinct and the Temple Mount.
Imprisonment of Criminals
In comparing modern society to that of biblical times, it is important to acknowledge what is distinctive about prisons in many modern societies. Prisons serve multiple functions, including imposing incarceration as punishment for crimes committed, segregating dangerous criminals from the larger population, deterring crime by imposing a negative incentive, and rehabilitating offenders so that they can eventually return to society. In many cases where modern law imposes incarceration as the penalty for crime, ancient and biblical law imposed economic penalties (such as fines), corporal punishment (beatings), and capital punishment (death). In addition, many of the biblical references to prisons and prisoners involve what in modern society would be considered political rather than criminal incarceration.
The story of Joseph prominently features an Egyptian prison. Joseph was falsely put in prison for the crime of molesting his master’s wife (Gen. 39:19–20), while his companions were imprisoned for the otherwise unspecified crime of causing offense to the king (40:1). As this story illustrates, the sentences were not of a predetermined duration, and release depended on the goodwill of the king (Gen. 40:13), a situation in which Paul also found himself hundreds of years later during Roman times (Acts 24:27). When Joseph imprisoned his brothers, it was on a presumption of guilt for the crime of espionage (Gen. 42:16). In Roman times, in contrast, certain prisoners had a right to be put on trial eventually, if not quickly (Acts 25:27; see also 16:37). Imprisonment could also be imposed for failure to pay a debt (Matt. 18:30). Joseph kept Simeon in prison as a guarantee that his brothers would fulfill a prior agreement (Gen. 42:19, 24). In addition to specialized dungeons, prisoners could also be confined in houses (Jer. 37:15; Acts 28:16) and pits (Zech. 9:11).
Political Imprisonment
In a number of biblical stories individuals are imprisoned for what we would today describe as political or ideological reasons. Samson was imprisoned by the Philistines in retaliation for the havoc that he had wreaked in their land and probably to prevent further incidents (Judg. 16:21). While in prison, Samson was enslaved. Several Israelite and Judean kings were imprisoned by their Mesopotamian overlords for offenses ranging from failure to pay taxes to revolt, including Hoshea (2 Kings 17:4), Jehoiachin (2 Kings 25:27–29), Manasseh (2 Chron. 33:11), and Zedekiah (Jer. 52:11). In some cases, the imprisonment of such elites was brutal and involved torture (2 Chron. 33:11; Jer. 52:11), though Jehoiachin was later released from prison and allowed to live out his captivity in some comfort (2 Kings 25:27–29).
In the NT, individuals were also imprisoned for such crimes. Barabbas was imprisoned by the Roman government of Judea for participating in an insurrection (Mark 15:7). Saul of Tarsus imprisoned a number of Christians, apparently without what we would today recognize as any criminal offense (Acts 8:3). Peter was imprisoned by Herod for political gain (Acts 12:4). Paul and Silas were imprisoned for disturbing the peace of Philippi (Acts 16:23).
Imprisonment of Prophets
A special case of political incarceration is the imprisonment of prophets. From the point of view of the biblical writers, prophets were imprisoned for speaking the truth to a powerful person who did not want to hear it. From the point of view of those in power, imprisoning dissenters was an important way of suppressing opinions that could undermine the regime. In some cases, the imprisonment of dissenters or troublemakers was a prelude to execution (John the Baptist and Jesus). The practice of imprisonment instead of immediate execution may reflect the ambivalent attitude of rulers toward controversial prophets: they could not be allowed to move about freely in society, but they had some status or right as prophet that prevented their execution. In some cases, prophets managed to confront a king without being punished, suggesting that there was a certain level of tolerance for them even when they were not supportive of royal power, a tolerance that might have contributed to the use of imprisonment instead of execution.
Ahab imprisoned Micaiah son of Imlah after he delivered an unfavorable oracle (1 Kings 22:27). Similarly, Asa imprisoned Hanani the seer (2 Chron. 16:10). These kings may have hoped that such treatment would coerce better news in the future. Jeremiah (Jer. 37:15) and John the Baptist (Mark 6:17) were also imprisoned for delivering unwelcome messages to those in power.
Theological Significance
In both Testaments, release from prison is a symbol of God’s salvation. The theme is prominent in the psalms, as in Ps. 146:7: “The Lord sets prisoners free” (see also Pss. 68:6; 107:10; 142:7). In Acts 12:7 Peter is freed from prison by a divinely sent messenger. Paul wrote a number of letters from prison and identified himself as a prisoner of Christ (Eph. 3:1; Col. 4:10; 2 Tim. 1:8; Philem. 1). Some texts refer in mythological terms to a prison that confines spirits or Satan (1 Pet. 3:19; Rev. 20:7).
An award to the victor in the Greek games. The judge who assigned the prize at the games gave a literal crown, a garland of bay, olive, or pine. These perishable wreaths, coveted by the athletes of Greece and Rome (1 Cor. 9:24–25), stand in contrast to Paul’s use of “prize” (Gk. brabeion) as a metaphor for the imperishable heavenly reward for Christian character (Phil. 3:14). Another Greek word sometimes rendered as “prize” (harpagmos) refers to “a thing to be grasped” (Phil. 2:6 ESV, NASB). Christ did not deem it an act of usurpation to claim equality with God, for such equality was his inherent right. Christ did not regard equality with God as a thing to be clutched greedily, but waived his rights.
One of the seven men chosen to help with food distribution in the Jerusalem church (Acts 6:1–6). Tradition suggests that he was among the seventy disciples whom Jesus sent out (cf. Luke 10:1), John’s scribe in writing the Fourth Gospel, a bishop of Nicomedia, and a martyr at Antioch.
The English transliteration of the Greek word meaning “preaching, proclamation, message,” “kerygma” was coined as a scholarly term by C. H. Dodd, a professor of NT at Cambridge University, in 1964. In a lecture series titled “The Apostolic Preaching and Its Developments,” Dodd observed that four of Peter’s proclamations of the gospel message (Acts 2:14–36, 38–39; 3:12–26; 4:8–15) follow an identifiable pattern. They present basic facts as interpreted through the eternal perspective of the first-century church: (1) The age of prophetic fulfillment has dawned. (2) This has occurred through the ministry, death, and resurrection of Jesus. (3) Jesus is exalted at the right hand of God as the messianic head of Israel. (4) The Holy Spirit in the church is the sign of Christ’s present power and glory. (5) The messianic age will soon be consummated in the return of Christ. (6) Therefore, hearers are to repent to receive forgiveness, the Holy Spirit, and salvation.
Dodd further developed his ideas by examining the Gospels and finding that they conform to the essential kerygma pattern as well (Mark particularly clearly so), as do the gospel summaries appearing in the writings of Paul and John. Each contains an essential core of information: the prophetic announcement of Jesus, especially through the ministry of John the Baptist, the trial and crucifixion of Jesus, his burial, his resurrection from the dead, and the affirmation of these events through the testimony of eyewitnesses. Examples of kerygma are found in Acts 5:30–32; 10:34–43; 13:16–41; 17:1–4; 26:12–29; 1 Cor. 15:1–11.
Noticeably absent from all these passages, however, is any mention of the ethical teaching of the NT. Dodd was emphatic that kerygma be distinguished from teaching, by which he meant the doctrinal, ethical, and apologetic aspects of Christianity. These he understood as appropriate to the life and thought of those already established in the faith but different from the evangelistic proclamation of kerygma, the purpose of which is to call unbelievers to salvation in Christ. Put another way, kerygma is primary, while teaching is secondary; the latter is effective only when presented to those who have already repented and believed.
Since Dodd, “kerygma” has been applied to the OT as well, where it refers to the specific saving acts of God, structured similarly to the NT speech of Stephen (Acts 7:2–53). Examples include Pss. 78; 105; 106; 135; 136.
The senate-appointed governor of a Roman province (KJV: “deputy”). The proconsul oversaw civil, judicial, and military affairs in the province. Sergius Paulus was proconsul of Cyprus (Acts 13:7), and Gallio of Achaia (Acts 18:12). The city clerk in Ephesus calmed a disturbance before it escalated to the jurisdiction of the court and the proconsul (Acts 19:38).
One of the seven men chosen to help with food distribution in the Jerusalem church (Acts 6:1–6). Tradition suggests that he was among the seventy disciples whom Jesus sent out (cf. Luke 10:1), John’s scribe in writing the Fourth Gospel, a bishop of Nicomedia, and a martyr at Antioch.
The governor of a Roman imperial province, also called “prefect.” The prefect or procurator collected taxes, oversaw judicial matters, and commanded auxiliary military troops. Pontius Pilate was prefect of the province of Judea from about AD 26 to 36 (Matt. 27:2). The title was changed to “procurator” in the mid-first century. Paul was imprisoned in Caesarea under Felix, procurator of Judea in AD 52–60 (Acts 23:24–24:26). Felix was succeeded by Porcius Festus (Acts 24:27), who approved Paul’s request to appeal to Caesar (25:12).
The parable of the prodigal (or “wasteful”) son is told by Jesus following the parables of the lost sheep and the lost coin, in which the owner figure loses something of value and rejoices upon finding it again (Luke 15). Similarly, the parable of the prodigal son is focused primarily upon the mercy and forgiveness of the father. In this parable, the younger of two sons requests his share of what the father will leave them as an inheritance. The father grants it, and the son, after relocating to a distant country, squanders it on the pleasures of this world. With his inheritance exhausted and the land suffering a severe famine, the son’s livelihood becomes dependent upon his new job, feeding pigs. In despair at being in this lowly position, the son decides to come home and face his father, who, in an amazing turn of events, is overjoyed at the return of his lost son. During the feast celebrating his return, however, the older brother becomes envious because he has been faithful yet has never received such an honor.
The parable is an allegory about Jesus’ ministry, with the father representing God himself, the younger brother representing the sinners and tax collectors to whom Jesus is ministering, and the older brother representing the religious leaders who are rejecting God’s offer of free grace to sinners who will repent and return to God. It is significant that the parable is open ended, with no response recorded from the older brother. The father states his love for both sons and affirms to the older one that “everything I have is yours.” It remains to be seen whether he will now choose to welcome the prodigal and join in the feast in the kingdom of God. God’s offer of salvation remains an open invitation.
The opposite of sacred. Something that is profane becomes unholy, defiled, and ritually useless (Ezek. 22:26). See also Clean, Cleanness.
An occupation or profession is the usual work or business in which a person engages for the sake of earning a living. In biblical times, family or social standing most often determined occupation. This was particularly true for occupations tied to land, such as planting crops and raising animals, since land in ancient Israel was passed down within the tribe, normally from fathers to sons (Josh. 14:9; Ezek. 46:18). Sometimes daughters also received a share in the family inheritance (Josh. 17:6). Most people gained their livelihood from their family’s land, and those who did not have land hired themselves out to work for wages (Deut. 24:14). A son normally learned his trade from his father (Gen. 47:3; 2 Kings 4:18; Matt. 4:21) and continued in that occupation unless called into God’s service (1 Kings 19:19–21; Jer. 1:5; Matt. 4:22).
Cicero, writing around the time of the NT, considered occupations such as tax collector, laborer, and fisherman to be vulgar. Conversely, professions such as teacher, doctor, and wholesale trader were more honorable, with landowner being the most respectable and profitable profession (Off. 1.42).
Agriculture and Farming
Farming is the earliest recorded occupation in the Bible, as the first man was called to work and keep the garden (Gen. 2:15). Even after the exile from Eden because of sin, Adam worked the ground for food, as did Cain, his firstborn son (Gen. 3:17–18; 4:2). The opening chapters of the Bible establish a fundamental link between “man” (’adam) and the “ground” (’adamah). After the flood, Noah established himself as a “man of the soil” (’ish ha’adamah) by planting a vineyard (Gen. 9:20). King Uzziah “loved the soil” (’oheb ’adamah) and so employed people to work in his fields and vineyards (2 Chron. 26:10).
God demonstrated his covenant commitment to Isaac by blessing him with an incredible harvest (Gen. 26:12), and he promised to prosper Israel’s farms if the people obeyed him (Deut. 28:4) and to curse the fruit of their ground if they disobeyed (Deut. 28:18). The OT ideal was for everyone to live “under their own vine and under their own fig tree” (1 Kings 4:25; Mic. 4:4). According to Prov. 28:19, the diligent farmer would have abundant food.
Jesus’ parables frequently employed agricultural imagery that would have been readily understandable in first-century Palestine, where many people were farmers (cf. Mark 4:1–9; 12:1–11) and some owned land (Acts 4:34). The people living around Jerusalem at this time engaged in agriculture, soil cultivation, and cattle raising (Let. Aris. 107–112).
Herding and Hunting
Herding animals is the second-oldest occupation recorded in Scripture (after farming), and raising flocks and herds continued to be one of the most common and important professions throughout biblical times. Abel is the first “keeper of sheep” in the Bible (Gen. 4:2 NRSV). Several generations later, Jabal pioneered the nomadic herding lifestyle (Gen. 4:20). The patriarchs were shepherds (Gen. 47:3), as were Moses (Exod. 3:1), David (1 Sam. 17:34), and many others in the OT. Josephus acknowledged that “feeding of sheep was the employment of our forefathers in the most ancient ages” (Ag. Ap. 1.91). While men typically worked as shepherds and herdsmen, the occupation was also open to women, such as Rachel, whose fathers owned sheep (Gen. 29:9). Shepherds were present at Jesus’ birth (Luke 2:8–20), and Jesus’ teaching suggests that shepherding was a common occupation in Palestine (cf. Matt. 18:12; John 10:1–30).
Many people in biblical times hunted, either for food, sport, or protection. The first recorded hunter is Nimrod, “a mighty hunter before the Lord” (Gen. 10:9). Ishmael was “an expert with the bow” (Gen. 21:20 NRSV), while Esau was “a skillful hunter, a man of the open country” who brought back wild game for food (25:27–28). The name of Pokereth-Hazzebaim, included in the genealogy of Solomon’s servants in Ezra 2:57, reflects his occupation as a “gazelle catcher” (cf. 1 Kings 4:23).
Builders and Craftsmen
Cain was the first person in the Bible to build a city (Gen. 4:17), and his descendant Tubal-Cain was the first metalworker (4:22). Nimrod built a number of cities (10:11–12), and the beginning of Nimrod’s kingdom was Babel (10:10), where the people gathered together to build a city with brick (11:3). Builders in Mesopotamia used baked brick and asphalt, while Israelite builders usually preferred the more readily available stone and mortar. After Joseph’s death, Israel was conscripted into forced labor in Egypt, which involved building cities of brick and mortar (Exod. 1:11).
The role of craftsmen in the construction of the tabernacle was particularly significant. Bezalel and Oholiab were “skilled workers and designers” empowered by God for work on the tabernacle (Exod. 35:35). They engaged in “all kinds of crafts,” including artistic metalworking, masonry, carpentry, and weaving (Exod. 31:4–5; 38:23).
Kings in Israel often commissioned important building projects (1 Kings 12:25; 15:22; 16:24; 2 Chron. 26:9; Josephus, J.W. 1.401–2). Carpenters and stonemasons worked on David’s palace (2 Sam. 5:11). Solomon conscripted laborers to build the temple and also employed carriers, stonecutters, craftsmen, and foremen to supervise the work (1 Kings 5:13–18). After the Babylonian exile, many Israelites were involved in rebuilding the temple and the wall of Jerusalem, which had been destroyed (Ezra 3:8; Neh. 4:16–18). These projects, directed by Zerubbabel and Nehemiah, utilized masons, carpenters, and other workers (Ezra 3:7).
Jesus is referred to as a tektōn (Mark 6:3) and as the son of a tektōn (Matt. 13:55), with tektōn usually translated “carpenter” by English versions. However, recent scholarship has demonstrated that Jesus was likely a builder, not a carpenter in the modern sense of the term. In the LXX, the word tektōn typically translates a Hebrew word, kharash, used broadly to refer to craftsmen working with stone, wood, or metal.
Musicians
The first musician recorded in Scripture is Jubal, “the father of all who play the stringed instruments and pipes” (Gen. 4:21). Musicians performed a variety of roles in ancient society, as they do today. Singers and instrumentalists were employed to celebrate festive occasions, often to provide accompaniment for dancing (Gen. 31:27; Luke 15:25), to soothe the sick or distressed (1 Sam. 16:16), and to express lamentation (Job 30:31).
Musicians played an important role in leading God’s people in worship. The “director of music” is mentioned in the headings of fifty-five psalms and Hab. 3:19. The most famous musician in Scripture is David, “the singer of Israel’s psalms” (2 Sam. 23:1 GW), who played the harp (1 Sam. 16:18) and wrote or inspired at least seventy-three canonical psalms. Solomon was also a notable songwriter and lover of music (1 Kings 4:32). David appointed many Levites as singers and musicians to lead Israel in worship (1 Chron. 15:16; 23:5). The musicians played lyres, harps, cymbals, and trumpets (2 Chron. 5:12).
Government, Politics, and Military
Before the monarchy, there were no formal government offices. Under Moses, a group of seventy elders in Israel served as leaders and officials, and these men were to carry out Moses’ decrees and judge the people on most matters (Exod. 18:20–22; Num. 11:16). After Joshua’s death, God raised up judges to rescue Israel from foreign enemies and lead the people (Judg. 2:16) until the time of Samuel, when Saul was made king (1 Sam. 11:15).
Kings in Israel employed various officials. In 2 Sam. 8:16–18, Joab is listed first among David’s officials, which suggests that the military commander was second in authority after the king. Under Solomon, the leader of the army is called “commander in chief” (1 Kings 4:4). The royal cabinet included a number of key advisers, including the recorder, the secretary, and the “confidant” of the king (cf. 2 Sam. 16:16). The OT does not specify the precise roles of these officials. The recorder was among the highest governmental positions and served as a royal counselor. In Hebrew, mazkir (“recorder”) is a cognate noun to the verb zkr (“to remember”), which suggests that this official may have managed and preserved public records (2 Kings 18:18; Isa. 36:22). The main task of the king’s secretary or scribe (sop̱er) was to write down (sapar) official state documents (2 Sam. 8:17), and he advised the king and also provided financial oversight (2 Kings 12:10). Recorders and secretaries apparently were well educated and multilingual, as was the palace administrator (2 Kings 18:18, 26). Solomon’s officials included supervisors of the palace and the forced labor, as well as governors who supplied provisions for the king’s household (1 Kings 4:6–7). The OT mentions cupbearers in Israel’s government and in other administrations (Gen. 40:1; 1 Kings 10:5; Neh. 1:11). The cupbearer served as the royal wine taster; he protected the king from being poisoned and had direct access to the monarch.
In the Roman Empire, the emperor was absolute ruler (1 Pet. 2:17), with the senate next in authority. Proconsuls held judicial and military authority over larger provinces (Acts 18:12), prefects (governors) administered smaller provinces (Matt. 27:2), with tetrarchs over one-fourth of a province (Luke 3:1).
Christians in NT times engaged in civil service. Erastus was a financial officer in Corinth (Rom. 16:23), and he may be the same Erastus commemorated in an inscription from this period who held the office of aedile. The proconsul Sergius Paulus (Acts 13:7); Manaen, a close friend of Herod Antipas (Acts 13:1); and members of Caesar’s household (Phil. 4:22) were also Christian public leaders.
Trade and Economics
From earliest times, people have exchanged goods and property. When Abraham purchased Ephron’s field, his silver was measured “according to the weight current among the merchants” (Gen. 23:16), which suggests that a recognized system of public trading was in place during the time of the patriarchs. Traders of commodities such as spices traveled along caravan routes between southern Arabia and Egypt, and these traders often acquired slaves along the way (Gen. 37:28). Solomon employed royal merchants to buy and sell goods (1 Kings 10:28).
In the first century, Jews were engaged broadly in economic life as landowners, artisans, merchants, traders, bankers, and slaves. Several of Jesus’ disciples were fishermen (Matt. 4:18). Luke was a physician, a well-educated and respectable professional (Col. 4:14). Lydia was a dealer in purple cloth (Acts 16:14). Paul, Aquila, and Priscilla worked as tentmakers (Acts 18:3). In the Roman Empire, commerce and pagan religion often intermingled. Merchants often formed trade guilds, where membership sometimes required religious and moral compromise. In Ephesus, silversmiths and craftsmen in related trades turned significant profit through their connections with the local Artemis cult (Acts 19:24–27).
Jesus frequently spent time with tax collectors, such as Levi (also called “Matthew”) (Matt. 9:9; Mark 2:14). Tax collectors were a despised group because often they became wealthy by taking advantage of the Roman taxation system, which allowed them to charge commission on taxes collected (Luke 19:2, 8). Jesus’ parable of the talents references bankers who offered interest on deposits collected (Matt. 25:27), and Rev. 3:17–18 alludes to the fact that Laodicea was a financial center with a significant banking system.
Servants and Slaves
In the OT, ’ebed most often designates a slave or servant, whose occupation involves work (’abad ) as a subordinate. Some servants held very important positions in their master’s household (Gen. 24:2), while many others toiled in hard labor (Job 7:2). Israelites were not to enslave their kinfolk, but they could take slaves from other nations. Fellow Israelites who became poor could serve as hired workers, but they were to be released along with their children at the Jubilee because God had brought Israel out from Egyptian slavery and they belonged to God as his servants (Lev. 25:39–46).
Slaves in the Roman world were property like goods or cattle, possessed by another (Dio Chrysostom, 2 Serv. lib. 24). Unlike modern slavery practices, race played no factor in the Roman institution of slavery. Slaves were kidnapped and sold in NT times (1 Tim. 1:10; Rev. 18:13), but the majority of slaves were so by birth. The most prominent slave in the NT is Onesimus, for whom Paul intercedes with his master, Philemon (Philem. 10, 16). Believing slaves were to obey their earthly masters “as slaves of Christ” (Eph. 6:5–6), but the NT stressed the equality of slave and free in Christ (Gal. 3:28). Paul called himself a “servant [doulos] of Christ Jesus” (Rom. 1:1).
