A Greco-Roman city in northeast Greece that Paul passed through on his way to Thessalonica from Philippi on his second missionary journey (Acts 17:1). Amphipolis was the capital of the first district of Macedonia. It was located between Philippi and Thessalonica, near the Aegean Sea.

A town in eastern Macedonia visited by Paul on his second missionary journey (Acts 17:1). It is located north of the Chalcidian Mountains on the Egnatian Way between Amphipolis and Thessalonica. It is usually associated with the modern city of Pollina.

In the OT, numerous Hebrew terms are translated as “chief” or describe a chief or leader. Although the noun ’ayil literally means “ram” (the leader of a flock), it is used figuratively to refer to foreign rulers (Exod. 15:15; Josh. 13:21; 1 Chron. 1:51). The basic meaning of ro’sh is “head,” but context often allows the term to be nuanced as “leader” (Exod. 18:25; Num. 14:4; 25:4; Josh. 23:2). The patriarch of the family was considered to be its ro’sh (Exod. 6:14; Num. 7:2), as was the chief priest in relation to the people (2 Kings 25:18; 2 Chron. 19:11; Jer. 52:24). One such chief priest was Amariah, who was involved in reformations during the rule of Jehoshaphat (2 Chron. 19:11). The most common designation, however, is sar, which can be used in construct to refer to numerous professions: “prison warden” (Gen. 39:21), “chief cupbearer” (Gen. 40:2), “chief official” (Dan. 1:7). The term nagid is used frequently as a designation for a (future) king (1 Sam. 9:16; 10:1; 13:14; 25:30; 1 Kings 1:35). The term nasi’ is used in reference to tribal chiefs (Gen. 17:20; 23:6; 34:2) and aristocracy (Exod. 16:22; Josh. 9:15; 1 Chron. 2:10).

In the NT, the Greek noun archōn belongs to an extended network of words that use the prefix arch- and generally convey the meaning of “rule” or “authority.” The noun archōn is used in reference to humans, demons, and divinity. Jesus spoke of “ruling officials” who assert their authority over Gentiles, but he instructed his followers to seek the posture of servitude to others (Matt. 20:25–26). Even though Satan is called the archōn of this world (John 12:31; 14:30; 16:11; cf. Eph. 2:2), Jesus is the true archōn over all the earth (Rev. 1:5). Various individuals are referred to as “ruler of the synagogue” (archisynagōgos) in the NT. These leaders were chiefly responsible for the physical upkeep of the building and the arrangements of worship in the Jewish synagogue. Among the named leadership are Jairus in Galilee (Mark 5:21–43; Luke 8:40–56; cf. Matt. 9:18–26) and Crispus (Acts 18:8; cf. 1 Cor. 1:14) and Sosthenes in Corinth (Acts 18:17). Other administrative authorities may be understood as “eminent rulers” or “officials” (cf. Acts 16:19; 17:6).

A royal or divine command with the force of law. In the religious sense, the term “decree” is one of several synonyms that refer to divine lawgiving, as in Gen. 26:5: “Abraham obeyed me and did everything I required of him, keeping my commands, my decrees and my instructions.” Here, as in numerous other places, “decree” represents the Hebrew word khuqqah (and its related term khoq) and it stands alongside “command” (mitswah) and “law” (torah). Another word that is often juxtaposed with khuqqah or khoq is mishpat, “judgment” (see Deut. 4:1). Because “decree” is frequently conjoined to synonyms, it is difficult to distinguish within biblical legal texts between decrees and other laws. Most often, “decree” is joined with one or more of the synonyms to denote divine law in general, without specific reference to its content.

In 1 Chron. 16:16–18 “decree” is used in parallel with “covenant,” and the content is specified as the promise to Abraham and the patriarchs that they would inherit the land of Canaan.

Biblical authors particularly associate the issuing of royal decrees with the Persians, including Cyrus (Ezra 6:3), Darius (Ezra 6:12; Dan. 6:8), and Artaxerxes (Ezra 7:13; cf. 6:14). Persian royal decrees are presented as immutable, irrevocable, and enforced by harsh punishments (Esther 1:19; 8:8; Ezra 6:11; Dan. 6:8). In the book of Daniel, the Babylonian king Nebuchadnezzar rules through despotic decrees (e.g., 3:10).

The NT twice refers to Roman imperial decrees (dogma), including the ordering of a census that resulted in Jesus being born in Bethlehem (Luke 2:1; Acts 17:7).

Earliest known from Greek myth as the name of the Argonauts’ leader (Apollonius Rhodius, Argonautica), the name “Jason” was also used by Hellenistic Jews as an alternative to “Jesus/Joshua” (Josephus, Ant. 12.239). In the Bible it refers to two persons. (1) A Thessalonian who was likely a Hellenistic Jew converted under Paul’s preaching. He hosted Paul and was consequently taken into custody and posted bond (Acts 17:1–9). (2) A Jewish Christian present with Paul in Corinth when he wrote Romans (Rom. 16:21). The association of Jason with Sosipater (Rom. 16:21) and of Sopater (= Sosipater) with Thessalonica (Acts 20:4) makes it likely that he is the same Jason as in Acts 17:1–9.

Jealousy has both positive and negative connotations in the Bible. Positively, jealousy is an attribute of God, who desires the exclusive worship of his people: “Do not worship any other god, for the Lord, whose name is Jealous, is a jealous God” (Exod. 34:14; cf. Exod. 20:5; Deut. 4:24; 1 Cor. 10:22). Chief among the acts that provoke God to jealousy is the worship of idols (Deut. 32:16; Ps. 78:58), to which God responds with anger and fury (Nah. 1:2; Zeph. 1:18). God’s jealousy for his people (Joel 2:18; Zech. 1:14) is conceptually akin to the love of a husband for his wife (2 Cor. 11:2). Moreover, the language of jealousy is closely related to pious “zeal” (Num. 25:11; 1 Kings 19:10). Negatively, jealousy is a human vice. Paul lists jealousy among the “acts of the flesh” (Gal. 5:19–20; cf. 1 Cor. 3:3; Rom. 13:13). Biblical antagonists are often depicted as the victims of jealousy, including Joseph (Gen. 37:11; Acts 7:9) and Paul (Acts 17:5).

The public space in a town set up for commerce and public gatherings; also, a region renowned for its trade. Ancient Palestinian towns conducted business at the city gate, including the marshaling of troops (2 Chron. 32:6) and holding of religious assemblies (Neh. 8:1). The Phoenician seaport of Tyre was labeled the “marketplace of the nations” (Isa. 23:3), where numerous goods, such as metalwork, ivory, fine fabrics, spices, and livestock, were exchanged with neighboring nations (Ezek. 27:12–23).

By NT times, Herod the Great had rebuilt many Palestinian cities with a central Greek-style marketplace, or agora, where children played (Matt. 11:16; Luke 7:32), day laborers gathered (Matt. 20:3), and religious leaders networked (Matt. 23:7; Mark 7:4; 12:38; Luke 11:43; 20:46). In the smaller Galilean villages, Jesus healed sick people in the marketplaces (Mark 6:56). Paul suffered hostile magistrates and mobs in the Greek marketplaces of Philippi and Thessalonica (Acts 16:19; 17:5), while in Athens the marketplace was his venue for preaching to the public and curious philosophers (Acts 17:17–18). Jesus berated the sellers in the Jerusalem temple courts for imitating a marketplace (John 2:16), and Paul assured the Corinthians that they may eat meat of unknown provenance sold in the marketplace (1 Cor. 10:25).