Religious Service
Most Israelites engaged in professional religious service were Levites (Num. 3:12), including Moses, Aaron, and the priests in Aaron’s line (Exod. 6:19–20; 35:19). The priests offered sacrifices to God on behalf of the people (Heb. 5:1). Under the priests’ direction, the Levites were charged with caring for the tabernacle and its furnishings (Num. 1:49; 1 Chron. 23:32) and carrying the ark of the covenant (1 Chron. 15:2). They were set apart to serve in God’s presence (Deut. 18:7) and to lead the people in worship (2 Chron. 5:12). Further, priests often played an important advisory role to Israel’s kings (2 Sam. 8:17; 1 Kings 4:5; 2 Kings 12:2).
In Israel, people went to seers and prophets to inquire of God (1 Sam. 9:9), for they received and communicated God’s word (2 Sam. 24:11; Jer. 37:6). Sometimes individuals are mentioned as prophets, and other times the prophets are discussed as an organized group (1 Sam. 19:20; 1 Kings 22:6).
The NT references a number of ministerial offices (1 Cor. 12:28; Eph. 4:11; 1 Tim. 3:1–12). Not all ministers were paid, though teachers and preachers had a right to “receive their living from the gospel” (1 Cor. 9:14–15; cf. 1 Tim. 5:17). Apostles were those sent out by Jesus as his representatives. The term apostolos refers particularly to the twelve apostles who were with Jesus during his earthly ministry and who were witnesses of his resurrection (Acts 1:21–22). Paul referred to himself as an apostle (Gal. 1:1; 1 Cor. 1:1), and he calls Epaph-ro-di-tus and others “messengers” (apostoloi) in the churches (2 Cor. 8:23; Phil. 2:25). Prophets have the spiritual gift of prophecy and speak to strengthen, encourage, and comfort the church (Acts 15:32; 1 Cor. 14:3). Overseers (also called “elders” or “pastors”) are qualified leaders who teach, shepherd, and exercise authority in the church (1 Tim. 3:1; 1 Pet. 5:2). Evangelists and missionaries proclaim the gospel and aim to win converts to Christ (Acts 21:8; 2 Tim. 4:5). Those ministers who are faithful to the gospel deserve support (3 John 8).
A technical term for “promise” does not appear in the OT, but its concept is present throughout Scripture. God unfolds the history of redemption by employing the idea of promises. The writers of the NT repeatedly assert that Jesus Christ has fulfilled God’s promises in the OT (e.g., Luke 24:44–48; 1 Cor. 15:3–8).
Old Testament
The promises in the OT are closely related to the history of salvation. At each stage of redemptive history, God delivered a new message about redemption, usually in the form of a covenant. Immediately after the fall of humankind, God first revealed his plan of salvation: the promise that the seed of the woman would ultimately crush the head of the serpent (Gen. 3:15). After the flood, God made a covenant with Noah, promising never again to destroy the earth with a flood (Gen. 8:21–9:17).
Most remarkable is the promise that God made to Abraham, Isaac, and Jacob (Gen. 12:1–3; 13:14–17; 17:4–8; 22:17–18; 26:1–5; 28:13–15). God called Abraham in order to give him three specific blessings: the land, descendants, and the channel of blessing among the nations. As a sign of his promise, God made a covenant of circumcision with Abraham and his descendants (17:10–14). With Isaac (26:1–5) and Jacob (28:13–15), God repeatedly reconfirmed the promise made to Abraham. At the time of the exodus and later the settlement in Canaan, God’s promise to Abraham was partially fulfilled by multiplying his descendants into millions and by giving them the promised land.
At Mount Sinai, God made another covenant with the Israelites. In this covenant, God promised that they would be his “treasured possession” among the nations if they would obey him and keep his covenant (Exod. 19:5). God’s special blessings were pronounced for them to be “a kingdom of priests and a holy nation” (19:6). For this purpose, God gave them the Ten Commandments, which became the religious and ethical standard for his covenant people (20:1–17). In the book of Deuteronomy, moreover, God’s promises were made in the form of blessings to the obedient and of curses to the disobedient (Deut. 28). Later these became the criteria by which the kings of Israel were judged to determine whether they had lived an obedient life.
According to 2 Sam. 7:11–16, God made an eternal covenant with David, promising the permanence of David’s house, kingdom, and throne. In this covenant it was also promised that his offspring would build the house of the Lord. The Davidic covenant was partially fulfilled at the time of Solomon, who as king built the house of the Lord, the first temple in Jerusalem (1 Kings 8:15–25). Later, in the period of the classical prophets, when the hope for the Davidic throne was endangered, the permanence of the Davidic throne and kingdom reappeared in the form of messianic prophecy (Jer. 23:5–8; Ezek. 37:24–28). This promise was ultimately fulfilled by the coming of Jesus Christ from the line of David (Matt. 1:1–17).
The history of Israel shows that although the nation repeatedly broke God’s covenants, he remained faithful to them. According to Num. 23:19, God’s promises are absolutely trustworthy: “God is not human, that he should lie, not a human being, that he should change his mind. Does he speak and then not act? Does he promise and not fulfill?” The trustworthiness of God’s promises results from his unchanging character (Ps. 110:4; Mal. 3:6–7). The almighty God has the power to fulfill his promises (Isa. 55:11). When Joshua finished conquering the land of Canaan, he confessed that God was faithful in keeping all his promises to his ancestors (Josh. 21:45; 23:14–15). Joshua himself witnessed that trusting God’s promises is a life-and-death issue. Those who had not trusted his promise to give them the land of Canaan perished in the wilderness, but those who had trusted his promise were allowed to enter it (Num. 14:1–35).
New Testament
The central message of the NT is that God’s promises in the OT are fulfilled with the coming of Jesus Christ. Matthew’s numerous citation formulas are evidence of this theme. In Luke 4:16–21 Jesus pronounces the fulfillment of Isaiah’s promise (about the Messiah’s ministry [Isa. 61:1–3]) in his own life. The book of Acts specifically states that Jesus’ suffering and resurrection and the coming of the Holy Spirit are the fulfillment of the OT promises (2:29–31; 13:32–34). Jesus’ identity both as the descendant of David (Acts 13:23) and as the prophet like Moses (Acts 3:21–26; cf. Deut. 18:15–18) is also regarded as the fulfillment of the OT.
Paul’s view of God’s promises is summarized in this statement: “For no matter how many promises God has made, they are ‘Yes’ in Christ” (2 Cor. 1:20). According to Rom. 1:2–3, Paul regards the gospel as the message that God “promised beforehand through his prophets in the Holy Scriptures regarding his Son.” In Rom. 4 Abraham’s faith is described in terms of his trust in God’s promises, which leads to his righteousness. He is presented as our model of faith in God’s promises. The famous phrase “according to the Scriptures” in 1 Cor. 15:3–4 is, in a sense, understood by Paul as the fulfillment of God’s promises regarding Christ’s death and resurrection.
In the book of Hebrews, the concept of promise plays an important role. In Heb. 6 Abraham is presented as the exemplary man who trusted in God’s promise. The author exhorts the Hebrew Christians to follow Abraham’s model of trust in God’s promise (6:12–20). The author also asserts that Jesus’ new covenant is superior to the old one because his ministry “is established on better promises” (8:6). In Heb. 11 the faith of the great OT saints is acclaimed in terms of their faith in God’s promises.
In the NT, God makes new promises based on the work of Christ, including the final resurrection and the second coming of Christ (John 5:29; 11:25–26; 1 Cor. 15:48–57; 2 Cor. 4:14; 1 Thess. 4:13–18). Furthermore, the message of the gospel is presented as multiple promises, including eternal life, the fullness of life in Christ, the forgiveness of sins, the indwelling of the Holy Spirit, the peace of God, the knowledge of God, and the joy of God (Matt. 28:18–20; John 3:16; 10:10; 14:16, 27; 16:20–24; 17:25–26; Phil. 4:4–9; 1 John 1:9).
Human Promises
The Scriptures contain many cases of people making promises to other people. For example, Abraham made promises to the king of Sodom and to Abimelek (Gen. 14:22–24; 21:22–24). The Israelite spies made a promise to Rahab (Josh. 2:12–21). People also make promises to God: Jacob, Jephthah, Hannah, and the returning exiles (Gen. 28:20–21; Judg. 11:29–40; 1 Sam. 1:11–20; Neh. 10:28–29). Human promises usually are accompanied by the taking of an oath (Gen. 14:22; 21:24; Deut. 6:13; Josh. 2:12–14) or the declaration of a curse in case of its breach (Ruth 1:17; 1 Sam. 14:24; 2 Sam. 3:35; 1 Kings 2:23). It is imperative to keep the promise that one makes to a human being or to God (Num. 30:1–2; Ps. 50:14). In Mal. 2:14–16, divorce is regarded as a breaking of the oath between husband and wife. In OT times, people were afraid of curses falling upon them when they broke a promise. The Bible warns of the danger of making false promises, as doing so will bring about sin and judgment (Lev. 19:12; Deut. 23:21; Zech. 8:17). It is an axiom of the wisdom literature that one should not make promises rashly or lightly (Prov. 20:25; Eccles. 5:1–7), and Jesus prohibits the taking of any oath because of the possibility of its breach (Matt. 5:33–37).
The Phenomenon of Prophecy
A prophet is a messenger of God, a person to whom God entrusts his message to an individual or to a nation. Indeed, the last book in the OT is named “Malachi,” which means “my messenger.” Isaiah heard God ask, “Whom shall I send?” and he cried out, “Send me!” (Isa. 6:8). A good template for understanding the phenomenon is Moses and Aaron. Moses was to tell Aaron what to say, and Aaron would say it. “Then the Lord said to Moses, ‘See, I have made you like God to Pharaoh, and your brother Aaron will be your prophet’ ” (Exod. 7:1).
Prophets such as Isaiah were privy to what transpires in heaven, where decisions were being made that control the course of human history. Micaiah describes how he has seen God in the company of the heavenly host deliberating on how to entice Ahab to his death (1 Kings 22:13–23). All the other “prophets” in Ahab’s court were false, since they did not have knowledge of the events beyond human ken, as only true prophets can. Only one who has encountered God in this way can speak as an agent of the heavenly court.
For every true prophet in Israel, there were many false prophets. Moses set guidelines for distinguishing them. True prophets prophesy in accordance with revealed religion. If a prophet contradicts the law, for example, and calls Israel to worship another god, this is not a true prophet (Deut. 18:20). Also, if a prophet predicts something that does not come to pass, that is also a false prophet (Deut. 18:21–22). These criteria are not mechanical and automatic, however. Sometimes a prophet may appear to contradict prior revelation (Jer. 26:11), and sometimes the predicted judgment is staved off by national repentance (Jon. 4). Also, sometimes God may test the people with a false prophet who makes a true prediction (Deut. 13:1–3).
True prophets occasionally exhibited bizarre behavior. Saul, while pursuing David, was suddenly possessed by the Spirit of God and lay naked day and night, prophesying. This caused the people to ask if Saul was now one of the prophets (1 Sam. 19:24). Even in the ancient world, prophets were considered a bit crazy (2 Kings 9:11; Jer. 23:9; 29:26; Hos. 9:7). The phenomenon he experienced is referred to as “ecstasy.” The practice of tongues in the NT church also seems to have been ecstatic behavior. Paul notes that observers would call practitioners “out of your mind” (1 Cor. 14:23). At Pentecost, some observers thought that the apostles were drunk. Peter replied that they were not drunk but rather had the Spirit upon them (Acts 2:15–21).
The word “prophet” refers to one who foretells the future. Of course, many people cannot accept the notion of real prophecy and thus regard all prophecy as an illusion. Either the text was written after the fact, or it was couched in such general terms that it is no miracle that it came true, or else it was a lucky guess. The text itself, however, wants to be read as real prophecy, and Christians before the modern age read it as such. After all, to reject the supernatural elements in the Bible ultimately leads to rejecting the resurrection of Christ.
However, the modern Christian should not focus on the predictive part of the prophets’ message to such an extent that the “forthtelling” element is neglected. Forthtelling is the prophets’ chief ministry—calling the people to mercy and justice, to obedience to the law and fidelity to God. Christians who believe the Bible should take seriously the predictions about the future, but even more so the challenges about the present.
The Books of Prophecy in the Old Testament
The OT of Catholic and Protestant Bibles is roughly organized around the Greek translation of the OT, the Septuagint. Thus, Daniel is considered a prophetic book, and the prophets are separated from the historical books by the poetical books. However, the Hebrew Bible has a different organization. It has only eight “books” of prophecy, divided into the Former Prophets and the Latter Prophets. The Former Prophets are Joshua, Judges, Samuel, and Kings. Traditionally, Samuel wrote Judges. The books of 1 Samuel and 2 Samuel form one scroll, as do 1 Kings and 2 Kings. The book of Samuel bears the name of the prophet, and Kings is substantially about Elijah and Elisha. The four Former Prophets witness to the outworking of the covenant sanctions, from the Israelites’ entry into the promised land to their expulsion from it.
Usually, when Christians speak of the prophets, they are referring to the Latter Prophets, plus Daniel. In Catholic and Protestant Bibles there are four Major Prophets: Isaiah, Jeremiah, Ezekiel, and Daniel; and twelve Minor Prophets: Hosea, Joel, Amos, Obadiah, Jonah, Micah, Nahum, Habakkuk, Zephaniah, Haggai, Zechariah, and Malachi. Many other prophets ministered in Israel but have no scroll that bears their name. Thus, the ones listed above can be called the “writing prophets.”
Isaiah. The book of Isaiah preserves the sermons from the prophet who ministered during the time when Hezekiah was king of Judah, the southern kingdom. Isaiah saw Jerusalem surrounded by the Assyrian army and assured the king that God would deliver his people. That message of salvation is the overall theme of the book, a salvation universal in scope and focused on the figure of the Suffering Servant. Isaiah claims that this servant of God would be wounded and “cut off from the land of the living” (Isa. 53:8) and through this would bring healing and salvation to his people. He would see this and make many righteous (Isa. 53).
The NT refers to Isaiah more often than any other prophet, always to demonstrate that the truths of the gospel of Jesus Christ were revealed in advance by the prophet. For example, Paul cites Isa. 1:9 in his argument as to why the Jews had rejected the gospel (Rom. 9:29). When Jesus withdrew to the area of Zebulun and Naphtali, Matthew says that this act fulfilled Isa. 9:1–2 (Matt. 4:15–16). Jesus himself cites Isa. 53:12, “[he] was numbered with the transgressors,” and claims that it was written about him (Luke 22:37). He does the same with Isa. 61:1–2 (Luke 4:18–21).
Jeremiah. The book of Jeremiah puts in writing the words of the prophet Jeremiah, who ministered at the very end of the kingdom of Judah and lived through the destruction of Jerusalem, with its temple and the people of God being taken away to forced exile and captivity. He sees the weakness and powerlessness of the covenant that God had made with his people to stir up love and fidelity in their hearts to him. According to Jeremiah, what the people chiefly need is a new covenant altogether, one that is not external and written on tablets of stone, but internal, written on their hearts. They need a change of personality to become a different sort of people altogether. This is what Jeremiah predicts will happen in the coming age after their time of captivity is over (Jer. 31:31–40). The NT identifies this new covenant with the gospel of Jesus (Heb. 8:8–12), secured by his blood (Heb. 10:16–17). This is the new covenant that Jesus announces to his disciples when he eats the Last Supper with them (Luke 22:20).
Ezekiel. The book of Ezekiel picks up where Jeremiah leaves off and continues from the destruction of Jerusalem into the early years of the Babylonian captivity. Like Jeremiah, Ezekiel sees the failure of the old covenant. He likens Israel to a married woman who violates her marriage covenant at every turn (Ezek. 16). The prophet also foresees a future character transformation of God’s people. “I will give you a new heart and put a new spirit in you; I will remove from you your heart of stone and give you a heart of flesh. And I will put my Spirit in you and move you to follow my decrees and be careful to keep my laws” (Ezek. 36:26–27). This is graphically illustrated in Ezek. 37, where the prophet is told to prophesy to a valley of dry bones, and through the preaching of the word of God the company of the dead come to life and become a vast army—not of skeletons, but of vitally alive warriors. This is a vision of what will happen when God makes an everlasting covenant with them and will dwell with them forever (Ezek. 37:26–27). Paul cites this in 2 Cor. 6:16 and argues, “We are the temple of the living God.” The last part of Ezekiel describes a great, larger-than-life temple that Paul interprets to be the church. Thus, Ezekiel anticipates the preaching of the gospel, bringing spiritual life to a vast company of believers, among whom God himself will dwell.
Daniel. The book of Daniel is not a prophetic book by genre, but much of it is devoted to predicting the future, so in Catholic and Protestant Bibles it is placed between Ezekiel and the Minor Prophets. Prophecy calls the people to repentance and threatens judgment on them due to their sin. Daniel does the opposite: it calls them to persevere as saints, while the evil nations oppress them, until the end of time, when they will be vindicated. Daniel comforts the faithful who are suffering due to the sins of the nations.
The Twelve. The twelve Minor Prophets follow a roughly chronological sequence (with some notable exceptions). Hosea, Amos, and Micah date from the rise of Assyria as the great power that threatened Israel and Judah. Nahum, Habakkuk, and Zephaniah date from near the end of Assyrian dominance and the rise of Babylon. The Babylonian exile is skipped, and the last three—Haggai, Zechariah, and Malachi—were written after the Jews’ restoration to the land of Judah. Joel, Obadiah, and Jonah are difficult to date with certainty.
Read as one book, the Minor Prophets tell a story of God’s constancy and fidelity even though everything else in the world changes. They begin with all twelve tribes intact and enjoying prosperity in the land. In Judah, there is a king on the throne of David. But by the end, most of the tribes are lost, the monarchy is no more, Jerusalem and the temple have been destroyed, and the Jews are under the heel of foreign powers. After all of that, God says to them, almost as the moral of the whole history of the OT, “I the Lord do not change. So you, the descendants of Jacob, are not destroyed. Ever since the time of your ancestors you have turned away from my decrees and have not kept them. Return to me, and I will return to you” (Mal. 3:6–7). Deeply explored in the Minor Prophets is the day of the Lord, the climax and denouement of history, in which all the words of the prophets will finally be fulfilled (see Joel and Zephaniah). The reader is given, as a picture of this day, a view of the repentance of one generation of Ninevites at the preaching of Jonah and of the final judgment to fall on that city as described by Nahum.
The NT cites the Minor Prophets much more often than any book of prophecy except Isaiah. Peter draws upon Joel 2:28–32 to explain the pouring out of the Spirit on the day of Pentecost (Acts 2:17–21). James cites Amos 9:11–12 to demonstrate that salvation was always intended for the Gentiles as well as the Jews (Acts 15:16–17). Paul quotes Hab. 2:4 to argue that righteousness before God comes through faith (Rom. 1:17; Gal. 3:11). Jesus says that like Jonah, he will return to the land of the living after three days (Matt. 12:38–41).
Prophecy in the New Testament
In the NT period there were a number of prophets. John the Baptist could point to Jesus and proclaim him to be the Lamb of God, who takes away the sins of the world (John 1:29). Agabus the prophet predicted a famine and, later, Paul’s arrest (Acts 11:28; 21:10–11).
Paul lists “gifts of the Spirit” (1 Cor. 12:4–11), including prophecy and various phenomena reminiscent of the OT prophets’ ecstatic state. Paul warns the Corinthians not to overdo this sort of thing and so to be mature (1 Cor. 14:19–20). Near the end of his life, in one of his last letters, he speaks of prophecy as normative in the church, particularly in establishing an authoritative body of elders to rule and especially to preach the gospel (1 Tim. 1:18; 4:14). Peter draws a connection between the ministry of the OT prophets and the proclamation of the gospel of Jesus Christ (1 Pet. 1:10–12). Evangelism seems to be the normative mode for prophecy today: forthtelling by calling people to turn from their sins to Jesus, and foretelling by speaking of his return and the final judgment.
Thus, all Christians hold the office of prophet, even if they never participate in the ecstatic state experienced by the Corinthians. The greatness of a prophet is in how clearly the prophet points to Jesus. John the Baptist was the greatest of the OT prophets by that measure, but any Christian on this side of the cross and resurrection can proclaim the gospel even more clearly. Thus, the prophetic ministry of any Christian is greater than John’s (Matt. 11:11).
Inheritance is an important concept that the Bible uses in several ways.
Family. In the ancient world every culture had customs for the passing of wealth and possessions from one generation to the next. In ancient Israel special provisions were made for inheriting land upon the death of the father. The firstborn son received a double portion; the rest was divided equally among the remaining sons. If a man lacked sons, priority went to the following in order: daughters, brothers, father’s brothers, next of kin (Num. 27:1–11). The OT provides guidance for additional circumstances (Gen. 38:8–9; Num. 36:6; Lev. 25:23–24; Deut. 21:15–17; 25:5–10; Ruth 2:20; 3:9–13; 4:1–12), with an overriding concern for the stability of the family and the retention of the land within a tribe. Under Roman law during the NT period, an heir had legal standing even while the father was still alive; his status was based on birth or adoption rather than the father’s death.
Old Testament. Even more prominent than family inheritance is the assertion that God gave the land of Canaan to Abraham and his descendants as an inheritance (Gen. 12:7; 15:18–21; 17:8; Num. 34:1–29; Deut. 12:10). This inheritance is God’s gracious gift, not something that Israel earned by its righteousness (Deut. 9:4–7). Descriptions of the land (“flowing with milk and honey”) and its fertility portray this gift as a new Eden, where God will dwell with his people (Exod. 3:8, 17; Lev. 20:24; Num. 16:13–14; Deut. 11:9–12). In some texts the language of inheritance moves beyond the land of Canaan to an international scope. In Ps. 2:8 the anointed king recounts God saying to him, “Ask me, and I will make the nations your inheritance, the ends of the earth your possession.” This expansion of inheritance from the land of Canaan to the ends of the earth prepares the way for a similar expansion in the NT (see Rom. 4:13).
God’s relationship with Israel is also described in terms of inheritance. On the one hand, Israel is described as God’s inheritance (Deut. 32:9; 1 Sam. 10:1; 1 Kings 8:51–53); on the other hand, God is Israel’s inheritance (Pss. 16:5; 73:26; Jer. 10:16; 51:19). This mutuality expresses the intimacy of God’s relationship with Israel.
New Testament. Inheritance language is taken up in the NT and expanded in a variety of ways. First and foremost, Jesus Christ is the “heir of all things,” the Son to whom the Father has given all authority in heaven and on earth (Matt. 28:18–20; Heb. 1:2–5). Through their union with Christ, believers share in Christ’s inheritance (Rom. 8:17), having been qualified by the Father to share in that inheritance (Col. 1:12). What believers inherit is described in various ways: the earth (Matt. 5:5), eternal life (Luke 10:25), the kingdom (1 Cor. 6:9–10; James 2:5), salvation (Heb. 1:14), blessing (Heb. 12:17; 1 Pet. 3:9). This inheritance was enacted by the death of Christ and sealed by his blood (Heb. 9:15–28). Believers experience the benefits of this inheritance through the Spirit now (Eph. 1:14, 18), but its fullness is reserved in heaven and awaits the consummation (1 Pet. 1:4–6).
The connection between the believer’s inheritance and the Spirit is especially prominent in Paul. In Gal. 4:1–7 Paul uses a combination of exodus and legal imagery to explain the gospel. Before Christ came, God’s people were heirs under the care of guardians and trustees. But once Christ came and redeemed them from under the law, they received their full inheritance as adopted sons and daughters. Central to that inheritance is the gift of the Spirit, who cries out, “Abba, Father.” It is this gift of the Spirit that definitively marks believers as sons and daughters rather than slaves. Because believers possess the Spirit as an inheritance in fulfillment of the promise to Abraham (Gal. 3:14; cf. Isa. 44:3–5), they have moved from bondage under the law to freedom in Christ (Gal. 5:1).
The Phenomenon of Prophecy
A prophet is a messenger of God, a person to whom God entrusts his message to an individual or to a nation. Indeed, the last book in the OT is named “Malachi,” which means “my messenger.” Isaiah heard God ask, “Whom shall I send?” and he cried out, “Send me!” (Isa. 6:8). A good template for understanding the phenomenon is Moses and Aaron. Moses was to tell Aaron what to say, and Aaron would say it. “Then the Lord said to Moses, ‘See, I have made you like God to Pharaoh, and your brother Aaron will be your prophet’ ” (Exod. 7:1).
Prophets such as Isaiah were privy to what transpires in heaven, where decisions were being made that control the course of human history. Micaiah describes how he has seen God in the company of the heavenly host deliberating on how to entice Ahab to his death (1 Kings 22:13–23). All the other “prophets” in Ahab’s court were false, since they did not have knowledge of the events beyond human ken, as only true prophets can. Only one who has encountered God in this way can speak as an agent of the heavenly court.
For every true prophet in Israel, there were many false prophets. Moses set guidelines for distinguishing them. True prophets prophesy in accordance with revealed religion. If a prophet contradicts the law, for example, and calls Israel to worship another god, this is not a true prophet (Deut. 18:20). Also, if a prophet predicts something that does not come to pass, that is also a false prophet (Deut. 18:21–22). These criteria are not mechanical and automatic, however. Sometimes a prophet may appear to contradict prior revelation (Jer. 26:11), and sometimes the predicted judgment is staved off by national repentance (Jon. 4). Also, sometimes God may test the people with a false prophet who makes a true prediction (Deut. 13:1–3).
True prophets occasionally exhibited bizarre behavior. Saul, while pursuing David, was suddenly possessed by the Spirit of God and lay naked day and night, prophesying. This caused the people to ask if Saul was now one of the prophets (1 Sam. 19:24). Even in the ancient world, prophets were considered a bit crazy (2 Kings 9:11; Jer. 23:9; 29:26; Hos. 9:7). The phenomenon he experienced is referred to as “ecstasy.” The practice of tongues in the NT church also seems to have been ecstatic behavior. Paul notes that observers would call practitioners “out of your mind” (1 Cor. 14:23). At Pentecost, some observers thought that the apostles were drunk. Peter replied that they were not drunk but rather had the Spirit upon them (Acts 2:15–21).
The word “prophet” refers to one who foretells the future. Of course, many people cannot accept the notion of real prophecy and thus regard all prophecy as an illusion. Either the text was written after the fact, or it was couched in such general terms that it is no miracle that it came true, or else it was a lucky guess. The text itself, however, wants to be read as real prophecy, and Christians before the modern age read it as such. After all, to reject the supernatural elements in the Bible ultimately leads to rejecting the resurrection of Christ.
However, the modern Christian should not focus on the predictive part of the prophets’ message to such an extent that the “forthtelling” element is neglected. Forthtelling is the prophets’ chief ministry—calling the people to mercy and justice, to obedience to the law and fidelity to God. Christians who believe the Bible should take seriously the predictions about the future, but even more so the challenges about the present.
The Books of Prophecy in the Old Testament
The OT of Catholic and Protestant Bibles is roughly organized around the Greek translation of the OT, the Septuagint. Thus, Daniel is considered a prophetic book, and the prophets are separated from the historical books by the poetical books. However, the Hebrew Bible has a different organization. It has only eight “books” of prophecy, divided into the Former Prophets and the Latter Prophets. The Former Prophets are Joshua, Judges, Samuel, and Kings. Traditionally, Samuel wrote Judges. The books of 1 Samuel and 2 Samuel form one scroll, as do 1 Kings and 2 Kings. The book of Samuel bears the name of the prophet, and Kings is substantially about Elijah and Elisha. The four Former Prophets witness to the outworking of the covenant sanctions, from the Israelites’ entry into the promised land to their expulsion from it.
Usually, when Christians speak of the prophets, they are referring to the Latter Prophets, plus Daniel. In Catholic and Protestant Bibles there are four Major Prophets: Isaiah, Jeremiah, Ezekiel, and Daniel; and twelve Minor Prophets: Hosea, Joel, Amos, Obadiah, Jonah, Micah, Nahum, Habakkuk, Zephaniah, Haggai, Zechariah, and Malachi. Many other prophets ministered in Israel but have no scroll that bears their name. Thus, the ones listed above can be called the “writing prophets.”
Isaiah. The book of Isaiah preserves the sermons from the prophet who ministered during the time when Hezekiah was king of Judah, the southern kingdom. Isaiah saw Jerusalem surrounded by the Assyrian army and assured the king that God would deliver his people. That message of salvation is the overall theme of the book, a salvation universal in scope and focused on the figure of the Suffering Servant. Isaiah claims that this servant of God would be wounded and “cut off from the land of the living” (Isa. 53:8) and through this would bring healing and salvation to his people. He would see this and make many righteous (Isa. 53).
The NT refers to Isaiah more often than any other prophet, always to demonstrate that the truths of the gospel of Jesus Christ were revealed in advance by the prophet. For example, Paul cites Isa. 1:9 in his argument as to why the Jews had rejected the gospel (Rom. 9:29). When Jesus withdrew to the area of Zebulun and Naphtali, Matthew says that this act fulfilled Isa. 9:1–2 (Matt. 4:15–16). Jesus himself cites Isa. 53:12, “[he] was numbered with the transgressors,” and claims that it was written about him (Luke 22:37). He does the same with Isa. 61:1–2 (Luke 4:18–21).
Jeremiah. The book of Jeremiah puts in writing the words of the prophet Jeremiah, who ministered at the very end of the kingdom of Judah and lived through the destruction of Jerusalem, with its temple and the people of God being taken away to forced exile and captivity. He sees the weakness and powerlessness of the covenant that God had made with his people to stir up love and fidelity in their hearts to him. According to Jeremiah, what the people chiefly need is a new covenant altogether, one that is not external and written on tablets of stone, but internal, written on their hearts. They need a change of personality to become a different sort of people altogether. This is what Jeremiah predicts will happen in the coming age after their time of captivity is over (Jer. 31:31–40). The NT identifies this new covenant with the gospel of Jesus (Heb. 8:8–12), secured by his blood (Heb. 10:16–17). This is the new covenant that Jesus announces to his disciples when he eats the Last Supper with them (Luke 22:20).
Ezekiel. The book of Ezekiel picks up where Jeremiah leaves off and continues from the destruction of Jerusalem into the early years of the Babylonian captivity. Like Jeremiah, Ezekiel sees the failure of the old covenant. He likens Israel to a married woman who violates her marriage covenant at every turn (Ezek. 16). The prophet also foresees a future character transformation of God’s people. “I will give you a new heart and put a new spirit in you; I will remove from you your heart of stone and give you a heart of flesh. And I will put my Spirit in you and move you to follow my decrees and be careful to keep my laws” (Ezek. 36:26–27). This is graphically illustrated in Ezek. 37, where the prophet is told to prophesy to a valley of dry bones, and through the preaching of the word of God the company of the dead come to life and become a vast army—not of skeletons, but of vitally alive warriors. This is a vision of what will happen when God makes an everlasting covenant with them and will dwell with them forever (Ezek. 37:26–27). Paul cites this in 2 Cor. 6:16 and argues, “We are the temple of the living God.” The last part of Ezekiel describes a great, larger-than-life temple that Paul interprets to be the church. Thus, Ezekiel anticipates the preaching of the gospel, bringing spiritual life to a vast company of believers, among whom God himself will dwell.
Daniel. The book of Daniel is not a prophetic book by genre, but much of it is devoted to predicting the future, so in Catholic and Protestant Bibles it is placed between Ezekiel and the Minor Prophets. Prophecy calls the people to repentance and threatens judgment on them due to their sin. Daniel does the opposite: it calls them to persevere as saints, while the evil nations oppress them, until the end of time, when they will be vindicated. Daniel comforts the faithful who are suffering due to the sins of the nations.
The Twelve. The twelve Minor Prophets follow a roughly chronological sequence (with some notable exceptions). Hosea, Amos, and Micah date from the rise of Assyria as the great power that threatened Israel and Judah. Nahum, Habakkuk, and Zephaniah date from near the end of Assyrian dominance and the rise of Babylon. The Babylonian exile is skipped, and the last three—Haggai, Zechariah, and Malachi—were written after the Jews’ restoration to the land of Judah. Joel, Obadiah, and Jonah are difficult to date with certainty.
Read as one book, the Minor Prophets tell a story of God’s constancy and fidelity even though everything else in the world changes. They begin with all twelve tribes intact and enjoying prosperity in the land. In Judah, there is a king on the throne of David. But by the end, most of the tribes are lost, the monarchy is no more, Jerusalem and the temple have been destroyed, and the Jews are under the heel of foreign powers. After all of that, God says to them, almost as the moral of the whole history of the OT, “I the Lord do not change. So you, the descendants of Jacob, are not destroyed. Ever since the time of your ancestors you have turned away from my decrees and have not kept them. Return to me, and I will return to you” (Mal. 3:6–7). Deeply explored in the Minor Prophets is the day of the Lord, the climax and denouement of history, in which all the words of the prophets will finally be fulfilled (see Joel and Zephaniah). The reader is given, as a picture of this day, a view of the repentance of one generation of Ninevites at the preaching of Jonah and of the final judgment to fall on that city as described by Nahum.
The NT cites the Minor Prophets much more often than any book of prophecy except Isaiah. Peter draws upon Joel 2:28–32 to explain the pouring out of the Spirit on the day of Pentecost (Acts 2:17–21). James cites Amos 9:11–12 to demonstrate that salvation was always intended for the Gentiles as well as the Jews (Acts 15:16–17). Paul quotes Hab. 2:4 to argue that righteousness before God comes through faith (Rom. 1:17; Gal. 3:11). Jesus says that like Jonah, he will return to the land of the living after three days (Matt. 12:38–41).
Prophecy in the New Testament
In the NT period there were a number of prophets. John the Baptist could point to Jesus and proclaim him to be the Lamb of God, who takes away the sins of the world (John 1:29). Agabus the prophet predicted a famine and, later, Paul’s arrest (Acts 11:28; 21:10–11).
Paul lists “gifts of the Spirit” (1 Cor. 12:4–11), including prophecy and various phenomena reminiscent of the OT prophets’ ecstatic state. Paul warns the Corinthians not to overdo this sort of thing and so to be mature (1 Cor. 14:19–20). Near the end of his life, in one of his last letters, he speaks of prophecy as normative in the church, particularly in establishing an authoritative body of elders to rule and especially to preach the gospel (1 Tim. 1:18; 4:14). Peter draws a connection between the ministry of the OT prophets and the proclamation of the gospel of Jesus Christ (1 Pet. 1:10–12). Evangelism seems to be the normative mode for prophecy today: forthtelling by calling people to turn from their sins to Jesus, and foretelling by speaking of his return and the final judgment.
Thus, all Christians hold the office of prophet, even if they never participate in the ecstatic state experienced by the Corinthians. The greatness of a prophet is in how clearly the prophet points to Jesus. John the Baptist was the greatest of the OT prophets by that measure, but any Christian on this side of the cross and resurrection can proclaim the gospel even more clearly. Thus, the prophetic ministry of any Christian is greater than John’s (Matt. 11:11).
Five prophetesses are mentioned in the OT: Miriam (Exod. 15:20), Deborah (Judg. 4–5), Huldah (2 Kings 22:14–20; 2 Chron. 34:22–28), Isaiah’s wife (Isa. 8:3), and Noadiah (Neh. 6:14). Their exercise of the role seems to have been entirely legitimate. Miriam’s fault was not prophesying, but rather, like Aaron, being jealous of Moses (Num. 12). Deborah was both a prophetess and a judge (Judg. 4:4), and although the narrative suggests that it was incongruous for her to be engaged in violent warfare, there is no criticism of the fact that she prophesied. The accounts of Huldah treat her like any other prophet, while the problem with Noadiah in Neh. 6:14 was not that she was a woman, but rather that she, along with some male prophets, was a liar. Women who prophesy falsely are condemned (Ezek. 13:17), but Joel promises that in the last days, when God pours out his Spirit, both men and women will prophesy truly (Joel 2:28–29).
Similarly in the NT, Peter recognizes God’s promise through Joel being fulfilled in the gift of prophetic speech to women as well as men at Pentecost (Acts 2:18); and Paul, acknowledging that women prophesy publicly in the congregation, is concerned only with the manner of their doing so (1 Cor. 11:5). The prophetess Anna proclaims the baby Jesus as the Messiah (Luke 2:36–38), Luke reports that the four unmarried daughters of Philip the evangelist also prophesy (Acts 21:8–9). The only false prophetess in the NT is the apocalyptic figure of Jezebel in Rev. 2:20.
The Phenomenon of Prophecy
A prophet is a messenger of God, a person to whom God entrusts his message to an individual or to a nation. Indeed, the last book in the OT is named “Malachi,” which means “my messenger.” Isaiah heard God ask, “Whom shall I send?” and he cried out, “Send me!” (Isa. 6:8). A good template for understanding the phenomenon is Moses and Aaron. Moses was to tell Aaron what to say, and Aaron would say it. “Then the Lord said to Moses, ‘See, I have made you like God to Pharaoh, and your brother Aaron will be your prophet’ ” (Exod. 7:1).
Prophets such as Isaiah were privy to what transpires in heaven, where decisions were being made that control the course of human history. Micaiah describes how he has seen God in the company of the heavenly host deliberating on how to entice Ahab to his death (1 Kings 22:13–23). All the other “prophets” in Ahab’s court were false, since they did not have knowledge of the events beyond human ken, as only true prophets can. Only one who has encountered God in this way can speak as an agent of the heavenly court.
For every true prophet in Israel, there were many false prophets. Moses set guidelines for distinguishing them. True prophets prophesy in accordance with revealed religion. If a prophet contradicts the law, for example, and calls Israel to worship another god, this is not a true prophet (Deut. 18:20). Also, if a prophet predicts something that does not come to pass, that is also a false prophet (Deut. 18:21–22). These criteria are not mechanical and automatic, however. Sometimes a prophet may appear to contradict prior revelation (Jer. 26:11), and sometimes the predicted judgment is staved off by national repentance (Jon. 4). Also, sometimes God may test the people with a false prophet who makes a true prediction (Deut. 13:1–3).
True prophets occasionally exhibited bizarre behavior. Saul, while pursuing David, was suddenly possessed by the Spirit of God and lay naked day and night, prophesying. This caused the people to ask if Saul was now one of the prophets (1 Sam. 19:24). Even in the ancient world, prophets were considered a bit crazy (2 Kings 9:11; Jer. 23:9; 29:26; Hos. 9:7). The phenomenon he experienced is referred to as “ecstasy.” The practice of tongues in the NT church also seems to have been ecstatic behavior. Paul notes that observers would call practitioners “out of your mind” (1 Cor. 14:23). At Pentecost, some observers thought that the apostles were drunk. Peter replied that they were not drunk but rather had the Spirit upon them (Acts 2:15–21).
The word “prophet” refers to one who foretells the future. Of course, many people cannot accept the notion of real prophecy and thus regard all prophecy as an illusion. Either the text was written after the fact, or it was couched in such general terms that it is no miracle that it came true, or else it was a lucky guess. The text itself, however, wants to be read as real prophecy, and Christians before the modern age read it as such. After all, to reject the supernatural elements in the Bible ultimately leads to rejecting the resurrection of Christ.
However, the modern Christian should not focus on the predictive part of the prophets’ message to such an extent that the “forthtelling” element is neglected. Forthtelling is the prophets’ chief ministry—calling the people to mercy and justice, to obedience to the law and fidelity to God. Christians who believe the Bible should take seriously the predictions about the future, but even more so the challenges about the present.
The Books of Prophecy in the Old Testament
The OT of Catholic and Protestant Bibles is roughly organized around the Greek translation of the OT, the Septuagint. Thus, Daniel is considered a prophetic book, and the prophets are separated from the historical books by the poetical books. However, the Hebrew Bible has a different organization. It has only eight “books” of prophecy, divided into the Former Prophets and the Latter Prophets. The Former Prophets are Joshua, Judges, Samuel, and Kings. Traditionally, Samuel wrote Judges. The books of 1 Samuel and 2 Samuel form one scroll, as do 1 Kings and 2 Kings. The book of Samuel bears the name of the prophet, and Kings is substantially about Elijah and Elisha. The four Former Prophets witness to the outworking of the covenant sanctions, from the Israelites’ entry into the promised land to their expulsion from it.
Usually, when Christians speak of the prophets, they are referring to the Latter Prophets, plus Daniel. In Catholic and Protestant Bibles there are four Major Prophets: Isaiah, Jeremiah, Ezekiel, and Daniel; and twelve Minor Prophets: Hosea, Joel, Amos, Obadiah, Jonah, Micah, Nahum, Habakkuk, Zephaniah, Haggai, Zechariah, and Malachi. Many other prophets ministered in Israel but have no scroll that bears their name. Thus, the ones listed above can be called the “writing prophets.”
Isaiah. The book of Isaiah preserves the sermons from the prophet who ministered during the time when Hezekiah was king of Judah, the southern kingdom. Isaiah saw Jerusalem surrounded by the Assyrian army and assured the king that God would deliver his people. That message of salvation is the overall theme of the book, a salvation universal in scope and focused on the figure of the Suffering Servant. Isaiah claims that this servant of God would be wounded and “cut off from the land of the living” (Isa. 53:8) and through this would bring healing and salvation to his people. He would see this and make many righteous (Isa. 53).
The NT refers to Isaiah more often than any other prophet, always to demonstrate that the truths of the gospel of Jesus Christ were revealed in advance by the prophet. For example, Paul cites Isa. 1:9 in his argument as to why the Jews had rejected the gospel (Rom. 9:29). When Jesus withdrew to the area of Zebulun and Naphtali, Matthew says that this act fulfilled Isa. 9:1–2 (Matt. 4:15–16). Jesus himself cites Isa. 53:12, “[he] was numbered with the transgressors,” and claims that it was written about him (Luke 22:37). He does the same with Isa. 61:1–2 (Luke 4:18–21).
Jeremiah. The book of Jeremiah puts in writing the words of the prophet Jeremiah, who ministered at the very end of the kingdom of Judah and lived through the destruction of Jerusalem, with its temple and the people of God being taken away to forced exile and captivity. He sees the weakness and powerlessness of the covenant that God had made with his people to stir up love and fidelity in their hearts to him. According to Jeremiah, what the people chiefly need is a new covenant altogether, one that is not external and written on tablets of stone, but internal, written on their hearts. They need a change of personality to become a different sort of people altogether. This is what Jeremiah predicts will happen in the coming age after their time of captivity is over (Jer. 31:31–40). The NT identifies this new covenant with the gospel of Jesus (Heb. 8:8–12), secured by his blood (Heb. 10:16–17). This is the new covenant that Jesus announces to his disciples when he eats the Last Supper with them (Luke 22:20).
Ezekiel. The book of Ezekiel picks up where Jeremiah leaves off and continues from the destruction of Jerusalem into the early years of the Babylonian captivity. Like Jeremiah, Ezekiel sees the failure of the old covenant. He likens Israel to a married woman who violates her marriage covenant at every turn (Ezek. 16). The prophet also foresees a future character transformation of God’s people. “I will give you a new heart and put a new spirit in you; I will remove from you your heart of stone and give you a heart of flesh. And I will put my Spirit in you and move you to follow my decrees and be careful to keep my laws” (Ezek. 36:26–27). This is graphically illustrated in Ezek. 37, where the prophet is told to prophesy to a valley of dry bones, and through the preaching of the word of God the company of the dead come to life and become a vast army—not of skeletons, but of vitally alive warriors. This is a vision of what will happen when God makes an everlasting covenant with them and will dwell with them forever (Ezek. 37:26–27). Paul cites this in 2 Cor. 6:16 and argues, “We are the temple of the living God.” The last part of Ezekiel describes a great, larger-than-life temple that Paul interprets to be the church. Thus, Ezekiel anticipates the preaching of the gospel, bringing spiritual life to a vast company of believers, among whom God himself will dwell.