A Pharisee commissioned by Jesus Christ to preach the gospel to Gentiles. His Jewish name was “Saul” (Acts 9:4; 13:9), but he preferred using his Roman name, especially when he signed his letters. Actually, “Paul” was his last name. Roman citizens had three names; the last name was the family name, called the “cognomen.” We do not know Paul’s first and middle Roman name, but his last name is derived from the Latin Paulus (Sergius Paulus, the proconsul of Cyprus, had the same family name [13:7]). Most people were known and called by their last name because group identity was more important in the first-century Mediterranean world than individual recognition. For example, when speaking publicly, Paul did not use his favorite self-designations, “apostle to the Gentiles” or “slave of Christ Jesus”; instead, he identified himself as a Jew, a citizen of Tarsus, a student of Gamaliel (21:39; 22:3). His social identity was embedded in his ethnicity, his nativity, his religion. However, even those categories cannot adequately describe Paul. He was a Jew but also a Roman citizen. Tarsus was his home (11:25–26), but he claimed that he was brought up in Jerusalem. He spoke Aramaic but wrote Greek letters. He was once a Pharisee but then preached a circumcision-free gospel to Gentiles. In many respects, Paul is an enigma. Who was he? What did he believe? Why did he think he had to leave his previous life in Judaism to become the apostle to the Gentiles? Why is he one of the major contributors to the NT even though he was not a follower of the historical Jesus?

Paul’s Life

Paul as a converted Pharisee. Paul spent the first half of his life as a Pharisee. The Pharisees were a Jewish sect that emphasized obedience to the law of God as the means of maintaining holiness. Practically all Jews believed that they should obey the law, but what made the Pharisees unique was their emphasis on applying all commandments, even those intended only for Levites and priests, to all Jews. For example, priests were required to keep certain rituals of hand washing before they ate (Lev. 22:1–9; cf. Exod 30:19–21; 40:31–32). So the Pharisees extended these requirements to all Israel in order to show God how serious they were about obeying the law (Mark 7:3–4). Obedience was crucial to God’s blessing; disobedience brought God’s curse. Therefore, the Pharisees established many traditions, going beyond the letter of the law, to ensure compliance. To what extent the Jewish people followed the example of the Pharisees is debated, but certainly it appeared to the people that no one was more zealous for God and his law than the Pharisees—a zeal that would compel them to join in the stoning of obvious offenders (Lev. 24:14; Acts 7:58). As a Pharisee, Paul’s zeal for the law led him to persecute Jewish Christians, not only in Jerusalem but also outside Israel, in places such as Damascus (Acts 8:3; 9:1–3; 22:4–5; Gal. 1:13–14; Phil. 3:6). Neither Paul nor Luke explains what the Pharisees found objectionable about this Jewish movement known as “the Way.” In fact, Paul’s teacher, Gamaliel, advised the Sanhedrin to ignore members of the Way and not make trouble for them (Acts 5:34–39)—advice obviously not taken by Paul. Perhaps it was Jesus’ reputation as a lawbreaker or the fact that he had died a cursed death according to the law that convinced Paul to imprison Jesus’ disciples (Deut. 21:23). Whatever the reason, Paul saw his role as persecutor of the church as the ultimate proof of his blamelessness under the law (Phil. 3:6).

After Christ appeared to Paul on the road to Damascus, everything changed: his life, his mission, his worldview (Acts 9:3–30). Paul left Pharisaism and immediately began preaching the gospel (Gal. 1:11–17). Those whom he persecuted were now friends. His zeal for the law was replaced by his zeal for Christ. It was a radical reversal. The rumor spread quickly: “The man who formerly persecuted us is now preaching the faith he once tried to destroy” (Gal. 1:23). Why the sudden change? Some think that it is what Paul saw—the glorified Messiah—that changed his perspective. The resurrection of Christ turned the curse of the cross into a blessing, death into life, shame into honor. The appearance of Christ (Christophany) was a revelation, an apocalypse, an end-of-the-world event for Paul. Old things passed away; everything became new (2 Cor. 5:17). What was divided under the old age of the law—Jews and Gentiles, male and female, slave and free—was united in Christ. Other scholars emphasize it is what Paul heard during the Christophany that changed the course of his life. Paul interpreted Christ’s charge, “Go, preach to the Gentiles,” as a prophetic calling, perhaps even fulfilling Isaiah’s end-time vision of salvation of the whole world (Isa. 49:1–7; Gal. 1:15–16). Thus, Paul’s westward push to take the gospel to the coastlands (Spain) was by divine design (Rom. 15:15–24). God commissioned Saul the Pharisee of the Jews to become Paul the apostle to the Gentiles because “the culmination of the ages has come” (1 Cor. 10:11).

Paul’s ministry. By our best estimates, Paul spent about thirty years preaching the gospel of Jesus Christ (AD 34–67)—a ministry that can be divided roughly into three decades. The first decade of his ministry (AD 34–46) has been called the “silent years,” as we have few details from Acts or the Pauline Epistles about his activities. For example, we know that he preached in Damascus for a while and spent some time in Arabia (a total of three years [Gal. 1:17–18]). He made a quick trip to Jerusalem to meet Peter and James the brother of Jesus. Then he returned home to Tarsus, evidently preaching there for several years, until Barnabas brought him to Antioch in Syria to help with the ministry of this mixed congregation of Jews and Gentiles (Acts 9:26–30; 11:25–26). In the second decade of his ministry (AD 46–59), Paul spent most of his life on the road, an itinerant ministry of preaching the gospel and planting churches from Cyprus to Corinth. For most of the third decade (AD 59–67), Paul ministered the gospel from prison, spending over two years imprisoned in Caesarea, another two to three years in a Roman prison (Acts ends here), released for a brief time (two years?) before his final arrest and imprisonment in Rome, where, according to church tradition, he was executed.

During his itinerant ministry, Paul traveled Roman roads that led him to free cities (Ephesus, Thessalonica, Athens) and Roman colonies (Pisidian Antioch, Iconium, Lystra, Derbe, Troas, Philippi, Corinth). Founding churches in urban centers afforded Paul more opportunities for ministry and for his work of making and repairing tents. Traveling within the borders of the Roman Empire also provided a better chance of protection as a citizen. At first, Paul and Barnabas covered familiar territory: Cyprus (Barnabas’s home region) and Anatolia (Paul’s home region). Then, with successive journeys Paul and other missionary companions branched out to Asia Minor, Macedonia, and Achaia. Some of the towns that Paul visited were small and provincial (Derbe, Lystra); others were major cities of great economic and intellectual commerce (Ephesus, Corinth, Athens). In the midst of such cultural diversity, Paul found receptive ears among a variety of ethnic groups: Gauls, Phrygians and Lycaonians, Greeks, Romans, and Jews. Previously, Paul’s Gentile converts had worshiped many gods (local, ethnic, and imperial), offered sacrifices at many shrines and temples, and joined in all the religious festivals (often involving immoral and ungodly practices). After believing the gospel, Paul’s predominantly Gentile churches turned from their idolatrous ways to serve “the living and true God” (1 Thess. 1:9). Their exclusive devotion to one God quickly led to economic and political problems, for both Paul’s converts and the cities of their residence. No more offerings for patron gods, no more support for local synagogues or the imperial cult—Paul’s converts were often persecuted for their newly found faith by local religious guilds (idol makers!) and civic leaders courting Roman favor (Acts 17:6–9; 19:23–41; Phil. 1:27–30; 1 Thess. 2:14–16). Indeed, Paul often was run out of town as a troublemaker who preached a message that threatened both the Jewish and the Roman ways of life (Acts 16:19–24; Phil. 3:17–4:1). It is no wonder that Paul’s activities eventually landed him in a Roman prison. It was only a matter of time before his reputation as a “lawbreaker” caught up with him (Acts 21:21). But that did not stop Paul. Whether as a prisoner or a free man, Paul proclaimed the gospel of Jesus Christ until the day he died.

Paul’s Gospel

The sources of Paul’s gospel. Paul ministered his entire life without the benefit of literary Gospels. Most scholars think that the earliest Gospel, Mark, was written about the time that Paul was martyred. Since Paul was not a disciple of Jesus and probably never heard him speak or witnessed his earthly ministry, how did Paul know what to preach? Where did Paul get his gospel? Paul mentioned four sources. First, he received oral traditions about Jesus from other Christians (1 Cor. 15:1–7). For him, hearing what happened during the Lord’s Supper from those who followed Jesus was the same as receiving it from the Lord (1 Cor. 11:23). Second, the Hebrew Scriptures were a major source of Paul’s gospel (Acts 17:2). Illumined by the Holy Spirit, Paul saw the gospel proclaimed in the law (Rom. 10:6–8) and predicted by the prophets (15:12). Third, in addition to the Christophany on the road to Damascus, Paul experienced revelations of Christ as epiphanies of the gospel (Acts 18:9–10; 26:18). This gave Paul the authority to claim that he received his gospel preeminently from Christ (Gal. 1:1, 16; 2:2). Fourth, Paul saw life experiences as a resource for the gospel (2 Cor. 12:7–10). As Paul made sense of what happened to him, he shared these insights with his converts as proof that “Christ is speaking through me” (2 Cor. 13:3–4). Indeed, Paul’s ways of doing the gospel were to be taught in all the churches as gospel truth (1 Cor. 4:17), because as far as Paul was concerned, the gospel of Jesus Christ was the gospel according to Paul.

The death and resurrection of Jesus Christ. The center of Paul’s gospel was the death and resurrection of Jesus. The essence of what he preached was “Jesus Christ and him crucified” (1 Cor. 2:2). Furthermore, the resurrection of Christ was indispensable to the gospel that Paul proclaimed. Without the resurrection, Paul argued, faith in Christ would be vain because believers would still be dead in their sins with no hope of life after death—the resurrection of their bodies (1 Cor. 15:13–19). Exploring the center, Paul used several metaphors drawn from everyday life to explain the significance of Christ’s work on the cross. Paul used legal terms such as “justification”/“righteousness,” “law,” and “condemnation” when he explained how sinners are justified by faith in Christ. Paul described the implications of Christ’s death in religious terms, using words such as “sacrifice,” “sin,” “propitiation”/“expiation” (NIV: “sacrifice of atonement”), and “temple,” which would make sense to both Jews and Gentiles. He also borrowed words from the world of commerce, such as “redemption,” “purchase,” and “slave,” especially when he emphasized the obedience of Christ, of Paul, of all believers. He even used military terms to describe how God turned enemies into friends through the cross: the “reconciliation” that came through the “victory” of Christ’s death when he “disarmed” the “powers.”

Paul also relied heavily on Jewish theology as he sorted out the work of God in Christ Jesus. Paul was a monotheist but attributed divine status to Jesus (Phil. 2:6). Paul believed that Israel was God’s chosen people but maintained that his Gentile converts were the elect, calling them the “Israel of God” (Gal. 6:16). Paul affirmed the law was holy but argued that holiness came only through the indwelling Spirit (Rom. 7:12; 1 Thess. 4:7–8). Paul believed that the Messiah’s appearance would bring about the end of the world but looked forward to Christ’s parousia (“appearance”) at the end of time. In other words, the person and work of Christ formed the lens through which Paul interpreted the Bible and made sense of the world. Indeed, Paul’s gospel was built on a foundation of Jewish doctrine, Jesus tradition, and religious experience.

A way of life. For Paul, the gospel was more than a set of beliefs; it was a way of life. To believe in Christ Jesus not only entailed accepting his sacrificial death as atonement for sin but also meant following Christ by taking up his cross—a life of sacrifice. Paul believed that he experienced the cross of Christ every time he endured hardship, every time he was persecuted, every time he suffered loss (Phil. 3:7–11). And it was in the crucified life that Paul found resurrection power (3:12–21). The gospel was the divine paradigm for living. What happened to Christ is what happened to Paul, and what happened to Paul is what would happen to all his converts. “Follow my example,” he wrote, “as I follow the example of Christ” (1 Cor. 11:1). In fact, Paul believed that all Christians were constantly being conformed to the image of God’s Son (Rom. 8:29). He was convinced that God would finish what he had started: the perfecting of his converts until the day of Christ’s return and the resurrection of every believer (Phil. 1:6; 3:21). The only thing that his converts needed to imitate Christ was the indwelling power of his Spirit (the Holy Spirit), the example of Paul’s life, and a letter every now and then from their apostle.

Paul’s Letters

Paul sent letters to churches and individuals to inform his converts of his situation, offer encouragement, answer questions, and address problems that developed while he was away. There are thirteen letters of Paul in the New Testament. Nine were written to churches or groups of churches (Romans; 1 and 2 Corinthians; Galatians; Ephesians; Philippians; Colossions; 1 and 2 Thessalonians) and four to individuals (1 and 2 Timothy; Titus; Philemon).

Paul the apostle. In most of his letters, Paul was on the defense: defending his apostleship, defending his itinerary, defending his gospel. Evidently, Paul’s opponents questioned whether Paul deserved to be called “apostle,” since he had not followed the historical Jesus and used to persecute the church (1 Cor. 15:8–9). According to Acts, when the first Christians decided to replace Judas Iscariot as one of the twelve apostles, they established the following criterion: the candidate must have been a follower of Jesus from his baptism to his ascension (Acts 1:21–22). Two men were qualified; one was chosen by divine lot, implying that there could be only twelve. Did the early church’s decision to recognize only twelve apostles define apostleship once and for all? Paul did not think so. He recognized the significance of the Twelve, but he believed that there were other apostles as well: Bar-na-bas, James the brother of Jesus, and himself (1 Cor. 15:5–9; Gal. 2:8–9). Paul knew that there were false apostles causing trouble in the churches (2 Cor. 11:13), some even carrying “letters of recommendation” (2 Cor. 3:1). But only those who had seen the resurrected Christ and were commissioned by him to preach the gospel were legitimate apostles (1 Cor. 9:1–2). The signs of apostleship were evident when the commission was fulfilled: planting churches and dispensing the Spirit (2 Cor. 3:2; 12:12; Gal. 3:5). Of all people, Paul’s converts should have never questioned the authority of their apostle. They were the proof of his apostleship.

Although Paul never mentioned this, the fact that he sent letters is evidence of his apostleship. Paul believed that the obedience of Gentile converts was his responsibility, a confirmation of his calling (Rom. 15:18–19). So he sent letters to make sure that they were keeping the traditions that he had taught them (1 Cor. 11:2). Sometimes, all that his readers needed was a little encouragement to keep up the good work (most of 1 Thessalonians and 2 Timothy are exhortations to keep doing what they were doing) or a more detailed explanation of what they already knew (Ephesians, Philippians, 1 Timothy, Titus). Many times, Paul sent letters to correct major problems within his churches. For example, some of the Galatians were submitting to the law and being circumcised (Gal. 4:21; 5:2–7). Some of the Colossians were involved in strange practices of asceticism and angel worship (Col. 2:16–23). Some of the Thessalonians had quit working for a living (2 Thess. 3:6–15). And, worst of all, the Corinthians were plagued with all kinds of problems: factions, lawsuits, incest, prostitutes, idolatry. Some of the Corinthians were also espousing false theological ideas, such as denying the resurrection (1 Cor. 15:12). Other churches had problems sorting out Paul’s theology as well. For example, the Thessalonians were confused about life after death, end times, and the return of Christ (1 Thess. 4:13–18; 2 Thess. 2:1–12), and the Romans needed, among other things, instruction about the role of Israel in the last days (Rom. 9:1–11:32). The fact that Paul felt obliged to send his lengthiest letter, loaded with some of his most sophisticated theological arguments, to the church in Rome, which he did not start and had not visited, says much about the way Paul saw the authority of his apostleship. Because he was the apostle to the Gentiles, Paul operated as if he were the mentor of all churches with Gentile members.