Daniel. The book of Daniel is not a prophetic book by genre, but much of it is devoted to predicting the future, so in Catholic and Protestant Bibles it is placed between Ezekiel and the Minor Prophets. Prophecy calls the people to repentance and threatens judgment on them due to their sin. Daniel does the opposite: it calls them to persevere as saints, while the evil nations oppress them, until the end of time, when they will be vindicated. Daniel comforts the faithful who are suffering due to the sins of the nations.
The Twelve. The twelve Minor Prophets follow a roughly chronological sequence (with some notable exceptions). Hosea, Amos, and Micah date from the rise of Assyria as the great power that threatened Israel and Judah. Nahum, Habakkuk, and Zephaniah date from near the end of Assyrian dominance and the rise of Babylon. The Babylonian exile is skipped, and the last three—Haggai, Zechariah, and Malachi—were written after the Jews’ restoration to the land of Judah. Joel, Obadiah, and Jonah are difficult to date with certainty.
Read as one book, the Minor Prophets tell a story of God’s constancy and fidelity even though everything else in the world changes. They begin with all twelve tribes intact and enjoying prosperity in the land. In Judah, there is a king on the throne of David. But by the end, most of the tribes are lost, the monarchy is no more, Jerusalem and the temple have been destroyed, and the Jews are under the heel of foreign powers. After all of that, God says to them, almost as the moral of the whole history of the OT, “I the Lord do not change. So you, the descendants of Jacob, are not destroyed. Ever since the time of your ancestors you have turned away from my decrees and have not kept them. Return to me, and I will return to you” (Mal. 3:6–7). Deeply explored in the Minor Prophets is the day of the Lord, the climax and denouement of history, in which all the words of the prophets will finally be fulfilled (see Joel and Zephaniah). The reader is given, as a picture of this day, a view of the repentance of one generation of Ninevites at the preaching of Jonah and of the final judgment to fall on that city as described by Nahum.
The NT cites the Minor Prophets much more often than any book of prophecy except Isaiah. Peter draws upon Joel 2:28–32 to explain the pouring out of the Spirit on the day of Pentecost (Acts 2:17–21). James cites Amos 9:11–12 to demonstrate that salvation was always intended for the Gentiles as well as the Jews (Acts 15:16–17). Paul quotes Hab. 2:4 to argue that righteousness before God comes through faith (Rom. 1:17; Gal. 3:11). Jesus says that like Jonah, he will return to the land of the living after three days (Matt. 12:38–41).
Prophecy in the New Testament
In the NT period there were a number of prophets. John the Baptist could point to Jesus and proclaim him to be the Lamb of God, who takes away the sins of the world (John 1:29). Agabus the prophet predicted a famine and, later, Paul’s arrest (Acts 11:28; 21:10–11).
Paul lists “gifts of the Spirit” (1 Cor. 12:4–11), including prophecy and various phenomena reminiscent of the OT prophets’ ecstatic state. Paul warns the Corinthians not to overdo this sort of thing and so to be mature (1 Cor. 14:19–20). Near the end of his life, in one of his last letters, he speaks of prophecy as normative in the church, particularly in establishing an authoritative body of elders to rule and especially to preach the gospel (1 Tim. 1:18; 4:14). Peter draws a connection between the ministry of the OT prophets and the proclamation of the gospel of Jesus Christ (1 Pet. 1:10–12). Evangelism seems to be the normative mode for prophecy today: forthtelling by calling people to turn from their sins to Jesus, and foretelling by speaking of his return and the final judgment.
Thus, all Christians hold the office of prophet, even if they never participate in the ecstatic state experienced by the Corinthians. The greatness of a prophet is in how clearly the prophet points to Jesus. John the Baptist was the greatest of the OT prophets by that measure, but any Christian on this side of the cross and resurrection can proclaim the gospel even more clearly. Thus, the prophetic ministry of any Christian is greater than John’s (Matt. 11:11).
The Phenomenon of Prophecy
A prophet is a messenger of God, a person to whom God entrusts his message to an individual or to a nation. Indeed, the last book in the OT is named “Malachi,” which means “my messenger.” Isaiah heard God ask, “Whom shall I send?” and he cried out, “Send me!” (Isa. 6:8). A good template for understanding the phenomenon is Moses and Aaron. Moses was to tell Aaron what to say, and Aaron would say it. “Then the Lord said to Moses, ‘See, I have made you like God to Pharaoh, and your brother Aaron will be your prophet’ ” (Exod. 7:1).
Prophets such as Isaiah were privy to what transpires in heaven, where decisions were being made that control the course of human history. Micaiah describes how he has seen God in the company of the heavenly host deliberating on how to entice Ahab to his death (1 Kings 22:13–23). All the other “prophets” in Ahab’s court were false, since they did not have knowledge of the events beyond human ken, as only true prophets can. Only one who has encountered God in this way can speak as an agent of the heavenly court.
For every true prophet in Israel, there were many false prophets. Moses set guidelines for distinguishing them. True prophets prophesy in accordance with revealed religion. If a prophet contradicts the law, for example, and calls Israel to worship another god, this is not a true prophet (Deut. 18:20). Also, if a prophet predicts something that does not come to pass, that is also a false prophet (Deut. 18:21–22). These criteria are not mechanical and automatic, however. Sometimes a prophet may appear to contradict prior revelation (Jer. 26:11), and sometimes the predicted judgment is staved off by national repentance (Jon. 4). Also, sometimes God may test the people with a false prophet who makes a true prediction (Deut. 13:1–3).
True prophets occasionally exhibited bizarre behavior. Saul, while pursuing David, was suddenly possessed by the Spirit of God and lay naked day and night, prophesying. This caused the people to ask if Saul was now one of the prophets (1 Sam. 19:24). Even in the ancient world, prophets were considered a bit crazy (2 Kings 9:11; Jer. 23:9; 29:26; Hos. 9:7). The phenomenon he experienced is referred to as “ecstasy.” The practice of tongues in the NT church also seems to have been ecstatic behavior. Paul notes that observers would call practitioners “out of your mind” (1 Cor. 14:23). At Pentecost, some observers thought that the apostles were drunk. Peter replied that they were not drunk but rather had the Spirit upon them (Acts 2:15–21).
The word “prophet” refers to one who foretells the future. Of course, many people cannot accept the notion of real prophecy and thus regard all prophecy as an illusion. Either the text was written after the fact, or it was couched in such general terms that it is no miracle that it came true, or else it was a lucky guess. The text itself, however, wants to be read as real prophecy, and Christians before the modern age read it as such. After all, to reject the supernatural elements in the Bible ultimately leads to rejecting the resurrection of Christ.
However, the modern Christian should not focus on the predictive part of the prophets’ message to such an extent that the “forthtelling” element is neglected. Forthtelling is the prophets’ chief ministry—calling the people to mercy and justice, to obedience to the law and fidelity to God. Christians who believe the Bible should take seriously the predictions about the future, but even more so the challenges about the present.
The Books of Prophecy in the Old Testament
The OT of Catholic and Protestant Bibles is roughly organized around the Greek translation of the OT, the Septuagint. Thus, Daniel is considered a prophetic book, and the prophets are separated from the historical books by the poetical books. However, the Hebrew Bible has a different organization. It has only eight “books” of prophecy, divided into the Former Prophets and the Latter Prophets. The Former Prophets are Joshua, Judges, Samuel, and Kings. Traditionally, Samuel wrote Judges. The books of 1 Samuel and 2 Samuel form one scroll, as do 1 Kings and 2 Kings. The book of Samuel bears the name of the prophet, and Kings is substantially about Elijah and Elisha. The four Former Prophets witness to the outworking of the covenant sanctions, from the Israelites’ entry into the promised land to their expulsion from it.
Usually, when Christians speak of the prophets, they are referring to the Latter Prophets, plus Daniel. In Catholic and Protestant Bibles there are four Major Prophets: Isaiah, Jeremiah, Ezekiel, and Daniel; and twelve Minor Prophets: Hosea, Joel, Amos, Obadiah, Jonah, Micah, Nahum, Habakkuk, Zephaniah, Haggai, Zechariah, and Malachi. Many other prophets ministered in Israel but have no scroll that bears their name. Thus, the ones listed above can be called the “writing prophets.”
Isaiah. The book of Isaiah preserves the sermons from the prophet who ministered during the time when Hezekiah was king of Judah, the southern kingdom. Isaiah saw Jerusalem surrounded by the Assyrian army and assured the king that God would deliver his people. That message of salvation is the overall theme of the book, a salvation universal in scope and focused on the figure of the Suffering Servant. Isaiah claims that this servant of God would be wounded and “cut off from the land of the living” (Isa. 53:8) and through this would bring healing and salvation to his people. He would see this and make many righteous (Isa. 53).
The NT refers to Isaiah more often than any other prophet, always to demonstrate that the truths of the gospel of Jesus Christ were revealed in advance by the prophet. For example, Paul cites Isa. 1:9 in his argument as to why the Jews had rejected the gospel (Rom. 9:29). When Jesus withdrew to the area of Zebulun and Naphtali, Matthew says that this act fulfilled Isa. 9:1–2 (Matt. 4:15–16). Jesus himself cites Isa. 53:12, “[he] was numbered with the transgressors,” and claims that it was written about him (Luke 22:37). He does the same with Isa. 61:1–2 (Luke 4:18–21).
Jeremiah. The book of Jeremiah puts in writing the words of the prophet Jeremiah, who ministered at the very end of the kingdom of Judah and lived through the destruction of Jerusalem, with its temple and the people of God being taken away to forced exile and captivity. He sees the weakness and powerlessness of the covenant that God had made with his people to stir up love and fidelity in their hearts to him. According to Jeremiah, what the people chiefly need is a new covenant altogether, one that is not external and written on tablets of stone, but internal, written on their hearts. They need a change of personality to become a different sort of people altogether. This is what Jeremiah predicts will happen in the coming age after their time of captivity is over (Jer. 31:31–40). The NT identifies this new covenant with the gospel of Jesus (Heb. 8:8–12), secured by his blood (Heb. 10:16–17). This is the new covenant that Jesus announces to his disciples when he eats the Last Supper with them (Luke 22:20).
Ezekiel. The book of Ezekiel picks up where Jeremiah leaves off and continues from the destruction of Jerusalem into the early years of the Babylonian captivity. Like Jeremiah, Ezekiel sees the failure of the old covenant. He likens Israel to a married woman who violates her marriage covenant at every turn (Ezek. 16). The prophet also foresees a future character transformation of God’s people. “I will give you a new heart and put a new spirit in you; I will remove from you your heart of stone and give you a heart of flesh. And I will put my Spirit in you and move you to follow my decrees and be careful to keep my laws” (Ezek. 36:26–27). This is graphically illustrated in Ezek. 37, where the prophet is told to prophesy to a valley of dry bones, and through the preaching of the word of God the company of the dead come to life and become a vast army—not of skeletons, but of vitally alive warriors. This is a vision of what will happen when God makes an everlasting covenant with them and will dwell with them forever (Ezek. 37:26–27). Paul cites this in 2 Cor. 6:16 and argues, “We are the temple of the living God.” The last part of Ezekiel describes a great, larger-than-life temple that Paul interprets to be the church. Thus, Ezekiel anticipates the preaching of the gospel, bringing spiritual life to a vast company of believers, among whom God himself will dwell.
Daniel. The book of Daniel is not a prophetic book by genre, but much of it is devoted to predicting the future, so in Catholic and Protestant Bibles it is placed between Ezekiel and the Minor Prophets. Prophecy calls the people to repentance and threatens judgment on them due to their sin. Daniel does the opposite: it calls them to persevere as saints, while the evil nations oppress them, until the end of time, when they will be vindicated. Daniel comforts the faithful who are suffering due to the sins of the nations.
The Twelve. The twelve Minor Prophets follow a roughly chronological sequence (with some notable exceptions). Hosea, Amos, and Micah date from the rise of Assyria as the great power that threatened Israel and Judah. Nahum, Habakkuk, and Zephaniah date from near the end of Assyrian dominance and the rise of Babylon. The Babylonian exile is skipped, and the last three—Haggai, Zechariah, and Malachi—were written after the Jews’ restoration to the land of Judah. Joel, Obadiah, and Jonah are difficult to date with certainty.
Read as one book, the Minor Prophets tell a story of God’s constancy and fidelity even though everything else in the world changes. They begin with all twelve tribes intact and enjoying prosperity in the land. In Judah, there is a king on the throne of David. But by the end, most of the tribes are lost, the monarchy is no more, Jerusalem and the temple have been destroyed, and the Jews are under the heel of foreign powers. After all of that, God says to them, almost as the moral of the whole history of the OT, “I the Lord do not change. So you, the descendants of Jacob, are not destroyed. Ever since the time of your ancestors you have turned away from my decrees and have not kept them. Return to me, and I will return to you” (Mal. 3:6–7). Deeply explored in the Minor Prophets is the day of the Lord, the climax and denouement of history, in which all the words of the prophets will finally be fulfilled (see Joel and Zephaniah). The reader is given, as a picture of this day, a view of the repentance of one generation of Ninevites at the preaching of Jonah and of the final judgment to fall on that city as described by Nahum.
The NT cites the Minor Prophets much more often than any book of prophecy except Isaiah. Peter draws upon Joel 2:28–32 to explain the pouring out of the Spirit on the day of Pentecost (Acts 2:17–21). James cites Amos 9:11–12 to demonstrate that salvation was always intended for the Gentiles as well as the Jews (Acts 15:16–17). Paul quotes Hab. 2:4 to argue that righteousness before God comes through faith (Rom. 1:17; Gal. 3:11). Jesus says that like Jonah, he will return to the land of the living after three days (Matt. 12:38–41).
Prophecy in the New Testament
In the NT period there were a number of prophets. John the Baptist could point to Jesus and proclaim him to be the Lamb of God, who takes away the sins of the world (John 1:29). Agabus the prophet predicted a famine and, later, Paul’s arrest (Acts 11:28; 21:10–11).
Paul lists “gifts of the Spirit” (1 Cor. 12:4–11), including prophecy and various phenomena reminiscent of the OT prophets’ ecstatic state. Paul warns the Corinthians not to overdo this sort of thing and so to be mature (1 Cor. 14:19–20). Near the end of his life, in one of his last letters, he speaks of prophecy as normative in the church, particularly in establishing an authoritative body of elders to rule and especially to preach the gospel (1 Tim. 1:18; 4:14). Peter draws a connection between the ministry of the OT prophets and the proclamation of the gospel of Jesus Christ (1 Pet. 1:10–12). Evangelism seems to be the normative mode for prophecy today: forthtelling by calling people to turn from their sins to Jesus, and foretelling by speaking of his return and the final judgment.
Thus, all Christians hold the office of prophet, even if they never participate in the ecstatic state experienced by the Corinthians. The greatness of a prophet is in how clearly the prophet points to Jesus. John the Baptist was the greatest of the OT prophets by that measure, but any Christian on this side of the cross and resurrection can proclaim the gospel even more clearly. Thus, the prophetic ministry of any Christian is greater than John’s (Matt. 11:11).
“Expiation” refers to the atonement of sin and the removal of guilt, while “propitiation” refers to the appeasement or satisfaction of wrath. Both ideas are present in the one Greek word hilasmos (and its cognates) used in the LXX and the NT. It is difficult to translate hilasmos into English using one corresponding word, so two words, “expiation” and “propitiation,” are often used. This is problematic because neither term precisely captures the nuances of the Greek word. The problem persists because, as noted above, “expiation” and “propitiation” have different meanings in English. Because no single English word conveys the full sense of hilasmos, “expiation” and “propitiation” are conveniently combined in the NIV’s “sacrifice of atonement” or “atoning sacrifice” (Rom. 3:25; 1 John 2:2; 4:10).
Greek Background
In classical Greek, hilasmos referred to a sacrifice that would somehow avert a god’s wrath. When a worshiper sinned against a god and violated the god’s holiness, the worshiper paid the proper amount, through some kind of sacrifice, so that the god’s wrath was then averted. It was a means of turning the god from anger to a favorable attitude, and it functioned by giving the god something (via sacrifice) that compensated for the offense. This sacrifice was intended not as atonement for the worshiper’s sin but rather to appease the wrath of the god. The worshiper was the subject who offered the sacrifice to the god as the object in an effort to appease the god’s wrath.
Old Testament
The OT shares this Greek usage to a degree but also expands it to include the more familiar biblical notion of expiation or atonement. The LXX uses hilasmos to convey the ideas of expiation as well as propitiation. The word group associated with hilasmos is used in different contexts throughout the Bible, so context must determine the meaning in each case. A prominent use occurs in Lev. 25:9, where it refers to the Day of Atonement. Here hilasmos involves the removal of guilt effected by a sacrifice. A similar use is found in Num. 5:8, where hilasmos is used in connection with the ram with which people make atonement for their sins. Ezekiel 44:27 uses the same term when referring to the sin offering that a priest must make for his own sins upon entrance into the holy place. Each of these examples uses hilasmos to translate the biblical concept of expiation: the atonement of sin and the removal of guilt. The unholy worshiper who sins against God is made holy once again by offering a sacrifice to atone for his or her sin.
Hilasmos also conveys forgiveness. Forgiveness is closely connected with atonement. The LXX uses a related term hilastērion twenty-eight times to refer to the mercy seat, the cover of the ark of the covenant over which God appeared on the Day of Atonement and on which sacrificial blood was poured. The mercy seat was where both atonement and forgiveness were found. The term is used in Heb. 9:5 to refer to the same mercy seat or “atonement cover” (NIV). Here again, mercy and forgiveness are linked to the idea of atonement. Psalm 130:4 (129:4 LXX) also uses hilasmos to convey the connection between atonement and forgiveness: “But with you there is forgiveness/atonement [hilasmos].”
In some cases, hilasmos bears the sense of propitiation—turning aside wrath. An interesting use occurs in the story of Jacob and Esau in Gen. 32. Jacob goes out to meet his brother Esau but is afraid because he had deceived their father, Isaac, into giving him the blessing that belonged to Esau (Gen. 27). Esau holds a grudge against Jacob and intends to kill him after mourning the death of their father (27:41). After years of separation, the brother reunite; Jacob, fearing the wrath of his brother, plans to avert his brother’s anger with gifts: “I will pacify him with these gifts I am sending on ahead; later, when I see him, perhaps he will receive me” (32:20 [32:21 LXX]). Here exilaskomai, a verb related to hilasmos, is used when Jacob says that he hopes to “pacify” Esau. This context suggests not expiation or atonement but appeasement (cf. NRSV, NET). Jacob fears the wrath of his brother. To avert that wrath, he sends gifts.
The idea of propitiating God’s wrath occurs throughout the OT. Granted, it does not amount to bribery, as was potentially the case in pagan usage, where a god was “paid off” by a sacrifice, with no sense of atonement for sin, but the notion of averting God’s wrath is common. For example, Moses is directed by God to take a census of the people to count them, and each one is to pay God a ransom so that no plague will come upon them (Exod. 30:12). This sum of money is then said to “make atonement” for their lives (30:16). Through the offering of ransom money to God, his wrath is turned away from the people, so that no plague will come upon them. The idea of propitiating God’s wrath is found in other places in the OT: Exod. 32:30; Num. 8:19; 16:46; 35:31; Prov. 16:6; Isa. 47:11. All of this suggests that the notion of atonement in the OT is best understood comprehensively to include both the cleansing and the forgiveness of the sinner (expiation) and the turning away of God’s wrath (propitiation).
New Testament
Expiation and propitiation are combined in the sacrifice of Jesus Christ. He is both the expiation for sin and the sacrifice that averts God’s wrath. The Bible combines both expiation and propitiation into the one word hilasmos, and Jesus himself is the hilasmos for sin (Heb. 2:17; 1 John 2:2; 4:10; cf. Rom. 3:25 [hilastērion]). The one action of Christ’s sacrifice has the double effect of expiating sin and thereby propitiating God. In the Bible, God’s wrath results when his holiness is offended by sin. So there is need for both expiation and propitiation. His wrath must be appeased so that forgiveness for the sinner may result. Whereas expiation deals with sin—satisfying the penalty incurred because of sin—propitiation deals with wrath. Jesus accomplished both by becoming the “atoning sacrifice” for our sins. He is the ultimate mercy seat, the ultimate place of atonement and expiation (Heb. 9:5). He is also the ultimate sacrifice (Rom. 3:25).
The NT is very nuanced regarding the sacrifice of Christ. Although it includes both expiation and propitiation, these differ significantly from Greek paganism and the OT. On one hand, God is too holy and righteous for fallen humanity to expiate sin and satisfy his demand for holiness by offering a sacrifice. On the other hand, God is not capricious in that he simply needs to be pacified through a gift in order to avert his wrath. The Bible teaches that no human being can offer a sacrifice worthy enough to expiate his or her own sin or to avert God’s holy wrath. The pagan idea of propitiation is impossible for fallen humanity. God’s holiness is so great that he is rightfully wrathful at our sin, and our sin demands expiation. But we are unable to offer a sacrifice pure enough for our own atonement. So God himself offers the sacrifice that both expiates our sin and averts his own wrath. Biblical propitiation is distinct from pagan propitiation. In the latter, human beings are the subjects of the action, the ones who are offering the propitiating sacrifice, while the gods receive the action and are thus propitiated. But God is the subject of the action in the Bible. God has the right to be wrathful because of sin, to be righteously indignant. But he sends his own Son to handle that wrath. God himself sends the sacrifice; he is the sacrifice; he is the place where that sacrifice is offered (Rom. 3:25).
There are three elements that help to summarize expiation/propitiation in the Bible: (1) God was rightfully wrathful because of our sin, (2) God offered the sacrifice that averted his own wrath, and (3) God was the sacrifice that atoned for our sin. “This is love: not that we loved God, but that he loved us and sent his Son as an atoning sacrifice for our sins” (1 John 4:10).
A Gentile convert to the religion of the Jews. Proselytism is the process whereby a Gentile assented to Jewish monotheism, concurred with Jewish criticism of pagan ethics and idolatry, accepted the obligations of the Mosaic law, and entered the nation of Israel. In the LXX the Greek word prosēlytos translates the Hebrew word ger (“foreigner”) seventy-seven times. The word can denote resident aliens (Lev. 19:10; 24:16) and even Israelites (Exod. 22:21; Lev. 19:34; Deut. 10:19). It is common to translate prosēlytos as “convert” because by the first century AD it did by and large have that meaning in inscriptions, in the NT (Matt. 23:15; Acts 2:11; 6:5; 13:43), Philo (Dreams 2.273; Spec. Laws 1.51, 308; QE 2.2), and the LXX (e.g., Exod. 12:48–49; Deut. 1:16; Pss. 93:6; 145:9; Jer. 7:6; Ezek. 14:7; Zech. 7:10; Mal. 3:5).
In later rabbinic regulations converts were required to make a sacrifice and to undergo baptism and circumcision. But this was not necessarily uniform in the Judaism of the Second Temple period or even in the rabbinic era. For instance, Philo asserts that what constitutes a proselyte is not circumcision but rather submission to God, “because the proselyte is one who circumcises not his uncircumcision but his desires and sensual pleasures and the other passions of the soul” (QE 2.2). Similarly, Josephus narrates a story about the conversion of King Izates of Adiabene, who is given two different views as to whether he needs to be circumcised in order to worship the God of Israel or to be “assuredly Jewish” (Ant. 20.34–48). It is quite likely that many of the converts to Christianity came from proselyte and God-fearer ranks. They were attracted to Christianity because they could worship the God of Israel through faith in Jesus Christ without adopting the religion and nationality of Judea.
The rendering of sexual services for payment. The biblical references to prostitution are perhaps best organized under three headings: common or secular prostitution, cultic or sacred prostitution, and prostitution as metaphor.
Common or Secular Prostitution
This type of prostitution is referred to in the OT by the Hebrew word zonah and its derivatives (though some argue that on occasion the word might refer to sexual infidelity in general) and in the NT by the Greek term pornē. Among the well-known prostitutes in the Bible are Rahab (Josh. 2:1–21), Jephthah’s mother (Judg. 11:1), Delilah (Judg. 16:1), and the two women in Solomon’s court (1 Kings 3:16–28). (Although tradition often identifies Mary Magdalene as a prostitute, she is not referred to this way in the Bible.)
Although there is no explicit, absolute prohibition of prostitution in the pentateuchal laws, there are major restrictions. No father should cause or allow his daughter to become a prostitute (Lev. 19:29). Priests were not permitted to marry prostitutes (Lev. 21:7, 14), though this seems to imply a less stringent standard for the general populace. A priest’s daughter who became a prostitute was to be burned in the fire (Lev. 21:9), but no such statement is made for Israelites in general. Earnings from prostitution could not be used for payment of vows (Deut. 23:18).
While prostitution was not absolutely banned, it was the object of severe disapproval and contempt in Israelite society (Gen. 34:31; Judg. 11:1–2). The book of Proverbs sternly warns young men against turning to prostitutes (Prov. 6:26; 7:10; 23:27; 29:3), but these warnings also give evidence that prostitution, however contemptible, was tolerated in some measure. This attitude toward prostitution accords with that in the larger ancient Near Eastern context, though law codes from other Mesopotamian civilizations restricted and regulated prostitution rather than banning it outright. In the NT, Paul particularly refers to the spiritual problem involved in a sexual relationship with prostitutes (1 Cor. 6:15–16). Strikingly, however, Jesus includes repentant prostitutes among the citizens of the kingdom of God (Matt. 21:31–32).
Sacred or Cultic Prostitution
The NIV in several places has the term “shrine prostitute” (Gen. 38:21–22; Deut. 23:17; 1 Kings 14:24; 15:12; 22:46; 2 Kings 23:7; Hos. 4:14). This is a translation of the Hebrew words qadesh (masc.) and qedeshah (fem.), which come from the word qadosh, which means “holy.” Traditionally, this has been understood to refer to male and female prostitutes who performed their services in connection with a temple or shrine. The payments went into the temple treasuries, and the sexual acts were intended to motivate the gods and goddesses to imitate them, assuring in turn the fertility of the land and fruitful crops. This was understood as being in accord with the practices of ancient Eastern fertility cults. In recent scholarship, this traditional understanding has been challenged on two points. First, a number of scholars have found little or no evidence that prostitution in the service of the temple was envisioned as stimulating similar activity among the gods, whether in Israel or in the larger Near Eastern world. Second, while qedeshah certainly refers to a female prostitute in the service of the temple, it is less certain that qadesh refers to a male prostitute; it may simply refer to male cultic personnel with no reference to sexual activity. Whatever the outcome of the discussion, the pentateuchal laws absolutely prohibit prostitution in connection with the temple or a shrine. Deuteronomy 23:17–18 seems to indicate that one of the motivations for women to offer sexual favors in the service of the temple was to pay off a vow, but clearly it condemns the practice.
Prostitution as Metaphor
Already in the pentateuchal legal texts, the sin of forsaking Yahweh, the God of Israel, to serve and worship other gods was analogized to prostitution (Exod. 34:15; Lev. 17:7; 20:5–6; Num. 15:39; Deut. 31:16). But the analogy becomes especially pronounced in the books of the prophets, which contain over half of the OT references to prostitution. Speaking through Jeremiah, God says to Israel, “Under every spreading tree you lay down as a prostitute (Jer. 2:20). In idolatry, Israel does not even “blush with shame” but instead has the “brazen look of a prostitute” (Jer. 3:1–3). Ezekiel portrays Israel and Judah as prostitutes who “lavished” their favors on any gods who passed by (Ezek. 16:15). Indeed, God complains that Israel acted even worse than a prostitute, for “you scorned payment. . . . All prostitutes receive gifts, but you give gifts to all your lovers” (Ezek. 16:31–34). Hosea, who was commanded by God to marry an adulterous woman in an extravagant act of love, mirroring God’s own love for the Israelites, buys and redeems his wife from her prostitution (Hos. 3:1–5). At times, other nations are also metaphorically identified as prostitutes, such as Tyre (Isa. 23:15–17), Nineveh (Nah. 3:4), and Babylon (Rev. 17:1, 15–16; 19:2).
The word “providence” comes from the Latin word providentia, which means “foresight.” However, the modern theological use of the term refers not to foresight or foreknowl-edge per se but rather to how God continues to sustain and guide his creation. There is no single term in either the OT or the NT that translates as “providence.” The one time the word occurs in the NIV (Job 10:12), the Hebrew word (peqqudah) is one that the NIV in other places usually translates with words such as “care,” “charge,” or “oversight.” The concept of divine providence comes not from any one word but rather from numerous statements in the Bible that speak of God’s continuing supervision of his world. The biblical data can perhaps best be organized under four headings: created order, world history, salvation history, and individual history. These headings are, however, not discrete; they continually intersect.
Created Order
Scripture testifies in numerous places to God’s ongoing supervision of his creation. The psalms play a special role here. As one commentator has remarked, there are no nature lyrics in the psalms, only admiration and awe at how God runs his world. God actively cares for the land and waters it, causes grass to grow, plants trees, and makes sure that they are well watered (Pss. 65:9; 104:14, 16). God brings darkness on the land and tells the sun when to set and when to rise (Ps. 104:19–20). God is the zookeeper who makes sure all the animals are fed (Ps. 104:27). Every birth of every living creature is regarded as a new creative work of God, and he constantly renews the face of the earth (Ps. 104:30).
God blankets the earth with snow and lays down a sheet of frost (Ps. 147:16). When the snow and frost melt, it is because God commanded it by his word and sent breezes to make the melting waters flow (Ps. 147:18). Hail, snow, clouds, and stormy winds do their Master’s bidding (Ps. 148:8). God commands the morning to dawn and keeps the snow and hail in storehouses, ready to be deployed on the day of battle (Job 38:12, 22–23). The sea waves roar because God stirs them up (Jer. 31:35). God even speaks of being in a covenant relationship with his creation (Jer. 33:20, 25).
In the NT, we find that Jesus Christ himself sustains “all things by his powerful word” (Heb. 1:3). In him “all things hold together” (Col. 1:17).
World History
What happens on the world scene is under God’s sovereign control. If the nations are scattered over the world and speak different languages, it is because God made it so (Gen. 11:1–9). God determines whether the nations are blessed or cursed (Gen. 12:3). God is the one who has apportioned each nation’s inher-i-tance and has established their boundaries (Deut. 32:8). Yahweh is the God of Israel, which is his special possession, but he has also appointed deities for the other nations to worship (Deut. 4:19 [evidently false gods, but still under Yahweh’s sovereignty]). He judges the world and carries out justice for the peoples, foils the plans of the nations, forms the hearts of all people, reigns over the nations and guides them (Pss. 9:8; 33:10, 15; 47:8; 67:4).
It is by God’s sanction that kings reign, and a king’s heart is like a watercourse, which God can redirect at will (Prov. 8:15; 21:1). God “does as he pleases with the powers of heaven and the peoples of the earth” (Dan. 4:35). All thrones, powers, rulers, and authorities “were created through him and for him” (Col. 1:16). God is actively working to bring the whole universe and all peoples and nations under one head, his Son, Christ Jesus (Eph. 1:10).
Salvation History
Within world history, God has also worked through one particular people, the Israelites, to accomplish his redemptive purposes. When Joseph told his brothers that what they had intended to do to him for evil, God had intended for good, for “the saving of many lives” (Gen. 50:20), he may not have fully realized how much his words were in accord with, and could even be said to summarize, redemptive history. God took the harm that Joseph’s brothers intended and used it to fulfill the promises that he had made years earlier to Abraham with regard to what would happen to his descendants (Gen. 12:1–3). In the early chapters of Exodus, God’s sovereignty over the “forces of nature” intersects with his deliverance of the Israelites in the plagues that he brings on the Egyptians. Of course, God had raised up Pharaoh for the very purpose of displaying his own glory in victory over Pharaoh and “all the gods of Egypt” (Exod. 9:16; 12:12; cf. Rom. 9:17).
Throughout the ensuing Israelite history, God demonstrates his providential care for the Israelites. The Jews return from their Babylonian captivity because God raised up Cyrus, even though Cyrus did not acknowledge him (Isa. 44:28–45:13), for the very purpose of issuing the decree that allowed them to return. Even in narratives in which God’s name is not mentioned, such as the book of Esther, we are to understand that God is directing the action, and certainly the narrator wants us to connect the account of the origin of the festival of Purim (“lots”) with the idea that “the lot is cast into the lap, but its every decision is from the Lord” (Prov. 16:33).
In the NT the act that secures our redemption, the crucifixion of Jesus, is not an unforeseen occurrence that God makes the best of; rather, the death of Jesus is that which he himself would “accomplish” (Luke 9:31 NRSV [NIV: “bring to fulfillment”]). No one takes Jesus’ life from him; he lays it down of his own accord (John 10:18). Jesus even gives Judas Iscariot directions on the night of his betrayal (John 13:27). What happens in the crucifixion is in accord with “God’s deliberate plan and foreknowledge” (Acts 2:23) and with what his “power and will had decided beforehand should happen” (4:28).
Individual History
Jesus promises that for those who seek the kingdom of God, “all these things will be given to you as well” (Matt. 6:33). If God feeds the birds of the air and clothes the grass of the field, much more will he take care to feed and clothe us (Matt. 6:26, 30). Indeed, “in all things God works for the good of those who love him, who have been called according to his purpose” (Rom. 8:28).
A geographic territory whose local governance is subordinate to a ruling empire by either civil authority or military power. In the OT, Israel’s King Ahab oversaw provinces (1 Kings 20:14–15, 17, 19), as did the Persian kings (Esther 4:11). Judah was a province of the Persian Empire when King Cyrus allowed the exiles to return (Ezra 2:1; 4:15; Neh. 1:3). In the NT, Roman senatorial provinces were governed by annually appointed proconsuls (Acts 13:7; 18:12); Roman imperial provinces on the frontier were governed militarily. Judea was an imperial province under the direct control of a governor or procurator appointed by the emperor.
Taunt, vexation, incitement, foment; the stirring up or arousing of anger (Deut. 32:19, 27; 1 Sam. 1:16; 1 Kings 15:30; 21:22; 2 Kings 23:26; Neh. 9:18, 26; Job 17:2; Ps. 95:8; Prov. 27:3; Jer. 32:31; Ezek. 20:28; Hos. 12:14; Heb. 3:8, 15).
The author of any psalm. This term is specially associated with David, who is referred to in many Bible versions as “the sweet psalmist of Israel” (2 Sam. 23:1 [NIV: “the hero of Israel’s songs”]) and is mentioned in the title of seventy-three psalms.
A collection of 150 poems. They are the hymnbook of the OT period, used in public worship. Psalms contains songs of different lengths, types, and dates. The earliest psalm (Ps. 90) is attributed to Moses (mid-second millennium BC), while the content of Ps. 126 and Ps. 137 points to the latest periods of the OT (mid-first millennium BC). They continue to be used as a source of public worship and private devotion.
Historical Background
Most psalms have a title. In the Hebrew text this title comprises the first verse, whereas English translations set it off before the first verse. Titles vary. Many name an author (e.g., David [Ps. 3]; Asaph [Ps. 77]; sons of Korah [Ps. 42]), while others provide information about genre (e.g., Psalms of Ascent [Pss. 120–134]), tune (e.g., “Do Not Destroy” [Ps. 75]), use in worship (Ps. 92), and a circumstance that led to composition (Ps. 51). Information in the title gives hints concerning how psalms were written and brought into a final collection.
Composition
As mentioned, the titles of the psalms often give indications of authorship and occasionally name the circumstance that led to the writing of the psalm. A good example is Ps. 51, where the title states, “For the director of music. A psalm of David. When the prophet Nathan came to him after David had committed adultery with Bathsheba.” The title connects the psalm with the events recorded in 2 Sam. 11–12 and suggests that David wrote the song in response to his sin and Nathan’s confrontation.
Although only a handful of the psalms have such a historical title, it is likely that most psalms were composed in response to some specific circumstance that encouraged the author to write. Interestingly, though, the psalmists do not speak about the specific circumstance in the psalm itself. Psalm 51, for instance, fits perfectly with the situation that the title describes in that it expresses guilt toward God and asks for forgiveness, but nowhere does it speak specifically about adultery. The psalmists do this intentionally because they are writing the song not as a memorial to an event, but rather as a prayer that others who have had similar though not identical experiences can use after them. Thus, Ps. 51 has been used as a model prayer for many penitents, whether they have sinned like David or in another way.
Most modern hymns have a similar background. John Newton, for instance, was inspired to write “Amazing Grace” because of awe that he felt at his conversion to Christianity from the evil of being a slave trader. However, when he wrote it, he wanted others to sing it as reflecting not on his conversion but on their own.
Collection
The psalms were composed over a thousand-year period. Thus, it appears that the book of Psalms was a growing collection until it came to a close at an unknown time between the writing of the two Testaments.
In 1 Chron. 16:7–36 we may get a glimpse of how the process worked. The text describes David turning a musical composition over to the Levitical musician Asaph and his associates. It is likely that the priests kept an official copy of the book of Psalms in the holy place (the temple while it stood). The psalms, after all, were the hymns of ancient Israel. Their primary function was as a corporate book of prayer, though certainly they could be used in private devotions (note Hannah’s prayer in 1 Sam. 2:1–10 and its relationship to Ps. 113).
Organization and Structure
The psalms have no obvious organization that explains the location of all the psalms. They are not organized in terms of genre, authorship, time of composition, or length. There is only one statement about organization, found in Ps. 72:20: “This concludes the prayers of David son of Jesse.” In the light of this comment, it is surprising that a number of Davidic psalms appear in subsequent sections (Pss. 101; 103; 108–110; 122; 124; 131; 133; 138–145). The best explanation is that at one point Ps. 72 concluded the Davidic psalms, but there was a reorganization before the canonical order was permanently closed.
A number of contemporary theories try to find some deep structure to the book, but it is best to refrain from speculation in regard to the overall structure. Nonetheless, a few structural characteristics are obvious. First, the division of Psalms into five books seems to reflect the fivefold division of the Pentateuch:
I. Book 1 (Pss. 1–41)
II. Book 2 (Pss. 42–72)
III. Book 3 (Pss. 73–89)
IV. Book 4 (Pss. 90–106)
V. Book 5 (Pss. 107–150)
Each book ends with a doxology. Such an intentional association with the Pentateuch would lend support to the Psalter’s claim to authority. Although these are prayers to God, they are also God’s word.
Second, within the Psalter there are subcollections. That is, there are psalms that came into the book not individually but as a group. The best-known such group are the Psalms of Ascent (Pss. 120–134), probably so named because worshipers sang them while going up (ascending) to the Temple Mount during one of the annual religious festivals in Jerusalem.
Third, it appears that psalms are intentionally placed at the beginning and at the end of the book to serve as an introduction and a conclusion. Psalms 1–2 serve as an introduction that alerts the reader to the twin important themes of law and messiah. Psalm 1 pronounces a blessing on those who love God’s law. The psalms, after all, are an intimate and personal conversation with God. One must be on the side of the godly to enter such a holy textual space, just as one must be godly to enter the precincts of the temple. After the reader enters, Psalm 2 provides an encounter with God and his anointed one (messiah). At the end of the book, the last five psalms (Pss. 146–150) constitute a tremendous doxology of praise.
This leads to the final observation on structure. Psalms of lament predominate at the beginning of the book, but they give way to hymns of praise toward the end. It is almost as if one enters the Psalter mourning and leaves it praising. Indeed, the Psalter brings the reader into contact with God and thus transforms the reader from sadness to joy.
Literary Considerations
Genre. The individual psalms may be identified as songs, prayers, or poems. Specifically, they are lyric poems (expressing the emotions of the poet), often addressed to God, and set to musical accompaniment. Although the categories overlap, seven different types of psalms can be recognized, with the first three being by far the most common.
• Lament. The largest single group of psalms are the laments, characterized by the expression of unhappy emotions: sadness, disappointment, anger, worry. The lamenters call on God to save them, even while at times complaining about God’s actions toward them (Ps. 42:9–10). Some laments contain petitions for forgiveness (Ps. 51), while others assert innocence of any wrongdoing (Ps. 26). A few laments even contain curses directed toward the enemies who are trying to harm the psalmist (Ps. 69:19–28). Most laments end by praising God or reaffirming confidence in God (Ps. 130:7–8). Usually the reason for the change from mourning to rejoicing is not given, but Ps. 77 pinpoints the reason as the memory of God’s great salvation events in the past (vv. 10, 16–20). One psalm, Ps. 88, laments but never makes the turn, remaining in the pit of despair. Yet even here we have a glimmer of hope in that the one who laments is still speaking to God.
• Thanksgiving. When God answers a lament, the response is thanksgiving. Psalms of thanksgiving are very similar to hymns (see below), but they cite an earlier problem that God has addressed. Psalm 30 praises God for restoring the psalmist’s good fortune and health after he suffered due to his earlier arrogance that led him to forget God (vv. 6–7).
• Hymn. Hymns are psalms of unalloyed praise directed toward God. The psalmists often call for others to join their worship of God (Ps. 100).
• Remembrance. While many psalms evoke memories of God’s actions in the past (as the lament in Ps. 77 recalls the exodus), certain psalms focus on rehearsing the actions of God in the past. Psalm 136 is one of the most memorable examples. As a liturgical psalm, it recites a divine action (“[God] swept Pharaoh and his army into the Red Sea” [v. 15]) followed by a congregational response (“His love endures forever”).
• Confidence. These psalms are defined by their mood of quiet trust in God even in the midst of trouble. They often present a reassuring image of God. The picture of God as a shepherd in Ps. 23 or as a mother in Ps. 131 are good examples.
• Wisdom. Some psalms meditate on the law (Pss. 1; 119) or have interests similar to those of wisdom literature, such as Job, Proverbs, and Ecclesiastes (Pss. 49; 73).
• Kingship. A number of psalms praise God as king (Ps. 47) or the human king as his agent (Pss. 20–21) or both (Ps. 2).
Style. The psalms are poems, and so their style is characterized by the use of parallelism and figurative language. Poetry is also notable for its short lines. A poet packs a lot of meaning into very few words. So it is important to slow down and reflect on a psalm in order to derive its maximum effect. Besides brevity of expression, parallelism, and figurative language, poets create interest by using other literary tools. The psalmists use these poetic devices not only to inform their readers’ intellect but also to stimulate their imagination and arouse their emotions. (See also Acrostic; Imagery; Poetry.)
Theological Message
Although the psalms are not theological essays, readers can learn about God and their relationship with God from these poems. The book of Psalms is a bit like a portrait gallery of God, using images to describe who he is and the nature of our relationship with him. Some examples include God as shepherd (Ps. 23), king (Ps. 47), warrior (Ps. 98), and mother (Ps. 131), and the list could be greatly expanded. Each one of these picture images casts light on the nature of God and also the nature of our relationship with God. After all, the aforementioned psalms explicitly or implicitly describe God’s people as sheep, subjects, soldiers, and children.
Connection to the New Testament and Today
Jesus himself draws attention to Psalms as a book that anticipated his coming suffering and glorification (Luke 24:25–27, 44). The Gospels recognized that Jesus’ zeal for God was well expressed by Ps. 69:9 (John 2:17). When at the apex of his suffering on the cross, Jesus uttered the words found in Ps. 22:1 (Matt. 27:46). The NT writers also saw that Jesus was the fulfillment of the covenant that promised that a son of David would have an everlasting throne (2 Sam. 7:16). Accordingly, the royal psalms (e.g., Pss. 2; 110) often were applied to Jesus, who is the Messiah (the Christ, “the anointed one”).
Today we read Psalms not only as an ancient witness to the coming work of Christ but also, as John Calvin put it, as a mirror of our souls. The psalms were written for worshipers who came after them with similar though not identical joys and problems. The psalms should become models of our prayers.