Church unity. Paul believed in the unity of the church. Indeed, he used several metaphors to help his readers see why it was important that one Lord and one faith should form one church. He described the church as a temple (1 Cor. 3:16–17), a family (Eph. 2:19), and a body—his favorite metaphor (1 Cor. 12:12–27). He warned of desecrating the temple with divisive teaching and immoral behavior (1 Cor. 3:1–6:20). He rebuked his children when they refused to obey him as their father (1 Cor. 3:14–21) or mother (Gal. 4:19–20). And, more than any other analogy, Paul likened the church to a human body that could be maimed by prejudice and threatened by sickness (1 Cor. 11:17–34). To him, a dismembered body was an unholy body; a segregated church meant that Christ was divided (1 Cor. 1:10–13). The ethnic, religious, social, political, geographical, and economic differences evident in one of the most diverse collections of people in the first-century Mediterranean world made Paul’s vision of a unified church appear like an impossible dream. Yet the apostle to the Gentiles believed that the unity of the body of Christ was indispensable not only to his mission but also to the gospel of Jesus Christ (Eph. 4:1–6). So he collected a relief offering among his Gentile converts to help poor Jewish Christians in Jerusalem (Rom. 15:26–27). He taught masters to treat their slaves like siblings (Philem. 16). And he solicited Romans to fund his mission trip to Spain (Rom. 15:24). As far as Paul was concerned, the gospel brought down every wall that divides humanity because all people need salvation in Christ (Eph. 2:14–18).

Conclusion

Paul was a tentmaker, a missionary, a writer, a preacher, a teacher, a theologian, an evangelist, a mentor, a prophet, a miracle worker, a prisoner, and a martyr. His life story reads like the tale of three different men: a devout Pharisee, a tireless traveler, an ambitious writer. He knew the Scriptures better than did most people. He saw more of the world than did most merchants. He wrote some of the longest letters known at that time. To his converts, he was a faithful friend. To his opponents, he was an irrepressible troublemaker. But, according to Paul, he was nothing more or less than the man whom God had called through Jesus Christ to take the gospel to the ends of the earth.

A transliteration of the Greek word synagōgē, meaning “gathering, assembly, meeting.” In English, the word “synagogue” refers either to a Jewish congregation or to the place where that congregation meets. Synagogues of the biblical era functioned as both religious and civic centers for the Jewish community.

Origins

The origin of synagogues is uncertain. The earliest archaeological evidence is from Egypt in the third century BC, consisting of inscriptions and a papyrus letter. The oldest architectural find is from the island of Delos in the Aegean Sea, although whether this was constructed as a synagogue or redesigned into one is unknown, as is whether it was Jewish or Samaritan. The oldest structures yet found in Israel consist of two rooms at Qumran and the synagogue at Gamla, which date from the late first century BC. In Capernaum, the basalt synagogue was built by a Gentile centurion for the community in the first century AD (Luke 7:1–5).

By that time, synagogues were well attested in Israel, elsewhere in the Roman Empire, and in Egypt (Matt. 4:23; Luke 4:44; Acts 9:2; 17:10, 16–17; 18:8, 19). Synagogues were found wherever there were communities of Jews, in cities and rural areas alike. Especially in Diaspora settings or remote locations, they were the heart of Jewish life. Several hypotheses have been suggested to account for their apparently sudden appearance.

Some believe that synagogues were developed during the Babylonian captivity as the response of the exile community to the destruction of their temple and sacrificial system. Despite these enormous losses, the Jews still had the Torah, and from that point forward worship and prayer based on the reading and studying of the Scriptures, which could be done locally, began to gain ascendancy. Critics of this idea, however, point out that while it makes sense, there is no direct evidence to support it.

Others think that the spread of Hellenism in the second century BC precipitated a crisis of identity among Jews. For example, 1 Maccabees reports with distress that some Jews had abandoned the covenant and teamed with the Hellenists, even going so far as to build a Greek-style gymnasium in Jerusalem (1:11–15). Thus, the thought is that synagogues were a form of resistance to the overwhelming and perversely appealing cultural changes of the day.

More recently, it has been suggested that synagogues were the gradual successors to functions that had previously taken place at city gates. First-century synagogues served a wide range of functions for the community. Throughout Israel’s prior history, however, these same activities—assembly, legal, social, educational, and religious—had taken place at the city gate (Deut. 12:15; 2 Sam. 15:2; 2 Kings 23:8; Neh. 8:1–8). The Gamla synagogue sits against the east city wall next to a probable gate, and its location could be evidence of the slow development of the synagogue as city gates changed from multipurpose facilities to portals of ingress and egress.

First-Century Synagogues

First-century synagogues served as integrated centers supporting Jewish life. Regular communal reading and exposition of Scripture, including teaching and discussion of the law and transmission of its complex associated traditions (Luke 4:16; Acts 13:14–15), occurred there. Although formal liturgical rites evolved after the destruction of the temple in AD 70, synagogues were places of prayer in the first century (Matt. 6:5). Synagogues also served as courtrooms and places where crimes were punished (Acts 22:19), as well as locations for common meals and festivals (see Acts 6:2).

Synagogues were administered by local community leaders, including a president and a board (Acts 13:15). Synagogue leaders named in the NT include Jairus (Mark 5:22; Luke 8:41), Crispus (Acts 18:8), and Sosthenes (Acts 18:17). The role of the leader was to preside over services, to rule as the judge in court cases, to represent the community, and often to act as a patron. The board served in an advisory role and assisted with teaching. A scribe maintained community records and taught.

Congregations included Pharisees, who advocated strict adherence to the law, although they were chided by Jesus for their false piety (Luke 11:42–44). Women participated in the synagogue along with the men, and in some cases they were financial donors (cf. Luke 8:3). God-fearing Gentiles were welcomed (Acts 17:17). In Jerusalem, synagogues included both Hebrews and Jews from the Diaspora (Acts 6:1, 9).

A synagogue could be a designated room in a house or a discrete building. Most of the better archaeological evidence is later than the first century and reveals more clearly religious intentionality in design than may have been characteristic earlier. This evidence includes the door facing Jerusalem, artistic temple motifs, a niche for the Torah scrolls, and perimeter bench seating around an open central hall.

The Synagogue in the Bible

Since synagogues were institutions with a documented history no earlier than the third century BC, they are not mentioned in the OT. The Greek word from which the English one is derived does appear frequently in the LXX, but always with a general reference to a gathering, assembly, or meeting.

Rabbinic history (but not Scripture) makes reference to the “Great Synagogue,” meaning a group of men who transmitted traditions from the prophets to the earliest named rabbinic teachers. It is loosely based on Neh. 8–10, which describes the prayers and actions of the Jewish leaders who had returned from exile.

Synagogues frequently were locations of the teaching and healing ministry of Jesus. He began preaching the kingdom of God, teaching, and performing healing miracles in Galilean synagogues (Matt. 4:23; 9:35; 12:9; 13:54; Mark 1:21–29, 39; 3:1; 6:2; Luke 4:15–38, 44; 6:6–11; 13:10–17; John 6:59; 18:20). Later, the apostle Paul customarily initiated his mission work in the local synagogue at each of his destinations (Acts 9:19–20; 13:5, 14–15; 14:1; 17:1, 10, 17; 18:1–8; 19:8).

The last (and, from a twenty-first-century perspective, most controversial) use of the word “synagogue” in Scripture is the difficult phrase “synagogue of Satan” (Rev. 2:9; 3:9), which must be read in its context. This was written in response to the significant persecution in Asia Minor of the churches at Smyrna and Philadelphia by Jews who were in collusion with the Roman authorities. They were falsely accusing Jewish and Gentile Christian believers, creating unspeakable suffering for them. This phrase, intended to encourage Christian perseverance, implies that the churches in view represented true Israel, while their accusers were false Jews. Similar language was used by the covenant-keeping community in Qumran when, in the DSS, it referred to apostate Jews as a “congregation of Belial” and an “assembly of hypocrites” (1QHa 10:22; 15:34).

The Bible has much to say about suffering. While in the OT suffering is regularly an indication of divine displeasure (Lev. 26:16–36; Deut. 28:20–68; Ps. 44:10–12; Isa. 1:25; cf. Heb. 10:26–31), in the NT it becomes the means by which blessing comes to humanity.