A literary device whereby an author writes under a name other than his or her own (a pseu-donym) or a book is deliberately assigned to a fictitious author (pseudepigraphy). In the case of ancient Jewish practice, the name borrowed was usually that of some famous worthy of the past (e.g., Enoch, Ezra), with the aim of bolstering the credentials of the book to which the name was attached. This is a common phenomenon in the Apocrypha (e.g., 2 Esdras, Baruch, Epistle of Jeremiah). It is even more common in the large collection of Second Temple texts now known as the Pseudepigrapha (e.g., 1 Enoch, Odes of Solomon, Testaments of the Twelve Patriarchs). (See also Pseudepigrapha.)
Scholars continue to debate the morality of pseudonymity and whether it is proper for a pseudonymous book to be placed within the canon of Scripture. Some excuse pseudonymity as a mere stylistic device or explain it as a culturally accepted convention. Others put a positive spin on the phenomenon, and so, for example, claim that in the Pastoral Epistles literate disciples of Paul sought to apply his ideas to newly developing situations in the years following his death. Some argue that such deception for a good cause is legitimate because it helped to gain a hearing for orthodox teaching. Others totally reject pseudepigraphy, viewing it as little better than deception and forgery and thus unworthy of literature viewed as inspired by God. The last approach seems to be most consistent with a high view of Scripture.
Over the last two hundred years a number of biblical books have been identified by some scholars as pseudonymous, notably Daniel in the OT, and in the NT six letters in the Pauline corpus—Ephesians, Colossians, 2 Thessalonians, and the Pastoral Epistles (1–2 Timothy, Titus)—together with 2 Peter and Jude.
Old Testament
Certainly one mark of Jewish apocalyptic works is pseudonymity, and the book of Daniel is often viewed by critical scholars as no exception to this rule. It is difficult, however, to see how the name “Daniel” would have served to give the OT book named after him the desired authority, which is a major motivation for attaching a pseudonym.
Apart from the book itself, we essentially know nothing about this Daniel, whom it describes as living in Babylonia during the exile. In the book of Ezekiel we have two references to a Daniel (Ezek. 14:14, 20). In this passage the prophet says that when the land sins against God, “even if these three men—Noah, Daniel and Job—were in it, they could save only themselves by their righteousness.” There is, in addition, the further reference in Ezek. 14:16 to “these three men,” obviously referring to the same three men. Ezekiel speaks of these three men as embodiments of righteousness, but the fact that this Daniel figure is placed between two ancients (Noah and Job) suggests that he too is a figure of antiquity, not a contemporary of Ezekiel.
Ezekiel 28:3 taunts the king of Tyre: “Are you wiser than Daniel? Is no secret hidden from you?” Here “Daniel” (the Hebrew text at Ezek. 28:3 actually reads “Danel”) obviously is a proverbial figure of wisdom, and this implies that he may have been well known in Tyre and therefore could well have been Syro-Phoenician. There is in fact a “Danel” figure mentioned in Ugaritic literature (before 1200 BC). On the other hand, the Daniel of the book of Daniel is not a patriarch like Enoch, Noah, and Job, nor is he a famous figure like Ezra or the assistant to a prophet, as Baruch was to Jeremiah. Daniel is known only through the book that bears his name. In other words, the usual motivation explaining the use of a pseudonym does not apply to the canonical book of Daniel.
Also, the closing up and sealing of the book (Dan. 8:26; 12:4) is no mere device necessitated by using as a pseudonym the name of a man supposedly living in the time of Cyrus. Rather, the sealing signifies that much of the content of the later chapters of the book will be understood only when the predicted events begin to take place at a future time, with the book placing Daniel (its presumed author) in the sixth century BC.
New Testament
The Pastoral Epistles. With regard to the Pastoral Epistles, all three letters claim to be authored by the apostle Paul (1 Tim. 1:1; 2 Tim. 1:1; Titus 1:1). In seeking to determine the time of composition within a chronology of Paul’s ministry, they must be dated toward the end of his life (in the case of 2 Timothy, perhaps only shortly before his death) and after the close of the book of Acts, which concludes with the apostle’s arrival in Rome (Acts 28). In his letter to the Romans, Paul anticipates a future mission to Spain (Rom. 15:23–29), but the Pastoral Epistles imply that he returned to the east. Ephesus and Crete are the presumed locations of his coworkers Timothy and Titus (see 1 Tim. 1:3; Titus 1:5). On this supposition, these letters arise from a further mission there and a second (and final) imprisonment. The fact that Acts says nothing about this is no evidence against the supposition.
It is not necessary to view the mundane ecclesiastical arrangements of the Pastoral Epistles as inconsistent with a charismatic model of leadership in other Pauline letters (note the address to “overseers and deacons” in Phil. 1:1). We know from Acts 14:23; 20:17–38 that Paul appointed elders in the churches that he founded. The theological differences between the Pastoral Epistles and earlier Pauline compositions should not be overemphasized. The stress laid upon “the faith” and “sound teaching” is exactly what might be expected if Paul anticipated his imminent removal from the scene.
The other alternative is the theory that after Paul’s death, members of a Pauline school (Timothy? Luke? Onesimus?) continued to supply letters under his name, addressing contemporary church issues in the guise of Paul, hoping to guarantee the legacy of the great apostle. Some scholars go as far as to assert that an admirer of Paul combined genuine Pauline fragments within a fictitious framework. The earliest listing of Paul’s letters is that of Marcion (c. AD 140), and he fails to mention the Pastoral Epistles. That omission may be explained in various ways. There is no evidence, however, that anyone in the early church (orthodox or heterodox) who knew of the letters doubted their authenticity.
Ephesians and Colossians. There is some textual uncertainty with regard to the words “in Ephesus” in Eph. 1:1, making it possible that the letter was originally a circular letter written by Paul to more than one church. The letter mentions no one by name except Tychicus (Eph. 6:21), who carried the letter (perhaps to different churches in turn). This is enough to explain its more general orientation than some other Pauline letters, and any supposed theological “development” is not beyond the likely boundaries of Paul’s expansive mind (e.g., his teaching on the church). The use of the “in Christ” formula in Ephesians is not substantially different from how Paul handles it elsewhere. The letter’s twofold structure of doctrinal exposition followed by practical instruction fits a common Pauline epistolary pattern. Indeed, F. F. Bruce refers to this letter as “the quintessence of Paulinism.”
In a number of ways Colossians and Ephesians share a common outlook. The Jewish Christian proto-gnostic false teaching combated in Colossians is not referred to in other Pauline letters, but it may have been a local Colossian variant. The letter is explicitly attributed to Paul, at both the beginning and the end (Col. 1:1; 4:18). Arguments about authorship based on style and unusual vocabulary are notoriously slippery and inconclusive. The high Christology of cosmic dimensions in Col. 1:15–20; 2:9–10, 15 is also present in undisputed Pauline letters (cf. Phil. 2:9–11). The obvious relationship of Colossians to the little letter to Philemon (e.g., Col. 4:9, 17; cf. Philem. 2, 12) is one of the strongest arguments in favor of the Pauline authorship of the former. Any theory of pseudepigraphy turns Col. 4:7–17, with its many names, into fanciful and free invention with little real purpose. Also, we might wonder why a later author chose to write under the name of Paul to a church that Paul himself did not found.
Second Thessalonians. Some view the futuristic timetable provided in 2 Thess. 2:1–12 as moving beyond Paul, with the world’s end not yet in sight, for the writer teaches that certain things have to happen before the return of Christ, whereas in 1 Thess. 4:13–5:11 Paul has a nearer end in view. In both letters, however, the apostle is seeking to dampen the wrong kind of apocalyptic excitement. In 2 Thessalonians, it is clear that Paul knows a tradition of Jesus’ teaching about the future, such as also found in Mark 13, so that there is nothing unreasonably “late” in the views expressed.
The substantial overlap in material between 1 Thessalonians and 2 Thessalonians is not evidence of the labors of a later disciple and imitator of Paul. It is highly ironic that some scholars suggest 2 Thessalonians is not a genuine letter of Paul: the letter itself condemns a fake letter supposedly from him that claims that the day of the Lord is already past (2 Thess. 2:2), and the original letter included a final greeting written in Paul’s own hand (2 Thess. 3:17).
Second Peter and Jude. As for 2 Peter, it was not as well known in the early church as 1 Peter, and some (according to Origen) were hesitant to accept it. Its author claims to be a witness to the transfiguration (2 Pet. 1:16–18). Such personal allusions need not be attributed to a later writer who was trying too hard to show that he was Simon Peter. The obvious connection of 2 Pet. 1:14 to what is recorded in John 21 does not prove that the writer was dependent on that chapter.
The remarkable parallels between 2 Peter and Jude show that one is dependent upon the other, though scholars are not unanimous about which letter was prior. We cannot rule out that Peter would use and adapt the writings of a less prominent leader such as Jude. Jude makes use of apocryphal books, but neither in Jude nor in 2 Peter do arguments against the particular brand of false teaching require a second-century (postapostolic) dating.
A literary device whereby an author writes under a name other than his or her own (a pseu-donym) or a book is deliberately assigned to a fictitious author (pseudepigraphy). In the case of ancient Jewish practice, the name borrowed was usually that of some famous worthy of the past (e.g., Enoch, Ezra), with the aim of bolstering the credentials of the book to which the name was attached. This is a common phenomenon in the Apocrypha (e.g., 2 Esdras, Baruch, Epistle of Jeremiah). It is even more common in the large collection of Second Temple texts now known as the Pseudepigrapha (e.g., 1 Enoch, Odes of Solomon, Testaments of the Twelve Patriarchs). (See also Pseudepigrapha.)
Scholars continue to debate the morality of pseudonymity and whether it is proper for a pseudonymous book to be placed within the canon of Scripture. Some excuse pseudonymity as a mere stylistic device or explain it as a culturally accepted convention. Others put a positive spin on the phenomenon, and so, for example, claim that in the Pastoral Epistles literate disciples of Paul sought to apply his ideas to newly developing situations in the years following his death. Some argue that such deception for a good cause is legitimate because it helped to gain a hearing for orthodox teaching. Others totally reject pseudepigraphy, viewing it as little better than deception and forgery and thus unworthy of literature viewed as inspired by God. The last approach seems to be most consistent with a high view of Scripture.
Over the last two hundred years a number of biblical books have been identified by some scholars as pseudonymous, notably Daniel in the OT, and in the NT six letters in the Pauline corpus—Ephesians, Colossians, 2 Thessalonians, and the Pastoral Epistles (1–2 Timothy, Titus)—together with 2 Peter and Jude.
Old Testament
Certainly one mark of Jewish apocalyptic works is pseudonymity, and the book of Daniel is often viewed by critical scholars as no exception to this rule. It is difficult, however, to see how the name “Daniel” would have served to give the OT book named after him the desired authority, which is a major motivation for attaching a pseudonym.
Apart from the book itself, we essentially know nothing about this Daniel, whom it describes as living in Babylonia during the exile. In the book of Ezekiel we have two references to a Daniel (Ezek. 14:14, 20). In this passage the prophet says that when the land sins against God, “even if these three men—Noah, Daniel and Job—were in it, they could save only themselves by their righteousness.” There is, in addition, the further reference in Ezek. 14:16 to “these three men,” obviously referring to the same three men. Ezekiel speaks of these three men as embodiments of righteousness, but the fact that this Daniel figure is placed between two ancients (Noah and Job) suggests that he too is a figure of antiquity, not a contemporary of Ezekiel.
Ezekiel 28:3 taunts the king of Tyre: “Are you wiser than Daniel? Is no secret hidden from you?” Here “Daniel” (the Hebrew text at Ezek. 28:3 actually reads “Danel”) obviously is a proverbial figure of wisdom, and this implies that he may have been well known in Tyre and therefore could well have been Syro-Phoenician. There is in fact a “Danel” figure mentioned in Ugaritic literature (before 1200 BC). On the other hand, the Daniel of the book of Daniel is not a patriarch like Enoch, Noah, and Job, nor is he a famous figure like Ezra or the assistant to a prophet, as Baruch was to Jeremiah. Daniel is known only through the book that bears his name. In other words, the usual motivation explaining the use of a pseudonym does not apply to the canonical book of Daniel.
Also, the closing up and sealing of the book (Dan. 8:26; 12:4) is no mere device necessitated by using as a pseudonym the name of a man supposedly living in the time of Cyrus. Rather, the sealing signifies that much of the content of the later chapters of the book will be understood only when the predicted events begin to take place at a future time, with the book placing Daniel (its presumed author) in the sixth century BC.
New Testament
The Pastoral Epistles. With regard to the Pastoral Epistles, all three letters claim to be authored by the apostle Paul (1 Tim. 1:1; 2 Tim. 1:1; Titus 1:1). In seeking to determine the time of composition within a chronology of Paul’s ministry, they must be dated toward the end of his life (in the case of 2 Timothy, perhaps only shortly before his death) and after the close of the book of Acts, which concludes with the apostle’s arrival in Rome (Acts 28). In his letter to the Romans, Paul anticipates a future mission to Spain (Rom. 15:23–29), but the Pastoral Epistles imply that he returned to the east. Ephesus and Crete are the presumed locations of his coworkers Timothy and Titus (see 1 Tim. 1:3; Titus 1:5). On this supposition, these letters arise from a further mission there and a second (and final) imprisonment. The fact that Acts says nothing about this is no evidence against the supposition.
It is not necessary to view the mundane ecclesiastical arrangements of the Pastoral Epistles as inconsistent with a charismatic model of leadership in other Pauline letters (note the address to “overseers and deacons” in Phil. 1:1). We know from Acts 14:23; 20:17–38 that Paul appointed elders in the churches that he founded. The theological differences between the Pastoral Epistles and earlier Pauline compositions should not be overemphasized. The stress laid upon “the faith” and “sound teaching” is exactly what might be expected if Paul anticipated his imminent removal from the scene.
The other alternative is the theory that after Paul’s death, members of a Pauline school (Timothy? Luke? Onesimus?) continued to supply letters under his name, addressing contemporary church issues in the guise of Paul, hoping to guarantee the legacy of the great apostle. Some scholars go as far as to assert that an admirer of Paul combined genuine Pauline fragments within a fictitious framework. The earliest listing of Paul’s letters is that of Marcion (c. AD 140), and he fails to mention the Pastoral Epistles. That omission may be explained in various ways. There is no evidence, however, that anyone in the early church (orthodox or heterodox) who knew of the letters doubted their authenticity.
Ephesians and Colossians. There is some textual uncertainty with regard to the words “in Ephesus” in Eph. 1:1, making it possible that the letter was originally a circular letter written by Paul to more than one church. The letter mentions no one by name except Tychicus (Eph. 6:21), who carried the letter (perhaps to different churches in turn). This is enough to explain its more general orientation than some other Pauline letters, and any supposed theological “development” is not beyond the likely boundaries of Paul’s expansive mind (e.g., his teaching on the church). The use of the “in Christ” formula in Ephesians is not substantially different from how Paul handles it elsewhere. The letter’s twofold structure of doctrinal exposition followed by practical instruction fits a common Pauline epistolary pattern. Indeed, F. F. Bruce refers to this letter as “the quintessence of Paulinism.”
In a number of ways Colossians and Ephesians share a common outlook. The Jewish Christian proto-gnostic false teaching combated in Colossians is not referred to in other Pauline letters, but it may have been a local Colossian variant. The letter is explicitly attributed to Paul, at both the beginning and the end (Col. 1:1; 4:18). Arguments about authorship based on style and unusual vocabulary are notoriously slippery and inconclusive. The high Christology of cosmic dimensions in Col. 1:15–20; 2:9–10, 15 is also present in undisputed Pauline letters (cf. Phil. 2:9–11). The obvious relationship of Colossians to the little letter to Philemon (e.g., Col. 4:9, 17; cf. Philem. 2, 12) is one of the strongest arguments in favor of the Pauline authorship of the former. Any theory of pseudepigraphy turns Col. 4:7–17, with its many names, into fanciful and free invention with little real purpose. Also, we might wonder why a later author chose to write under the name of Paul to a church that Paul himself did not found.
Second Thessalonians. Some view the futuristic timetable provided in 2 Thess. 2:1–12 as moving beyond Paul, with the world’s end not yet in sight, for the writer teaches that certain things have to happen before the return of Christ, whereas in 1 Thess. 4:13–5:11 Paul has a nearer end in view. In both letters, however, the apostle is seeking to dampen the wrong kind of apocalyptic excitement. In 2 Thessalonians, it is clear that Paul knows a tradition of Jesus’ teaching about the future, such as also found in Mark 13, so that there is nothing unreasonably “late” in the views expressed.
The substantial overlap in material between 1 Thessalonians and 2 Thessalonians is not evidence of the labors of a later disciple and imitator of Paul. It is highly ironic that some scholars suggest 2 Thessalonians is not a genuine letter of Paul: the letter itself condemns a fake letter supposedly from him that claims that the day of the Lord is already past (2 Thess. 2:2), and the original letter included a final greeting written in Paul’s own hand (2 Thess. 3:17).
Second Peter and Jude. As for 2 Peter, it was not as well known in the early church as 1 Peter, and some (according to Origen) were hesitant to accept it. Its author claims to be a witness to the transfiguration (2 Pet. 1:16–18). Such personal allusions need not be attributed to a later writer who was trying too hard to show that he was Simon Peter. The obvious connection of 2 Pet. 1:14 to what is recorded in John 21 does not prove that the writer was dependent on that chapter.
The remarkable parallels between 2 Peter and Jude show that one is dependent upon the other, though scholars are not unanimous about which letter was prior. We cannot rule out that Peter would use and adapt the writings of a less prominent leader such as Jude. Jude makes use of apocryphal books, but neither in Jude nor in 2 Peter do arguments against the particular brand of false teaching require a second-century (postapostolic) dating.
A port city seven miles north of Mount Carmel. Ptolemy II (283–246 BC) changed the name of the city of Akko (Judg. 1:31) to “Ptolemais.” Jonathan Maccabeus was captured in Ptolemais (1 Macc. 12:45). Paul landed at Ptolemais on his way to Caesarea from Tyre (Acts 21:7).
The Hebrew name of the second son of Issachar, the ancestor of the Punites (Gen. 46:13; Num. 26:23 [MT]), which appears as “Puah” in 1 Chron. 7:1 (MT). The Samaritan Pentateuch, the Syriac versions, and some LXX manuscripts (followed by the NIV) are more consistent with Puah in all three instances. See also Puah.
(1) One of the Hebrew midwives blessed by God for refusing to heed Pharaoh’s command to execute all newborn Hebrew males (Exod. 1:15–22). (2) A grandson of Jacob, he was one of four sons of Issachar who settled in Egypt (Gen. 46:13; Num. 26:23; 1 Chron. 7:1). (3) The son of Dodo and the father of Tola, who was a judge in Israel after Abimelek (Judg. 10:1). See also Puvah.
The chief official of the island of Malta, where Paul’s ship wrecked en route to Rome. Publius (Gk. Poplios) hosted the group for three days, and Paul healed his father of a fever and dysentery (Acts 28:7–8).
A friend and associate of the apostle Paul whom he names in his last letter, along with Eubulus, Linus, Claudia, and all the brothers and sisters as sending greetings to Timothy from Rome (2 Tim. 4:21).
One of four Judahite clans that lived in Kiriath Jearim, a city located approximately ten miles northwest of Jerusalem where Judah’s territory met the tribal regions of Benjamin and Dan. Shobal, the father of these four clans, founded Kiriath Jearim (1 Chron. 2:52–53).
Descendants of Puah, who was of the tribe of Isaachar (Num. 26:23; cf. Gen. 46:13; Judg. 10:1; 1 Chron. 7:1).
The biblical record and cuneiform documents agree that this was an alternate appellation for the Assyrian king Tiglath-pileser III (r. 744–727 BC). Pul is first mentioned as campaigning in Samaria during the reign of Menahem and subsequently exacting tribute from him (2 Kings 15:19; 1 Chron. 5:26). See also Tiglath-pileser III.
A structure that a preacher stands on, in, or behind while delivering a sermon (Neh. 8:4 KJV [NIV: “platform”]). Depending on time period and style, a pulpit may have been a box, an elevated platform, or a tall and narrow stand that held the speaker’s notes.
A category of edible beans or peas that grow in pods near the ground or on climbing vines (2 Sam. 17:28 KJV). Examples include lentils and chickpeas. In Dan. 1:12–16 the KJV uses “pulse” to refer to vegetables that Daniel requests while in Nebuchadnezzar’s palace (Dan. 1:12–16).
Unlike modern systems of jurisprudence, the Bible does not draw distinctions between criminal, civil, family, and religious law, either in its terminology or in its presentation of legal material. In the Bible, acts of deviance that are defined as criminal in virtually all societies are discussed alongside violations of a culturally specific, religious nature. For instance, the Ten Commandments prohibit murder and dishonoring parents (Exod. 20:12–13), as well as commanding Sabbath observance (Exod. 20:8–11). Any attempt to extract a system of criminal law from biblical materials must account for the fact that every culture defines deviance differently, with respect not only to specific acts but also to categories of deviance.
When viewed from the standpoint of the Bible’s organization of legal material, the terminology used, and the sanctions applied, there is substantial overlap in the Bible between “crime” and what modern societies define as noncriminal deviance. For present purposes, we might define “crime” broadly as including any act of social deviance that merits the application of a sanction by society at large (as opposed to the ad hoc fiats of rulers, as in Gen. 26:11) and that can be prohibited in a generally applied rule (even accounting for differences between free citizens and slaves, as in Exod. 21:18–21). As we will see, the Bible requires punishments, often severe, for a broad spectrum of offenses.
Capital Crimes
The Pentateuch mandates the death penalty for a wide variety of crimes. Often the mode of execution is unspecified. Where a particular mode is prescribed, the death penalty most often consisted of stoning (as in Num. 15:35) and less frequently of burning (Lev. 20:14) or shooting with arrows (Exod. 19:13).
Crimes incurring the death penalty include killing or murder (Exod. 21:12–14; Lev. 24:17; Num. 35:16), though the crime is aggravated or lessened depending on the intention behind it (Exod. 21:13–14) and whether a weapon is involved (Num. 35:16); attacking parents (Exod. 21:15); kidnapping and slave trading (Exod. 21:16; Deut. 24:7); cursing parents (Exod 21:17; Lev. 20:9); negligence resulting in death (Exod. 21:29); bestiality (Exod. 22:19; Lev. 20:15–16); breach of the Sabbath (Exod. 31:14–15; Num. 15:35); child sacrifice (Lev. 20:2); adultery (Lev. 20:10; Deut. 22:22); incest (Lev. 20:11–12); homosexuality (Lev. 20:13); marrying a woman and her mother (Lev. 20:14); witchcraft (Exod. 22:18; Lev. 20:27); blasphemy (Exod. 24:16); unauthorized approach to the tabernacle (Num. 1:51); idolatry (Num. 25:5); false prophecy and divination (Deut. 13:5); presumptuous prophecy (Deut. 18:20); enticing others to idolatry (Deut. 13:6–10); false testimony in a capital case (Deut. 19:19); and contempt for authorities (Deut. 17:2; Josh. 1:18).
When the body of an executed criminal was displayed by hanging, it had to be removed by nightfall (Deut. 21:22). The death penalty was not to be applied vicariously to family members of criminals (Deut. 24:16). In OT texts, execution was to be carried out by the victims (Deut. 13:9), families of victims (the “avenger of blood” of Num. 35:19), or witnesses to the crime.
The NT mentions an official or professional executioner (Mark 6:27). Paul declares that the authorities rightly derive the power of the sword from God (Rom. 13:4).
Punishments for Noncapital Crimes
Corporal punishment. Beating as a criminal punishment is rare in the OT (Jer. 20:2; 37:15). Most OT references to beating occur in the context of the household, as a punishment for slaves or children. Deuteronomy 25:3 limits the number of strokes in a flogging to forty (see 2 Cor. 11:24). Flogging was commonly applied as a criminal punishment in Roman times, and it was a common mode of discipline within the Roman military (Acts 16:22; 2 Cor. 11:25; 1 Pet. 2:20).
Restitution. Crimes against property were punished by compelling the offender to make restitution by repaying, often in an amount that exceeded the actual damages, including in cases of theft or negligence (Exod. 21:33; 22:3–15); killing an animal (Lev. 24:18, 21); having sexual relations with a virgin not pledged to be married (Exod. 22:16); injuring a pregnant woman (Exod. 21:22); harming a slave (Exod. 21:26–27). Financial restitution could not be made for murder (Num. 35:31).
Retribution. The notion of the lex talionis, the law of retribution, is stated in Exod. 21:23–24: “life for life, eye for eye, tooth for tooth, hand for hand, foot for foot” (cf. Lev. 24:19–20; Deut. 19:21; Matt. 5:38). This formula appears in other ancient legal traditions. The idea of bodily mutilation may strike modern readers as barbaric, but such laws may actually have been relatively enlightened by ancient standards, as they imposed a proportional limit on retribution.
Incarceration. In modern societies, incarceration and probation account for the vast majority of the punishments resulting from criminal offenses. In the OT, incarceration is rarely mentioned apart from the imprisonment of war captives (e.g., Judg. 16:21) and political dissidents. Jeremiah was imprisoned several times for his criticism of the regime (Jer. 32:2; 37:15). Throughout the Bible, prisoners often are guarded by soldiers rather than by professional jailers.
Paul imprisoned Christians prior to his conversion (Acts 8:3), and he himself was imprisoned or placed under arrest several times (e.g., Acts 16:23; 20:23; 24:27; Rom. 16:7). John the Baptist was imprisoned after he criticized Herod (Mark 6:17). Again, in both cases, incarceration was used to silence and segregate someone whose free movement in society threatened political stability rather than to punish a common criminal. In Matt. 5:25–26 Jesus refers to imprisonment for an unspecified reason, though the threat that “you will not get out until you have paid the last penny” suggests that incarceration was a substitute for an unpaid fine or monetary penalty. This recalls Exod. 22:3, which mandates that a thief who could not make financial restitution for theft must be sold (as a slave).
Banishment and cities of refuge. A number of OT passages refer to the “cutting off” of a person from the community. It is not clear whether this language refers to exile or the death penalty; several of the crimes thus punished are known to be capital crimes in other texts.
The law of Num. 35:6–34 establishes six “cities of refuge” among the towns allotted to the Levites. To these cities an unintentional killer could flee from the “avenger of blood,” a relative of the victim, until such time as the case could be adjudicated by the whole community. A killer who was found to have acted unintentionally and without malice could remain in the city of refuge, safe from retribution, until the death of the high priest, at which time the killer was free to return home with impunity.
Trials and Judgments
In biblical times Israel did not have an independent judiciary. Judgments in criminal cases were rendered by local elders (Josh. 20:4), communities (Num. 35:24), monarchs, or other rulers and officials. The judges of the book of Judges were primarily military rulers, though they may have also adjudicated cases as a function of their military and political power (Judg. 4:5). Cases were decided on the basis of eyewitness testimony (Num. 35:30) and, in the case of capital crimes, on the basis of multiple witnesses (Deut. 17:6). In some cases, the Bible provides detailed statutory criteria for making such judgments, as in the discussion in Num. 35:16–28 of the difference between murder and unintentional killing. In some cases, where the determination of guilt or innocence would have been impossible, as in the case of suspected adultery, a verdict could be attained through divination (Num. 5:11–31). As already noted, the judgment of some cases could be affected by the slave status of those involved (Exod. 20:20–21; see also 22:8–9).
The trial and execution of Naboth, though ultimately a subversion of justice of the highest order, offers an insight into the operation of justice in Israel in the monarchic period (1 Kings 21:1–16). Naboth was accused on a trumped-up charge of blasphemy, a capital crime (Exod. 24:16). He was tried by the notables of his city, and on the testimony of two (false) witnesses (Deut. 17:6), he was then stoned to death.
From the standpoint of OT law, the trial and execution of Jesus were complicated by the context of concurrent systems of Jewish and Roman law and government. Like Naboth, Jesus was accused by false witnesses (Matt. 26:60–61). Ultimately, the Sanhedrin determined that because Jesus had blasphemed in its presence by identifying himself as the Messiah and the Son of God, further witness testimony was unnecessary in order to achieve the desired result, the death penalty (Matt. 26:65–66; John 19:7). Ultimately, the Sanhedrin had to involve the Roman governor because it lacked the authority to execute a criminal (John 18:31). By the time Jesus was taken before Pilate, the charge had been changed from a religious one to a political one: Jesus claimed to be the king of the Jews, thus subverting Roman authority (Matt. 26:11–12). Eventually, Pilate tortured and executed Jesus not because he saw merit in the charges but rather to avoid a riot (Matt. 27:24; John 19:4, 12). Luke reports that Jesus also had a trial before Herod Antipas, the ruler to whom Jesus was subject as a Galilean (23:7). Thus, the trial of Jesus in some ways reflects both Jewish and Roman law, but it also involves some purely pragmatic (and legally and morally questionable) actions on the part of both the Sanhedrin and Pilate.
Unlike modern systems of jurisprudence, the Bible does not draw distinctions between criminal, civil, family, and religious law, either in its terminology or in its presentation of legal material. In the Bible, acts of deviance that are defined as criminal in virtually all societies are discussed alongside violations of a culturally specific, religious nature. For instance, the Ten Commandments prohibit murder and dishonoring parents (Exod. 20:12–13), as well as commanding Sabbath observance (Exod. 20:8–11). Any attempt to extract a system of criminal law from biblical materials must account for the fact that every culture defines deviance differently, with respect not only to specific acts but also to categories of deviance.
When viewed from the standpoint of the Bible’s organization of legal material, the terminology used, and the sanctions applied, there is substantial overlap in the Bible between “crime” and what modern societies define as noncriminal deviance. For present purposes, we might define “crime” broadly as including any act of social deviance that merits the application of a sanction by society at large (as opposed to the ad hoc fiats of rulers, as in Gen. 26:11) and that can be prohibited in a generally applied rule (even accounting for differences between free citizens and slaves, as in Exod. 21:18–21). As we will see, the Bible requires punishments, often severe, for a broad spectrum of offenses.
Capital Crimes
The Pentateuch mandates the death penalty for a wide variety of crimes. Often the mode of execution is unspecified. Where a particular mode is prescribed, the death penalty most often consisted of stoning (as in Num. 15:35) and less frequently of burning (Lev. 20:14) or shooting with arrows (Exod. 19:13).
Crimes incurring the death penalty include killing or murder (Exod. 21:12–14; Lev. 24:17; Num. 35:16), though the crime is aggravated or lessened depending on the intention behind it (Exod. 21:13–14) and whether a weapon is involved (Num. 35:16); attacking parents (Exod. 21:15); kidnapping and slave trading (Exod. 21:16; Deut. 24:7); cursing parents (Exod 21:17; Lev. 20:9); negligence resulting in death (Exod. 21:29); bestiality (Exod. 22:19; Lev. 20:15–16); breach of the Sabbath (Exod. 31:14–15; Num. 15:35); child sacrifice (Lev. 20:2); adultery (Lev. 20:10; Deut. 22:22); incest (Lev. 20:11–12); homosexuality (Lev. 20:13); marrying a woman and her mother (Lev. 20:14); witchcraft (Exod. 22:18; Lev. 20:27); blasphemy (Exod. 24:16); unauthorized approach to the tabernacle (Num. 1:51); idolatry (Num. 25:5); false prophecy and divination (Deut. 13:5); presumptuous prophecy (Deut. 18:20); enticing others to idolatry (Deut. 13:6–10); false testimony in a capital case (Deut. 19:19); and contempt for authorities (Deut. 17:2; Josh. 1:18).
When the body of an executed criminal was displayed by hanging, it had to be removed by nightfall (Deut. 21:22). The death penalty was not to be applied vicariously to family members of criminals (Deut. 24:16). In OT texts, execution was to be carried out by the victims (Deut. 13:9), families of victims (the “avenger of blood” of Num. 35:19), or witnesses to the crime.
The NT mentions an official or professional executioner (Mark 6:27). Paul declares that the authorities rightly derive the power of the sword from God (Rom. 13:4).
Punishments for Noncapital Crimes
Corporal punishment. Beating as a criminal punishment is rare in the OT (Jer. 20:2; 37:15). Most OT references to beating occur in the context of the household, as a punishment for slaves or children. Deuteronomy 25:3 limits the number of strokes in a flogging to forty (see 2 Cor. 11:24). Flogging was commonly applied as a criminal punishment in Roman times, and it was a common mode of discipline within the Roman military (Acts 16:22; 2 Cor. 11:25; 1 Pet. 2:20).
Restitution. Crimes against property were punished by compelling the offender to make restitution by repaying, often in an amount that exceeded the actual damages, including in cases of theft or negligence (Exod. 21:33; 22:3–15); killing an animal (Lev. 24:18, 21); having sexual relations with a virgin not pledged to be married (Exod. 22:16); injuring a pregnant woman (Exod. 21:22); harming a slave (Exod. 21:26–27). Financial restitution could not be made for murder (Num. 35:31).
Retribution. The notion of the lex talionis, the law of retribution, is stated in Exod. 21:23–24: “life for life, eye for eye, tooth for tooth, hand for hand, foot for foot” (cf. Lev. 24:19–20; Deut. 19:21; Matt. 5:38). This formula appears in other ancient legal traditions. The idea of bodily mutilation may strike modern readers as barbaric, but such laws may actually have been relatively enlightened by ancient standards, as they imposed a proportional limit on retribution.
Incarceration. In modern societies, incarceration and probation account for the vast majority of the punishments resulting from criminal offenses. In the OT, incarceration is rarely mentioned apart from the imprisonment of war captives (e.g., Judg. 16:21) and political dissidents. Jeremiah was imprisoned several times for his criticism of the regime (Jer. 32:2; 37:15). Throughout the Bible, prisoners often are guarded by soldiers rather than by professional jailers.
Paul imprisoned Christians prior to his conversion (Acts 8:3), and he himself was imprisoned or placed under arrest several times (e.g., Acts 16:23; 20:23; 24:27; Rom. 16:7). John the Baptist was imprisoned after he criticized Herod (Mark 6:17). Again, in both cases, incarceration was used to silence and segregate someone whose free movement in society threatened political stability rather than to punish a common criminal. In Matt. 5:25–26 Jesus refers to imprisonment for an unspecified reason, though the threat that “you will not get out until you have paid the last penny” suggests that incarceration was a substitute for an unpaid fine or monetary penalty. This recalls Exod. 22:3, which mandates that a thief who could not make financial restitution for theft must be sold (as a slave).
Banishment and cities of refuge. A number of OT passages refer to the “cutting off” of a person from the community. It is not clear whether this language refers to exile or the death penalty; several of the crimes thus punished are known to be capital crimes in other texts.
The law of Num. 35:6–34 establishes six “cities of refuge” among the towns allotted to the Levites. To these cities an unintentional killer could flee from the “avenger of blood,” a relative of the victim, until such time as the case could be adjudicated by the whole community. A killer who was found to have acted unintentionally and without malice could remain in the city of refuge, safe from retribution, until the death of the high priest, at which time the killer was free to return home with impunity.
Trials and Judgments
In biblical times Israel did not have an independent judiciary. Judgments in criminal cases were rendered by local elders (Josh. 20:4), communities (Num. 35:24), monarchs, or other rulers and officials. The judges of the book of Judges were primarily military rulers, though they may have also adjudicated cases as a function of their military and political power (Judg. 4:5). Cases were decided on the basis of eyewitness testimony (Num. 35:30) and, in the case of capital crimes, on the basis of multiple witnesses (Deut. 17:6). In some cases, the Bible provides detailed statutory criteria for making such judgments, as in the discussion in Num. 35:16–28 of the difference between murder and unintentional killing. In some cases, where the determination of guilt or innocence would have been impossible, as in the case of suspected adultery, a verdict could be attained through divination (Num. 5:11–31). As already noted, the judgment of some cases could be affected by the slave status of those involved (Exod. 20:20–21; see also 22:8–9).
The trial and execution of Naboth, though ultimately a subversion of justice of the highest order, offers an insight into the operation of justice in Israel in the monarchic period (1 Kings 21:1–16). Naboth was accused on a trumped-up charge of blasphemy, a capital crime (Exod. 24:16). He was tried by the notables of his city, and on the testimony of two (false) witnesses (Deut. 17:6), he was then stoned to death.
From the standpoint of OT law, the trial and execution of Jesus were complicated by the context of concurrent systems of Jewish and Roman law and government. Like Naboth, Jesus was accused by false witnesses (Matt. 26:60–61). Ultimately, the Sanhedrin determined that because Jesus had blasphemed in its presence by identifying himself as the Messiah and the Son of God, further witness testimony was unnecessary in order to achieve the desired result, the death penalty (Matt. 26:65–66; John 19:7). Ultimately, the Sanhedrin had to involve the Roman governor because it lacked the authority to execute a criminal (John 18:31). By the time Jesus was taken before Pilate, the charge had been changed from a religious one to a political one: Jesus claimed to be the king of the Jews, thus subverting Roman authority (Matt. 26:11–12). Eventually, Pilate tortured and executed Jesus not because he saw merit in the charges but rather to avoid a riot (Matt. 27:24; John 19:4, 12). Luke reports that Jesus also had a trial before Herod Antipas, the ruler to whom Jesus was subject as a Galilean (23:7). Thus, the trial of Jesus in some ways reflects both Jewish and Roman law, but it also involves some purely pragmatic (and legally and morally questionable) actions on the part of both the Sanhedrin and Pilate.
Descendants of Puah, who was of the tribe of Isaachar (Num. 26:23; cf. Gen. 46:13; Judg. 10:1; 1 Chron. 7:1).
One of the stopping points for the Israelites during their desert wanderings (Num. 33:42–43). The site usually is identified with modern Khirbet Feinan in the Wadi Arabah, an area famed in antiquity as a copper-mining district. Mining occurred at this site as early as the Chalcolithic period (4500–3500 BC), then in the Early Bronze period (3500–2250 BC) and the Iron Age (1200–586 BC), through the Roman period. This is attested archaeologically by the presence of numerous copper mines and smelting sites. During the OT period, many of these locations likely belonged to the Edomites, since the area was in ancient Edom. Interestingly, the incident in which Moses makes a snake out of bronze is placed at about the same time the Israelites stopped here (Num. 21:4–9).
The festival established following the deliverance of Jews throughout the Persian Empire during the time of Esther. The name comes from pur, “the lot” (Esther 3:7) cast by Haman to determine the day on which Jews would be destroyed. Although the lot originally was cast for evil purposes, in keeping with the reversals of the book it came to designate the celebration. “Purim” is plural because two days were devoted to the events that reversed Haman’s decree. See also Festivals.
A servant of Gideon. After reducing Gideon’s army from thirty-two thousand to three hundred, God told Gideon to take Purah with him to survey the camp of the Midianites, from which they would gain courage to quell their fears (Judg. 7:10–11).
The concepts of purity and purification are largely unfamiliar to modern Western readers of the Bible. These terms often appear in cultic contexts and are used to refer to physical, ritual, and ethical purity. They are most frequently applied to the process needed to restore someone to a state of purity so that he or she could participate in ritual activities once again (Lev. 22:4–7). These terms are cultural and theological, serving to constrain actions and behaviors through definite boundaries; thus, in their ancient use they have little to do with modern notions of hygiene (e.g., diseases that may be caught from a pig [Lev. 13]; the medical advantages of washing [Lev. 15]; quarantining a leper [Lev. 13]). Although some have attempted to relate the rules of purity to simple physical events, such modern medical rationale cannot account for the range of prohibitions or find explicit support in the text.
Old Testament
The law of Moses. According to Lev. 10:10, it was the duty of the priests to “distinguish between the holy and the common, between the unclean and the clean” and to teach the nation of Israel the difference between the two. God required that his people observe purification rites when they came into his presence for worship. Ritual purity was intended to teach God’s holiness and moral purity; thus purification rituals functioned to prepare individuals to approach God (Exod. 19:10; Num. 8:15). These fundamental regulations and rites are outlined in Mosaic law.
Two major sections of the Torah describe ritual purity and the laws of purification: Lev. 11–15 and Num. 19. Here the need for purification resulted from direct or indirect contact with any one of a number of natural processes, including childbirth (Lev. 12:1–8), scale disease (Lev. 13:1–14:32), genital discharges (Lev. 15:1–33), the carcasses of certain animals (Lev. 11:1–47), and human corpses (Num. 19:1–22). Although both the duration of impurity and the rite of purification for each of these conditions differ, there are three distinct characteristics of ritual impurity: (1) the sources of ritual impurity generally were natural and more or less unavoidable; (2) it was not necessarily sinful to contract these impurities; (3) these conditions conveyed temporary loss of ritual purity.
Although sexual discharge, contact with corpses and carcasses, and the contraction of diseases were sources of impurity, they were unavoidable in the normal course of life. Israelites were obligated to reproduce (Gen. 1:28; 9:7), and they, along with their priests, were obligated to bury their dead (Lev. 21:1–4). Therefore, many of these impurities were unavoidable and, though not encouraged, not necessarily sinful. Further, these conditions conveyed a temporary loss of purity. All the impurities described in Lev. 11–15 and Num. 19 were not permanent and had specific rites of purification. These rites included washings (a man who had a discharge waited seven days and then washed his clothes and bathed in order to be clean [Lev. 15:13]), offerings (after the birth of a child, a mother had to wait a certain period and then bring certain offerings to be cleansed “from her flow of blood” [12:7–8]), and other procedures (a “leprous” man who had been healed had to go through an elaborate ceremony to be declared clean [14:4–20]; a “leprous” house went through a similar process [14:48–53]). The ultimate instance of cleansing was the Day of Atonement, which required blood as the purifying agent: “[The priest] shall sprinkle some of the blood on [the altar] with his finger seven times to cleanse it and to consecrate it from the uncleanness of the Israelites” (16:19).
A final characteristic of ritual purity is that it was highly graded; that is, there were various degrees of impurities. Corpse impurity was especially serious and highly contagious. One could contract corpse impurity through direct contact, proximity (being in the same tent with a corpse [Num. 19:14]), or by merely touching the bone or the grave of a human (19:16). The individual who contracted corpse impurity was able to contaminate other objects and individuals. Major impurities also demanded greater time for purification (seven days rather than one). Unlike major impurities, minor impurities lasted only until sundown and were not contagious. Individuals might contract minor impurity from contact with unclean carcasses (whether by touching [Lev. 11:24, 27] or carrying [Lev. 11:25, 28]), someone defiled with corpse impurity (Lev. 22:4, 6; Num. 19:22), a diseased person or house (Lev. 13:45–46; 14:46–47), or discharge from either a man or a woman (Lev. 15:5–11, 19–23, 26–27). The duration of minor impurity was only a day (“until evening” [Lev. 11:24–25, 27–28, 39–40]), and one was purified either by bathing or washing one’s clothing.
The Prophets and the Writings. Outside the Mosaic law, the terms of “purity” and “purification” are much less common; however, at times they are taken up figuratively to describe sin. Loss of purity is used figuratively for transgression. For example, the technical term for “menstrual impurity” is used figuratively to illustrate the sin of Israel: “Zion stretches out her hands, but there is no one to comfort her. . . . Jerusalem has become an unclean thing among them” (Lam. 1:17); and in Ezek. 36:17, “When the people of Israel were living in their own land, they defiled it by their conduct and their actions. Their conduct was like a woman’s monthly uncleanness in my sight.”
It was not the ritual purification that ultimately mattered for the prophets, but rather the forgiveness from God that rendered people pure from sin. Thus, purification is a figure of God’s forgiveness; God says, “Your hands are full of blood! Wash and make yourselves clean. Take your evil deeds out of my sight; stop doing wrong” (Isa. 1:15–16). God promises cleansing in key passages in Ezekiel: “I will sprinkle clean water on you, and you will be clean; I will cleanse you from all your impurities and from all your idols” (Ezek. 36:25; cf. 36:33); “they will no longer defile themselves with their idols and vile images or with any of their offenses, for I will save them from all their sinful backsliding, and I will cleanse them” (37:23).