The Bible often shows that sinfulness results in suffering (Gen. 2:17; 6:5–7; Exod. 32:33; 2 Sam. 12:13–18; Rom. 1:18; 1 Cor. 11:27–30). Job’s friends mistakenly assume that he has suffered because of disobedience (Job 4:7–9; 8:3–4, 20; 11:6). Job passionately defends himself (12:4; 23:10), and in the final chapter of the book God commends Job and condemns his friends for their accusations (42:7–8; cf. 1:1, 22; 2:10). The writer makes clear that suffering is not necessarily evidence of sinfulness. Like Job’s friends, Jesus’ disciples assume that blindness is an indication of sinfulness (John 9:1–2). Jesus rejects this simplistic notion of retributive suffering (John 9:3, 6–7; cf. Luke 13:1–5).

The prayers of suffering people are expressed in the sixteen communal and thirty-seven individual laments in the book of Psalms. Within the laments the writers describe their problems, express feelings, make requests, ask questions (“How long, Lord?” [13:1]; “Why have you forsaken me?” [22:1]), and lodge complaints against God (“My eyes fail, looking for my God [69:3]), enemies (“You have made us an object of derision to our neighbors, and our enemies mock us” [80:6]), and even themselves (“I am a worm and not a man” [22:6]).

The NT writers reveal that Jesus’ suffering was prophesied in the OT (Mark 9:12; 14:21; Luke 18:31–32; 24:46; Acts 3:18; 17:3; 26:22–23; 1 Pet. 1:11; referring to OT texts such as Ps. 22; Isa. 52:13–53:12; Zech. 13:7). The Lord Jesus is presented as the answer to human suffering: (1) Through the incarnation, God’s Son personally experienced human suffering (Phil. 2:6–8; Heb. 2:9; 5:8). (2) Through his suffering, Christ paid the price for sin (Rom. 4:25; 3:25–26), so that believers are set free from sin (Rom. 6:6, 18, 22) and helped in temptation (Heb. 2:18). (3) Christ Jesus intercedes for his suffering followers (Rom. 8:34–35). (4) Christ is the example in suffering (1 Pet. 2:21; 4:1; cf. Phil. 3:10; 2 Cor. 1:5; 4:10; 1 Pet. 4:13), and though he died once for sins (Heb. 10:12), he continues to suffer as his church suffers (Acts 9:4–5). (5) Christ provides hope of resurrection (Rom. 6:5; 1 Cor. 15:20–26; Phil. 3:10–11) and a future life without suffering or death (Rev. 21:4).

There are many NT examples of suffering believers (John 15:20–21; Acts 4:3; 5:18; 7:57–60; 8:1–3; 12:1–5; 14:19; 16:22–24; 18:17; 2 Cor. 6:4–5, 8–10; Heb. 10:32; 1 Pet. 5:9; Rev. 2:10). Suffering is part of God’s plan for his people (Acts 9:16; 1 Thess. 3:2–4) and is part of what it means to be a follower of Christ Jesus (Acts 14:22; Rom. 8:17; Phil. 1:29; 1 Pet. 2:21; 4:12).

The NT writers repeatedly mention the benefits of suffering, for it has become part of God’s work of redemption. The suffering of believers accompanies the proclamation and advancement of the gospel (Acts 5:41–42; 9:15–16; 2 Cor. 4:10–11; 6:2–10; Phil. 1:12, 27–29; 1 Thess. 2:14–16; 2 Tim. 1:8; 4:5) and results in salvation (Matt. 10:22; 2 Cor. 1:6; 1 Thess. 2:16; 2 Tim. 2:10; Heb. 10:39), faith (Heb. 10:32–34, 38–39; 1 Pet. 1:7), the kingdom of God (Acts 14:22), resurrection from the dead (Phil. 3:10–11), and the crown of life (Rev. 2:10). It is an essential part of the development toward Christian maturity (Rom. 5:3–4; 2 Cor. 4:11; Heb. 12:4; James 1:3–4; 1 Pet. 1:7; 4:1).

Suffering is associated with knowing Christ (Phil. 3:10); daily inward renewal (2 Cor. 4:16); purity, understanding, patience, kindness, sincere love, truthful speech, the power of God (2 Cor. 4:4–10); comfort and endurance (2 Cor. 1:6); obedience (Heb. 5:8); blessing (1 Pet. 3:14; 4:14); glory (Rom. 8:17; 2 Cor. 4:17); and joy (Matt. 5:12; Acts 5:41; 2 Cor. 6:10; 12:10; James 1:2; 1 Pet. 1:6; 4:13). Other positive results of Christian suffering include perseverance (Rom. 5:3; James 1:3), character and hope (Rom. 5:4), strength (2 Cor. 12:10), and maturity and completeness (James 1:4). Present suffering is light and momentary when compared to future glory (Matt. 5:10–12; Acts 14:22; Rom. 8:18; 2 Cor. 4:17; Heb. 10:34–36; 1 Pet. 1:5–7; 4:12–13).

Throughout the Bible, believers are instructed to help those who suffer. The OT law provides principles for assisting the poor, the disadvantaged, and the oppressed (Exod. 20:10; 21:2; 23:11; Lev. 19:13, 34; 25:10, 35; Deut. 14:28–29; 15:1–2; 24:19–21). Jesus regularly taught his followers to help the poor (Matt. 5:42; 6:3; 19:21; 25:34–36; Luke 4:18; 12:33; 14:13, 21). It is believers’ responsibility to show mercy (Matt. 5:7; 9:13), be generous (Rom. 12:8; 2 Cor. 8:7; 1 Tim. 6:18), mourn with mourners (Rom. 12:15), carry other’s burdens (Gal. 6:1–2), and visit prisoners (Matt. 25:36, 43). See also Servant of the Lord.

A transliteration of the Greek word synagōgē, meaning “gathering, assembly, meeting.” In English, the word “synagogue” refers either to a Jewish congregation or to the place where that congregation meets. Synagogues of the biblical era functioned as both religious and civic centers for the Jewish community.

Origins

The origin of synagogues is uncertain. The earliest archaeological evidence is from Egypt in the third century BC, consisting of inscriptions and a papyrus letter. The oldest architectural find is from the island of Delos in the Aegean Sea, although whether this was constructed as a synagogue or redesigned into one is unknown, as is whether it was Jewish or Samaritan. The oldest structures yet found in Israel consist of two rooms at Qumran and the synagogue at Gamla, which date from the late first century BC. In Capernaum, the basalt synagogue was built by a Gentile centurion for the community in the first century AD (Luke 7:1–5).

By that time, synagogues were well attested in Israel, elsewhere in the Roman Empire, and in Egypt (Matt. 4:23; Luke 4:44; Acts 9:2; 17:10, 16–17; 18:8, 19). Synagogues were found wherever there were communities of Jews, in cities and rural areas alike. Especially in Diaspora settings or remote locations, they were the heart of Jewish life. Several hypotheses have been suggested to account for their apparently sudden appearance.

Some believe that synagogues were developed during the Babylonian captivity as the response of the exile community to the destruction of their temple and sacrificial system. Despite these enormous losses, the Jews still had the Torah, and from that point forward worship and prayer based on the reading and studying of the Scriptures, which could be done locally, began to gain ascendancy. Critics of this idea, however, point out that while it makes sense, there is no direct evidence to support it.

Others think that the spread of Hellenism in the second century BC precipitated a crisis of identity among Jews. For example, 1 Maccabees reports with distress that some Jews had abandoned the covenant and teamed with the Hellenists, even going so far as to build a Greek-style gymnasium in Jerusalem (1:11–15). Thus, the thought is that synagogues were a form of resistance to the overwhelming and perversely appealing cultural changes of the day.

More recently, it has been suggested that synagogues were the gradual successors to functions that had previously taken place at city gates. First-century synagogues served a wide range of functions for the community. Throughout Israel’s prior history, however, these same activities—assembly, legal, social, educational, and religious—had taken place at the city gate (Deut. 12:15; 2 Sam. 15:2; 2 Kings 23:8; Neh. 8:1–8). The Gamla synagogue sits against the east city wall next to a probable gate, and its location could be evidence of the slow development of the synagogue as city gates changed from multipurpose facilities to portals of ingress and egress.