Although there are “those who are pure in their own eyes and yet are not cleansed of their filth” (Prov. 30:12), it is only God who can promise, “I will cleanse them from all the sin they have committed against me and will forgive all their sins of rebellion against me” (Jer. 33:8). Painfully aware of his sin with Bathsheba, David cries out, “Wash away all my iniquity and cleanse me from my sin. . . . Cleanse me with hyssop, and I will be clean. . . . Create in me a pure heart, O God” (Ps. 51:2, 7, 10).
New Testament
In the NT, the idea of ceremonial purity as an important element in Jewish life appears in John 11:55; Acts 21:23; 24:18. But just as in the prophets, the notion of purity is applied to a life lived in wholehearted devotion to God. An individual is purified when obeying the truth (1 Pet. 1:22). James describes repentance in terms of purity: “Wash your hands, you sinners, and purify your hearts, you double-minded” (James 4:8); and he describes helping those in distress as the kind of genuine piety that “God our Father accepts as pure and faultless” (James 1:27).
In the teaching of the Roman Catholic Church, purgatory is where the souls of the elect are purified after death to be prepared for heaven. Although they are saved by the sacrifice of Jesus, their sanctification may be incomplete. If so, the fire of purgatory perfects and readies them to enter the presence of God. In 1999 Pope John Paul II confirmed that purgatory is a condition of existence rather than a place.
Purgatory is a product of medieval scholasticism. The pious lived their lives in a continuous cycle of sin, sacramental confession, priestly absolution, penance, and grace. Penance fulfilled the required temporal punishment for forgiven mortal sin. Those who died owing penance were able to meet their obligations in purgatory. It also provided a means of cleansing the faithful departed of their venial sins.
Purgatory is not formally described in Scripture, but it is inferred from the following sources: a tradition of prayers on behalf of the dead derived from the deuterocanonical 2 Macc. 12:46; the implication of the possibility of forgiveness in the age to come in Matt. 12:32; the description of the testing of one’s works by fire in 1 Cor. 3:11–15.
The Greek and Latin churches clarified the concept during the Council of Florence in 1438. In addition to the biblical texts, they reflected on church tradition, which had included prayers for the dead from its earliest days. They reasoned that since souls in neither heaven nor hell could benefit from such prayer, there must be souls in a third state who could.
They also considered the teaching of the church fathers. The Greek fathers had differing views on concepts that together seemed to support purgatory but individually were varied. Dionysius and Epiphanius emphasized prayers for the dead; Basil the Great mentioned the detention of the faithful after death; and Gregory of Nyssa spoke of a crucible of purifying fire after death. By contrast, the Latin fathers Ambrose, Augustine, and Gregory the Great more explicitly set forth the foundational concepts of a fiery purgatory between death and heaven.
The Council of Florence was not decisive regarding purgatory, and ultimately the Greek church rejected the doctrine. The Latin church, however, affirmed purgatory at the Council of Trent in 1563 and included then the obligation of the faithful to intercede for the souls in purgatory through prayers, eucharistic celebration, almsgiving, indulgences, and works of penance.
A process of purifying, cleansing, or eliminating. One underlying Hebrew term, ba’ar, means “to burn” and is used to describe the removal of evil persons or things (such as idols) from Israel (Deut. 13:5; 2 Kings 23:24 [cf. taher in 2 Chron. 34:3]). “Purge” is sometimes used to translate the idea of atonement (Deut. 21:9).
The concepts of purity and purification are largely unfamiliar to modern Western readers of the Bible. These terms often appear in cultic contexts and are used to refer to physical, ritual, and ethical purity. They are most frequently applied to the process needed to restore someone to a state of purity so that he or she could participate in ritual activities once again (Lev. 22:4–7). These terms are cultural and theological, serving to constrain actions and behaviors through definite boundaries; thus, in their ancient use they have little to do with modern notions of hygiene (e.g., diseases that may be caught from a pig [Lev. 13]; the medical advantages of washing [Lev. 15]; quarantining a leper [Lev. 13]). Although some have attempted to relate the rules of purity to simple physical events, such modern medical rationale cannot account for the range of prohibitions or find explicit support in the text.
Old Testament
The law of Moses. According to Lev. 10:10, it was the duty of the priests to “distinguish between the holy and the common, between the unclean and the clean” and to teach the nation of Israel the difference between the two. God required that his people observe purification rites when they came into his presence for worship. Ritual purity was intended to teach God’s holiness and moral purity; thus purification rituals functioned to prepare individuals to approach God (Exod. 19:10; Num. 8:15). These fundamental regulations and rites are outlined in Mosaic law.
Two major sections of the Torah describe ritual purity and the laws of purification: Lev. 11–15 and Num. 19. Here the need for purification resulted from direct or indirect contact with any one of a number of natural processes, including childbirth (Lev. 12:1–8), scale disease (Lev. 13:1–14:32), genital discharges (Lev. 15:1–33), the carcasses of certain animals (Lev. 11:1–47), and human corpses (Num. 19:1–22). Although both the duration of impurity and the rite of purification for each of these conditions differ, there are three distinct characteristics of ritual impurity: (1) the sources of ritual impurity generally were natural and more or less unavoidable; (2) it was not necessarily sinful to contract these impurities; (3) these conditions conveyed temporary loss of ritual purity.
Although sexual discharge, contact with corpses and carcasses, and the contraction of diseases were sources of impurity, they were unavoidable in the normal course of life. Israelites were obligated to reproduce (Gen. 1:28; 9:7), and they, along with their priests, were obligated to bury their dead (Lev. 21:1–4). Therefore, many of these impurities were unavoidable and, though not encouraged, not necessarily sinful. Further, these conditions conveyed a temporary loss of purity. All the impurities described in Lev. 11–15 and Num. 19 were not permanent and had specific rites of purification. These rites included washings (a man who had a discharge waited seven days and then washed his clothes and bathed in order to be clean [Lev. 15:13]), offerings (after the birth of a child, a mother had to wait a certain period and then bring certain offerings to be cleansed “from her flow of blood” [12:7–8]), and other procedures (a “leprous” man who had been healed had to go through an elaborate ceremony to be declared clean [14:4–20]; a “leprous” house went through a similar process [14:48–53]). The ultimate instance of cleansing was the Day of Atonement, which required blood as the purifying agent: “[The priest] shall sprinkle some of the blood on [the altar] with his finger seven times to cleanse it and to consecrate it from the uncleanness of the Israelites” (16:19).
A final characteristic of ritual purity is that it was highly graded; that is, there were various degrees of impurities. Corpse impurity was especially serious and highly contagious. One could contract corpse impurity through direct contact, proximity (being in the same tent with a corpse [Num. 19:14]), or by merely touching the bone or the grave of a human (19:16). The individual who contracted corpse impurity was able to contaminate other objects and individuals. Major impurities also demanded greater time for purification (seven days rather than one). Unlike major impurities, minor impurities lasted only until sundown and were not contagious. Individuals might contract minor impurity from contact with unclean carcasses (whether by touching [Lev. 11:24, 27] or carrying [Lev. 11:25, 28]), someone defiled with corpse impurity (Lev. 22:4, 6; Num. 19:22), a diseased person or house (Lev. 13:45–46; 14:46–47), or discharge from either a man or a woman (Lev. 15:5–11, 19–23, 26–27). The duration of minor impurity was only a day (“until evening” [Lev. 11:24–25, 27–28, 39–40]), and one was purified either by bathing or washing one’s clothing.
The Prophets and the Writings. Outside the Mosaic law, the terms of “purity” and “purification” are much less common; however, at times they are taken up figuratively to describe sin. Loss of purity is used figuratively for transgression. For example, the technical term for “menstrual impurity” is used figuratively to illustrate the sin of Israel: “Zion stretches out her hands, but there is no one to comfort her. . . . Jerusalem has become an unclean thing among them” (Lam. 1:17); and in Ezek. 36:17, “When the people of Israel were living in their own land, they defiled it by their conduct and their actions. Their conduct was like a woman’s monthly uncleanness in my sight.”
It was not the ritual purification that ultimately mattered for the prophets, but rather the forgiveness from God that rendered people pure from sin. Thus, purification is a figure of God’s forgiveness; God says, “Your hands are full of blood! Wash and make yourselves clean. Take your evil deeds out of my sight; stop doing wrong” (Isa. 1:15–16). God promises cleansing in key passages in Ezekiel: “I will sprinkle clean water on you, and you will be clean; I will cleanse you from all your impurities and from all your idols” (Ezek. 36:25; cf. 36:33); “they will no longer defile themselves with their idols and vile images or with any of their offenses, for I will save them from all their sinful backsliding, and I will cleanse them” (37:23).
Although there are “those who are pure in their own eyes and yet are not cleansed of their filth” (Prov. 30:12), it is only God who can promise, “I will cleanse them from all the sin they have committed against me and will forgive all their sins of rebellion against me” (Jer. 33:8). Painfully aware of his sin with Bathsheba, David cries out, “Wash away all my iniquity and cleanse me from my sin. . . . Cleanse me with hyssop, and I will be clean. . . . Create in me a pure heart, O God” (Ps. 51:2, 7, 10).
New Testament
In the NT, the idea of ceremonial purity as an important element in Jewish life appears in John 11:55; Acts 21:23; 24:18. But just as in the prophets, the notion of purity is applied to a life lived in wholehearted devotion to God. An individual is purified when obeying the truth (1 Pet. 1:22). James describes repentance in terms of purity: “Wash your hands, you sinners, and purify your hearts, you double-minded” (James 4:8); and he describes helping those in distress as the kind of genuine piety that “God our Father accepts as pure and faultless” (James 1:27).
The festival established following the deliverance of Jews throughout the Persian Empire during the time of Esther. The name comes from pur, “the lot” (Esther 3:7) cast by Haman to determine the day on which Jews would be destroyed. Although the lot originally was cast for evil purposes, in keeping with the reversals of the book it came to designate the celebration. “Purim” is plural because two days were devoted to the events that reversed Haman’s decree. See also Festivals.
The concepts of purity and purification are largely unfamiliar to modern Western readers of the Bible. These terms often appear in cultic contexts and are used to refer to physical, ritual, and ethical purity. They are most frequently applied to the process needed to restore someone to a state of purity so that he or she could participate in ritual activities once again (Lev. 22:4–7). These terms are cultural and theological, serving to constrain actions and behaviors through definite boundaries; thus, in their ancient use they have little to do with modern notions of hygiene (e.g., diseases that may be caught from a pig [Lev. 13]; the medical advantages of washing [Lev. 15]; quarantining a leper [Lev. 13]). Although some have attempted to relate the rules of purity to simple physical events, such modern medical rationale cannot account for the range of prohibitions or find explicit support in the text.
Old Testament
The law of Moses. According to Lev. 10:10, it was the duty of the priests to “distinguish between the holy and the common, between the unclean and the clean” and to teach the nation of Israel the difference between the two. God required that his people observe purification rites when they came into his presence for worship. Ritual purity was intended to teach God’s holiness and moral purity; thus purification rituals functioned to prepare individuals to approach God (Exod. 19:10; Num. 8:15). These fundamental regulations and rites are outlined in Mosaic law.
Two major sections of the Torah describe ritual purity and the laws of purification: Lev. 11–15 and Num. 19. Here the need for purification resulted from direct or indirect contact with any one of a number of natural processes, including childbirth (Lev. 12:1–8), scale disease (Lev. 13:1–14:32), genital discharges (Lev. 15:1–33), the carcasses of certain animals (Lev. 11:1–47), and human corpses (Num. 19:1–22). Although both the duration of impurity and the rite of purification for each of these conditions differ, there are three distinct characteristics of ritual impurity: (1) the sources of ritual impurity generally were natural and more or less unavoidable; (2) it was not necessarily sinful to contract these impurities; (3) these conditions conveyed temporary loss of ritual purity.
Although sexual discharge, contact with corpses and carcasses, and the contraction of diseases were sources of impurity, they were unavoidable in the normal course of life. Israelites were obligated to reproduce (Gen. 1:28; 9:7), and they, along with their priests, were obligated to bury their dead (Lev. 21:1–4). Therefore, many of these impurities were unavoidable and, though not encouraged, not necessarily sinful. Further, these conditions conveyed a temporary loss of purity. All the impurities described in Lev. 11–15 and Num. 19 were not permanent and had specific rites of purification. These rites included washings (a man who had a discharge waited seven days and then washed his clothes and bathed in order to be clean [Lev. 15:13]), offerings (after the birth of a child, a mother had to wait a certain period and then bring certain offerings to be cleansed “from her flow of blood” [12:7–8]), and other procedures (a “leprous” man who had been healed had to go through an elaborate ceremony to be declared clean [14:4–20]; a “leprous” house went through a similar process [14:48–53]). The ultimate instance of cleansing was the Day of Atonement, which required blood as the purifying agent: “[The priest] shall sprinkle some of the blood on [the altar] with his finger seven times to cleanse it and to consecrate it from the uncleanness of the Israelites” (16:19).
A final characteristic of ritual purity is that it was highly graded; that is, there were various degrees of impurities. Corpse impurity was especially serious and highly contagious. One could contract corpse impurity through direct contact, proximity (being in the same tent with a corpse [Num. 19:14]), or by merely touching the bone or the grave of a human (19:16). The individual who contracted corpse impurity was able to contaminate other objects and individuals. Major impurities also demanded greater time for purification (seven days rather than one). Unlike major impurities, minor impurities lasted only until sundown and were not contagious. Individuals might contract minor impurity from contact with unclean carcasses (whether by touching [Lev. 11:24, 27] or carrying [Lev. 11:25, 28]), someone defiled with corpse impurity (Lev. 22:4, 6; Num. 19:22), a diseased person or house (Lev. 13:45–46; 14:46–47), or discharge from either a man or a woman (Lev. 15:5–11, 19–23, 26–27). The duration of minor impurity was only a day (“until evening” [Lev. 11:24–25, 27–28, 39–40]), and one was purified either by bathing or washing one’s clothing.
The Prophets and the Writings. Outside the Mosaic law, the terms of “purity” and “purification” are much less common; however, at times they are taken up figuratively to describe sin. Loss of purity is used figuratively for transgression. For example, the technical term for “menstrual impurity” is used figuratively to illustrate the sin of Israel: “Zion stretches out her hands, but there is no one to comfort her. . . . Jerusalem has become an unclean thing among them” (Lam. 1:17); and in Ezek. 36:17, “When the people of Israel were living in their own land, they defiled it by their conduct and their actions. Their conduct was like a woman’s monthly uncleanness in my sight.”
It was not the ritual purification that ultimately mattered for the prophets, but rather the forgiveness from God that rendered people pure from sin. Thus, purification is a figure of God’s forgiveness; God says, “Your hands are full of blood! Wash and make yourselves clean. Take your evil deeds out of my sight; stop doing wrong” (Isa. 1:15–16). God promises cleansing in key passages in Ezekiel: “I will sprinkle clean water on you, and you will be clean; I will cleanse you from all your impurities and from all your idols” (Ezek. 36:25; cf. 36:33); “they will no longer defile themselves with their idols and vile images or with any of their offenses, for I will save them from all their sinful backsliding, and I will cleanse them” (37:23).
Although there are “those who are pure in their own eyes and yet are not cleansed of their filth” (Prov. 30:12), it is only God who can promise, “I will cleanse them from all the sin they have committed against me and will forgive all their sins of rebellion against me” (Jer. 33:8). Painfully aware of his sin with Bathsheba, David cries out, “Wash away all my iniquity and cleanse me from my sin. . . . Cleanse me with hyssop, and I will be clean. . . . Create in me a pure heart, O God” (Ps. 51:2, 7, 10).
New Testament
In the NT, the idea of ceremonial purity as an important element in Jewish life appears in John 11:55; Acts 21:23; 24:18. But just as in the prophets, the notion of purity is applied to a life lived in wholehearted devotion to God. An individual is purified when obeying the truth (1 Pet. 1:22). James describes repentance in terms of purity: “Wash your hands, you sinners, and purify your hearts, you double-minded” (James 4:8); and he describes helping those in distress as the kind of genuine piety that “God our Father accepts as pure and faultless” (James 1:27).
In Titus 2:10 the KJV translates the Greek word nosphizomai as “purloin,” referring to Paul’s insistence that slaves not “steal” (NIV) or “pilfer” (NRSV) from their masters.
Because purple dye was expensive, purple cloth represented wealth (Prov. 31:22; Luke 16:19; Acts 16:14; Rev. 18:16) and authority (Judg. 8:26; Dan. 5:7), especially royalty (Lam. 4:5; cf. Mark 15:20; John 19:2–5). In the tabernacle, temple, and the priestly garments, purple was often combined with blue and scarlet or crimson, themselves symbols of wealth and power (Exod. 26:1; 28:4–15, 33; Num. 4:6–12; 2 Chron. 3:14). See also Colors.
Made typically of leather, bags or purses were used to contain either coins (Prov. 1:14; 7:20; Isa. 46:6; Luke 12:33; 22:35, 36) or stones for weighing (Deut. 25:13; Mic. 6:11). Jesus instructed seventy-two disciples not to take “purse or bag” carrying money or provisions on a short-term mission (Luke 10:4). The Hebrew word kharit in Isa. 3:22, used to describe “purses” (NIV) or “handbags” (NRSV) of wealthy Jewish women, suggests some sort of ornamentally woven pouch or satchel. See also Bag.
Any member of the succulent plant family Portulacaceae, which features a low, trailing habit, fleshy leaves, and tiny yellow flowers. Although considered an invasive weed, purslane has significant nutritional benefits. Additionally, its slightly sour and salty taste has many culinary applications. The underlying Hebrew word, khallamut, appears only in Job 6:6, where in many versions it is translated as “egg” (e.g., NASB) rather than “purslane” (RSV). Other versions render it as “mallow” (NIV, NRSV); see also Mallow.
A grandson of Noah, a son of Ham, and brother of Cush (Ethiopia), Mizraim (Egypt), and Canaan in the Table of Nations (Gen. 10:6; 1 Chron. 1:8). “Put” appears as a geographic designation that can be identified with Libya, based on Old Persian putiya and Babylonian puṭa, and is the source of soldiers in passages in Ezekiel (27:10; 30:5; 38:5), Jeremiah (46:9), and Nahum (3:9). Another Hebrew word for Libya, “Lub,” always occurs in the plural and likely refers to the population, “the Libyans.” See also Libya.
One of four Judahite clans that lived in Kiriath Jearim, a city located approximately ten miles northwest of Jerusalem where Judah’s territory met the tribal regions of Benjamin and Dan. Shobal, the father of these four clans, founded Kiriath Jearim (1 Chron. 2:52–53).
The father-in-law of the priest Eleazar and a grandfather of Phinehas (Exod. 6:25).
The Hebrew name of the second son of Issachar, the ancestor of the Punites (Gen. 46:13; Num. 26:23 [MT]), which appears as “Puah” in 1 Chron. 7:1 (MT). The Samaritan Pentateuch, the Syriac versions, and some LXX manuscripts (followed by the NIV) are more consistent with Puah in all three instances. See also Puah.
The Hebrew name of the second son of Issachar, the ancestor of the Punites (Gen. 46:13; Num. 26:23 [MT]), which appears as “Puah” in 1 Chron. 7:1 (MT). The Samaritan Pentateuch, the Syriac versions, and some LXX manuscripts (followed by the NIV) are more consistent with Puah in all three instances. See also Puah.
The LXX translates the Hebrew word dishon in Deut. 14:5 with the Greek word pygargos (“white rump”), which the KJV transliterates as “pygarg.” This animal probably is an antelope (NJB), either the addax (NAB) or a white-rumped Kobus antelope. The word is translated as “ibex” in the NIV (so also NRSV, ESV, NLT).
A deliberately arranged pile of wood or other combustible material, particularly, though not necessarily, for the ritual, funerary burning of corpses. In the OT, pyres are mentioned with a triumphal tone as the destination for the enemies of God and Israel (Isa. 30:33; Ezek. 24:9).
The otherwise unknown father of Sopater from Berea (Acts 20:4).
The origin of this term is in Homer’s Hymn to Apollo, dating to the seventh century BC. “Python” was the name for the mythical serpent that lived in Delphi (Pythos). According to the myth, Python attempted to kill Apollo’s mother, the pregnant wife of Zeus, to prevent her from giving birth to Apollo. Later, Apollo hunted and killed Python and assumed the authority of the oracle at Delphi from him. Apollo was believed to have the power to grant individuals the ability to predict the future; thus, the term “Python” became associated with those who possess the gift of prophecy. Typically, such individuals uttered their prophetic messages with their mouths closed, and so they also came to be known as ventriloquists. For nearly a thousand years, people journeyed to Delphi to seek advice from the priestess Pythia, who presided over the oracle and was supposed to grant prophecies in the spirit of Apollo.
“Python” occurs in the Greek text in Acts 16:16 describing a young woman with a “spirit of divination” (pneuma pythōna [NIV: “spirit by which she predicted the future”]). This spirit gave her the ability to predict the future, which was exploited by her masters for profit. When Paul and his companions came to Philippi, the girl met them and identified them as true prophets who were proclaiming the way of God. She continued to follow them for many days, repeatedly identifying them as servants of the Most High God. Eventually, Paul became annoyed and exorcised the evil spirit that possessed her. But when the girl’s masters realized that their source of revenue had been jeopardized, they had Paul and Silas seized and brought before the authorities in the marketplace. There they incited the multitude against Paul and Silas, who were then beaten and imprisoned, but later miraculously rescued by God.
“Python” also occurs in some early English translations of Scripture in Lev. 20:27; Deut. 18:11; 1 Sam. 28:7–8; 1 Chron. 10:13; Isa. 29:4, rendering the Hebrew word ’ob, meaning “medium.” It is still used today to refer to demonically empowered divination. The exact connection of this term with the snake of the same name is uncertain.