First-Century Synagogues

First-century synagogues served as integrated centers supporting Jewish life. Regular communal reading and exposition of Scripture, including teaching and discussion of the law and transmission of its complex associated traditions (Luke 4:16; Acts 13:14–15), occurred there. Although formal liturgical rites evolved after the destruction of the temple in AD 70, synagogues were places of prayer in the first century (Matt. 6:5). Synagogues also served as courtrooms and places where crimes were punished (Acts 22:19), as well as locations for common meals and festivals (see Acts 6:2).

Synagogues were administered by local community leaders, including a president and a board (Acts 13:15). Synagogue leaders named in the NT include Jairus (Mark 5:22; Luke 8:41), Crispus (Acts 18:8), and Sosthenes (Acts 18:17). The role of the leader was to preside over services, to rule as the judge in court cases, to represent the community, and often to act as a patron. The board served in an advisory role and assisted with teaching. A scribe maintained community records and taught.

Congregations included Pharisees, who advocated strict adherence to the law, although they were chided by Jesus for their false piety (Luke 11:42–44). Women participated in the synagogue along with the men, and in some cases they were financial donors (cf. Luke 8:3). God-fearing Gentiles were welcomed (Acts 17:17). In Jerusalem, synagogues included both Hebrews and Jews from the Diaspora (Acts 6:1, 9).

A synagogue could be a designated room in a house or a discrete building. Most of the better archaeological evidence is later than the first century and reveals more clearly religious intentionality in design than may have been characteristic earlier. This evidence includes the door facing Jerusalem, artistic temple motifs, a niche for the Torah scrolls, and perimeter bench seating around an open central hall.

The Synagogue in the Bible

Since synagogues were institutions with a documented history no earlier than the third century BC, they are not mentioned in the OT. The Greek word from which the English one is derived does appear frequently in the LXX, but always with a general reference to a gathering, assembly, or meeting.

Rabbinic history (but not Scripture) makes reference to the “Great Synagogue,” meaning a group of men who transmitted traditions from the prophets to the earliest named rabbinic teachers. It is loosely based on Neh. 8–10, which describes the prayers and actions of the Jewish leaders who had returned from exile.

Synagogues frequently were locations of the teaching and healing ministry of Jesus. He began preaching the kingdom of God, teaching, and performing healing miracles in Galilean synagogues (Matt. 4:23; 9:35; 12:9; 13:54; Mark 1:21–29, 39; 3:1; 6:2; Luke 4:15–38, 44; 6:6–11; 13:10–17; John 6:59; 18:20). Later, the apostle Paul customarily initiated his mission work in the local synagogue at each of his destinations (Acts 9:19–20; 13:5, 14–15; 14:1; 17:1, 10, 17; 18:1–8; 19:8).

The last (and, from a twenty-first-century perspective, most controversial) use of the word “synagogue” in Scripture is the difficult phrase “synagogue of Satan” (Rev. 2:9; 3:9), which must be read in its context. This was written in response to the significant persecution in Asia Minor of the churches at Smyrna and Philadelphia by Jews who were in collusion with the Roman authorities. They were falsely accusing Jewish and Gentile Christian believers, creating unspeakable suffering for them. This phrase, intended to encourage Christian perseverance, implies that the churches in view represented true Israel, while their accusers were false Jews. Similar language was used by the covenant-keeping community in Qumran when, in the DSS, it referred to apostate Jews as a “congregation of Belial” and an “assembly of hypocrites” (1QHa 10:22; 15:34).

Founded in 315 BC by the general Kassandros, the city of Thessalonica is located on the eastern coast of Macedonia, on the western shore of the Aegean Sea. The city was well situated for trade, both as a port for seagoing trade vessels along the Aegean and for land trade along the Via Egnatia. The city is approximately 77 miles from Philippi, also on the Via Egnatia, and 320 miles from Athens in the south of Greece. No doubt the apostle Paul traveled from Asia Minor to Philippi to reach several major cities on this route, going through Amphipolis and Apollonia to come to Thessalonica, where the Via Egnatia then turns westward.

Paul had not been well received by many in the city of Philippi, and after being escorted out of town there, he made his way to Thessalonica (Acts 17:1). As was his custom, he went to the synagogue of the Jews. Paul planted a church here after preaching only a few weeks. Though it is not certain from the account in Acts 17 just how long Paul spent in Thessalonica, the text leaves the impression that his time there was short, cut off due to opposition.

After Paul was ill treated in Thessalonica, he went to Berea. According to Luke, the Jews in Berea were more noble than those in Thessalonica because they were willing to search the Scriptures and test what Paul was saying to them (Acts 17:11). In fact, the Jewish leaders in Thessalonica were so upset by the message of Paul that they followed Paul and company to Berea to stir up trouble there (17:13).

Because his visit had been cut short, Paul was concerned about the spiritual condition of the church. After sending Timothy to check on their welfare, he was elated to find this church walking faithfully.

The two final references in the NT to Thessalonica note that Paul was sent a gift from those in the church of Philippi when he was in Thessalonica (Phil. 4:16), and when Demas abandoned Paul, Demas then went to Thessalonica (2 Tim. 4:10).

This book, commonly referred to simply as Acts, is the sequel to the Gospel of Luke and records the exciting history of the first three decades of the early church. The book begins with the ascension of Jesus, followed by his sending of the Holy Spirit, and ends with the gospel message being proclaimed by Paul as a prisoner in the capital city of the Roman Empire. In the pages in between, the reader is introduced to the key people, places, and events of this strategic and crucial time of Christian history. The book of Acts provides insightful and inspiring reading. It forms the backdrop for understanding much of the NT (especially Paul’s letters), and it provides important models for the contemporary church.

Historical Background

In order to understand the book of Acts, one must become familiar with its historical background. This includes understanding the book’s authorship, recipients, and setting. In terms of authorship, the book technically is anonymous; however, there are good reasons for holding to church history’s traditional view that its author is Luke. This tradition dates back to the early second century and is supported by internal evidence. This evidence further reveals that Luke was a physician and close companion of the apostle Paul (in fact, Luke was actually with Paul for some of the events that he records in Acts; see the “we” passages, found in 16:10–17; 20:5–15; 21:8–18; 27:1–28:16). Luke was well educated, well traveled, and familiar with both the Jewish and the Greco-​Roman worlds. He was a Hellenistic God-fearer and a Christian. He was also familiar with the Jewish Scriptures, Greco-Roman rhetoric, and ancient histories, thus making him the perfect candidate to write an accurate history of early Christianity.

The specific recipient of Acts is Theophilus (1:1). Theophilus could be characterized as a relatively new believer of high social status, a person educated in Greco-Roman rhetoric and history, and one who possessed the financial means to promote and publish Luke’s work (both the Gospel of Luke and Acts). It is probable that in some way Theophilus served as a bridge to a wider readership. It seems likely that Theophilus was Luke’s ideal reader (i.e., an influential Greco-Roman of high social standing).

The specific setting of Acts is difficult to determine; however, it seems clear that the book was written during a time of crisis for the church. This crisis involved persecution and slander of Christians by both Jews and Gentiles. Both groups were trying to persuade public opinion against Christianity, including the opinion of Greco-Roman authorities. The persecution and slander were taking their toll on the church, and many Christians were demoralized and struggling to remain faithful as witnesses of Jesus. Christianity needed someone to write a response to this crisis. This response had to do three things: (1) accurately relate the history of the church to influential Greco-Romans of high social status; (2) show that Christianity was an ancient religion (ancient religions were considered to be legitimate by Roman authorities) and an asset to the Roman Empire, not a threat; (3) legitimize Christianity over against Judaism. The author of this reponse had to be someone who was respected both inside and outside of the Christian faith community, who knew the church’s history well, and who was educated in Greco-Roman rhetoric. What better authorial candidate than Luke? Finally, the church also needed a person of high social status and financial means to help publish and promote the work; thus, Theophilus was chosen.

Purpose

The book of Acts was written for a variety of purposes. These include apologetics, legitimization, discipleship, and witness to salvation. The apologetic purpose of Acts focuses on how Christianity could be recognized as an ancient, honorable, and officially protected religion in the Roman Empire. Although Judaism had the status of religio licita (legal religion) with Roman authorities for most of the first century, Christianity encountered serious problems in this respect. Acts itself reveals a substantial amount of such evidence in this regard. For example, 16:20–21 shows that at Philippi, Paul and Silas were charged with disturbing the peace by advocating unlawful customs. In Thessalonica, the missionaries were accused of defying Caesar by promoting another king named “Jesus” (17:7). At Corinth, the charge was that of persuading the people toward unlawful worship (18:13). Later in Acts, Paul was charged by the Jewish priestly leaders with being part of an unacceptable sect that was stirring up riots in Jewish communities (24:5–9). In 28:22, when Paul addressed the Roman Jews, they responded by saying that “people everywhere are talking against this sect [Christianity].” Such accusations, accompanied by the fact that Christianity’s founder had been crucified by Roman authorities, made it difficult for the Christians to gain credibility. Christianity’s precarious position with Rome was further exacerbated by a strong Jewish campaign to separate from Christians and to label them as sectarian. This strategy certainly intended for Christianity to be viewed by Rome as religio illicita (illegal or forbidden religion). Thus, Luke writes Acts to defend Christianity by showing that it is not a replacement of Judaism, but rather its legitimate continuation. Therefore, it should be accepted by the Roman authorities as a legal religion just as Judaism was accepted.

Luke’s apologetic message also appears to be directed inwardly, to a struggling church. This inward focus leads to Luke’s next main purpose: legitimization of the Christian faith for its adherents. As part of his defense, Luke intends to equip the church in the midst of an identity crisis due to the constant threats of illegitimacy. This explains Luke’s strategy of retelling the story of the church’s origins so that followers of Christ would understand their true position from God’s perspective. Thus, Luke verifies four things: (1) the Jewish Scriptures prophesied a coming messiah, and Jesus matched these prophecies; (2) the resurrection was foretold in Scripture and verified by eyewitnesses; (3) it was God’s plan all along for Gentiles to be included in God’s redemptive work; (4) Jews who rejected Jesus were acting in the same way their ancestors did; therefore, believers should not be surprised by their negative reaction to Jesus. Luke uses stories such as the one in Acts 2:41–47 to verify that salvation was genuinely being accomplished in the church and that Christians were experiencing the fulfillment of God’s ancient promises to Israel. Luke’s writing is intended to encourage his contemporary church members to remain faithful in their service and witness for the Lord. He reminds them that they are the true (legitimate) “people of God” and that God’s Spirit will help them prevail and will give them abundant life even in the midst of hardship and persecution.

Another key purpose of the book of Acts is to foster discipleship. The prologues of both Luke’s Gospel and Acts verify that Luke is writing to provide instruction and teaching for Theophilus (see Luke 1:1–4; Acts 1:1–2). Part of this instruction reveals that the ascension of Jesus was not the end of his relationship with the world, but rather a new beginning. Jesus’ departure did not mean abandonment; in fact, it meant just the opposite. Jesus verifies his continuing presence and work in the world after his departure just as he had lived and worked before. In other words, the same Spirit who directed the ministry of Jesus is now going to direct the ministry of Jesus’ followers. The rest of the book of Acts provides instruction (with many personal examples) on how Christ can fulfill the ministry of believers through the power and direction of the Holy Spirit. Luke’s discipleship teaching includes helping believers learn how to experience and follow God’s Spirit (chap. 2), to boldly witness for Christ in the midst of persecution (chaps. 3–4, 8, 14, 16–17, 19–28), to sacrificially share resources with other Christians in need (chaps. 2, 4, 11), to resolve disputes within the church (chaps. 6, 15), and to take the gospel message of salvation to all people (chaps. 2, 11, 13–28).

The book of Acts places great emphasis on the message of salvation and the responsibility given to believers to share this salvific message with all people. This salvation-witness concept is clearly one of Luke’s key purposes for the book of Acts. The Pentecost event of Acts 2 initiates the theme of salvation for all people and thus sets the agenda for the rest of the book. In this passage, various Jews from many nations hear the good news in their own tongue, which suggests that this news is for peoples of all tongues and nations yet for Jews first. The rest of Acts continues this theme of the universal scope of salvation. Luke makes it clear that this salvation crosses all geographical, ethnic, and social boundaries. In Acts, Luke is bridging the gap between Jesus’ earthly ministry and a later generation of Christ followers who are to take the gospel to a much wider geographical area with even greater ethnic diversity. The message of salvation should be joined with Luke’s emphasis on witness. The centrality of the theme of witness in Acts is verified by Jesus’ words right before the ascension: “And you will be my witnesses in Jerusalem, and in all Judea and Samaria, and to the ends of the earth” (1:8). The book of Acts tells the story of how the early church received and obeyed the command of Jesus to bear witness of him to the ends of the earth.

Literary Features

These key purposes of Acts are expounded through some distinctive literary features found in the book. One such literary feature is that the book of Acts was written in a literary genre called “apologetic historiography.” This genre can be defined as the story of a subgroup of people told by a member of the group who explains the group’s traditions and history while using Greco-Roman literary features. A good example of this literary genre is Josephus’s Jewish Antiquities. Josephus tells the story of the Jews to Greco-Roman readers in hopes that they will better understand Jewish history and traditions and will accept the Jews in the larger Greco-Roman world. This appears to be exactly what Luke is doing in the book of Acts for Christians. However, Luke is not giving a defense of a particular ethnic group; rather, he is defending a multicultural people who transcend ethnic and geographical boundaries. In fact, this is a key part of Luke’s message. Throughout Acts, Luke is trying to explain why his religion is one that crosses ethnic boundaries and is a universal religion inclusive of all ethnicities. As Luke tells the story of Christianity, he is careful to utilize Hellenistic literary features in order to connect with his primary audience. Evidence of these Hellenistic literary features in the book of Acts includes a narrative style illustrating the history through the personal experiences of key characters (Acts tells the history of the early church through characters such as Peter and Paul), the frequent use of speeches, personal observation of at least part of the narrative while maintaining anonymity of authorship (the “we” passages of Acts), and the frequent use of summaries to guide the narrative (Acts contains three major summaries [2:42–47; 4:32–37; 5:12–16] and a number of minor summaries [6:7; 9:31; 12:24; 16:5; 19:20; 28:31]).

Outline and Survey

Acts can be outlined according to Jesus’ final words, recorded in 1:8: “You will receive power when the Holy Spirit comes on you; and you will be my witnesses in Jerusalem, and in all Judea and Samaria, and to the ends of the earth.”

I. Witnesses in Jerusalem (1:1–8:3) II. Witnesses in Judea and Samaria (8:4–12:25) III. Witnesses to the Ends of the Earth (13:1–28:31)

I. Witnesses in Jerusalem (Acts 1:1–8:3). Immediately following his ascension, Jesus tells his followers to return to Jerusalem and wait for the coming of the Holy Spirit. They promptly obey, and after ten days of waiting, the disciples are dramatically filled with the Holy Spirit and begin to share the gospel with those around them. This event occurs at the Jewish Pentecost festival, which was attended by Jews and Jewish proselytes from throughout the Roman Empire. After the Spirit comes at Pentecost, Peter boldly preaches to the crowds, and over three thousand people respond with saving faith (2:41).

Luke next provides an exciting summary of the Spirit-led life within the early church. This life is characterized by the early believers’ participation together in the sharing of worship activities, material possessions, and spiritual blessings (2:42–47). This summary is followed by several dramatic healing miracles accomplished through Peter and the subsequent arrest of Christian leaders by Jewish religious authorities. Instead of squelching the Christian movement, however, these arrests only enhance the spiritual revival and its accompanying miracles. This revival is characterized by extreme generosity and unity within the early church (4:32–37).

The revival joy, however, is marred by the deceitful actions of Ananias and Sapphira, who lie to the church and to the Holy Spirit and are judged by God with immediate death (5:1–11). This story proves that God will go to extreme lengths to protect the unity of his church. Following more persecution and miracles, the disciples choose seven men to oversee distribution of food to Hellenistic widows who have been neglected in daily food distributions (6:1–7). One of these leaders, Stephen, is arrested and brought before the Sanhedrin. Stephen testifies boldly before the Jewish leaders and is promptly executed by stoning (chap. 7). This execution is endorsed by Saul, a zealous Pharisee who begins to lead fierce persecution against the church in Jerusalem (8:1–3).

II. Witnesses in Judea and Samaria (Acts 8:4–12:25). Saul’s persecution forces many of the early church believers to leave Jerusalem. These believers scatter throughout the surrounding areas of Judea and Samaria. As they scatter, however, they continue to preach the gospel (8:4). Philip preaches in Samaria and performs many miraculous signs, producing a spiritual revival in the region. Hearing about this, the apostles send Peter and John to Samaria to minister to the Samaritans (8:18–25), thus confirming the cross-cultural nature of the gospel (Samaritans traditionally were hated by the Jews). Next Luke tells of Philip’s evangelizing of an Ethiopian eunuch (8:26–40).

Following the Ethiopian’s belief in Jesus, the narrative tells of Saul’s dramatic conversion while traveling to Damascus to persecute Christians there (9:1–19). Saul’s dramatic turnaround is met with suspicion by the other disciples, but eventually he is accepted by the believers with the help of Barnabas (9:27–30). Next Peter travels to the Judean countryside and heals the paralytic Aeneas and raises Dorcas from the dead (9:32–42). These miracles produce an exciting spiritual revival in the region. Following this, God gives Peter a vision to go to the coastal city of Caesarea in order to minister to Cornelius, a Roman army officer. Cornelius is a God-fearer, and through Peter’s witness he responds to the gospel message and receives the Holy Spirit (chap. 10). Peter explains his actions with Cornelius to his concerned Jewish companions and verifies that God has indeed included the Gentiles in his plan of salvation (11:1–18).

This verification is followed by the report of what is happening in the church at Antioch, where Jews begin to share the gospel with larger groups of Gentiles (11:19–21). This cross-cultural evangelism produces a spiritual revival in Antioch, causing the Jerusalem church to send Barnabas to the large Syrian city to investigate (11:22–30). Barnabas confirms that God is indeed at work in Antioch and invites Saul to come and help him disciple the new Gentile believers (11:25–26). Next Luke reports more persecution breaking out against Christians in Jerusalem, resulting in the arrest of James and Peter by King Herod. James is executed, but Peter miraculously escapes from prison with the help of an angel (12:1–19), and the church continues to increase, spreading throughout the Roman Empire.

III. Witnesses to the ends of the earth (Acts 13:1–28:31). Starting with chapter 13, the narrative shifts its focus from the ministry of Peter to that of Paul (formerly Saul). The church at Antioch begins to take center stage over the church at Jerusalem. This church commissions Paul and Barnabas and sends them off on their first missionary journey, accompanied by Bar­na­bas’s cousin John Mark. The missionaries first sail to Cyprus, where they preach in synagogues and encounter a Jewish sorcerer, Bar-Jesus. Next they sail to Pamphylia, thus crossing into Asia Minor, and preach the gospel in Pisidian Antioch, Iconium, Lystra, and Derbe (this area was known as part of the region of Galatia). In these cities, God provides numerous miracles, and the missionaries experience a great response to the gospel as well as much persecution because of the gospel. On one occasion, Paul is actually stoned and left for dead (14:19–20).

Unfazed, Paul and his team boldly continue their mission. Eventually, they retrace their steps, strengthen the churches that they have started, and sail back to Syrian Antioch, where they give an exciting report to the church (14:26–28). Following this report, Luke tells of an important meeting of church leaders in Jerusalem. The subject of the meeting involves whether or not the new Gentile Christians should be required to follow the Jewish laws and customs. After debating the issue, the leaders side with Paul, determining that the Gentiles should not be burdened with Jewish laws and traditions, but simply must live moral lives and not eat food that has been sacrificed to idols (chap. 15).

Following this meeting, Paul and Barnabas decide to make a second missionary journey. Unfortunately, the two missionaries get into a dispute over whether to take John Mark with them again. The argument is such that the missionaries decide to separate, and Paul chooses a new partner, Silas. They travel by land back to Galatia. Barnabas takes John Mark and sails to Cyprus. Paul and Silas return to Derbe and Lystra and then make their way to Macedonia and Greece. They spend significant time in Philippi, Thessalonica, and Corinth before returning to Caesarea and Antioch (chaps. 16–18). Following his return, Paul makes a third missionary journey, revisiting churches in Galatia and Phrygia and staying in Ephesus for three years before visiting Macedonia and Greece for a second time.

Paul concludes his third missionary journey with a trip to Jerusalem, where he is falsely accused of bringing a Gentile into the temple. This accusation creates a riot, and Paul is rescued by Roman soldiers, who arrest him and transfer him to a prison in Caesarea, where he spends two years awaiting trial under the rule of Felix and Festus (23:34–25:22). Paul eventually exercises his right as a Roman citizen to have his case heard by the emperor. He is sent to Rome by boat and is shipwrecked on the island of Malta. Eventually he makes his way to the capital city, where he is placed under house arrest. While in Rome, Paul maintains a rented house and is free to receive visitors and write letters. In fact, it is thought that Paul penned his “prison letters” during this time of house arrest (Ephesians, Philippians, Colossians, Philemon). The narrative of Acts ends with Paul ministering boldly in Rome while awaiting his trial.

Acts and the Contemporary Church

The book of Acts provides a model for today’s church on numerous topics. These include understanding the role of the Holy Spirit, practicing community life within the church, dealing with hardship and persecution, overcoming social injustices, and carrying out missions.

Acts reveals that the key issue for Christians is learning to experience and follow God’s Holy Spirit, who enables believers to be bold in their witness for Christ, generous in their physical and spiritual support of each other, and effective in their ministries. Acts consistently reveals that one’s joy, power, and purpose come from the Holy Spirit. According to Acts, learning to follow and depend upon God’s Holy Spirit is the key to having a healthy church.

Acts also shows that the Holy Spirit produces a unique community life characterized by worship, generosity, blessing, and unity. Luke calls this Spirit-led common life koinōnia, which is explained and illustrated in the first five chapters of Acts (see esp. 2:42–47). It should be the desire and goal of every church to re-create this koinōnia community first experienced by the primitive church in Acts.

In addition to its koinōnia, the book of Acts serves as a model for the church in overcoming persecution and hardship. The narrative of Acts consistently reveals the sovereign power of God in overcoming opposition. The early church found great joy and growth in the midst of hardship and persecution, and today’s church can do the same.

Another important example for the church provided by Acts is in the area of social justice. Luke’s primitive church consistently removed ethnic prejudices, eliminated social hierarchy and status within the church, and elevated the role of women. Acts provides inspiration and guidance for today’s church in facing these same social issues.

In addition to overcoming social injustices, the church in Acts provides an excellent example of mission ministry. These believers consistently revealed God’s heart for the nations and made it a priority to share the gospel with all people everywhere. Acts’ emphasis on the universal nature of the gospel, the responsibility of individual Christians to witness for Christ, and the importance of planting new churches and discipling new believers sets a pattern for today’s church in the area of missions.

These examples should serve to inspire and guide the contemporary church as it seeks to follow and experience the Holy Spirit, who is so powerfully revealed in the book of Acts.

The practice of buying, selling, and trading goods is well attested in both Testaments. Listed among the items of trade in the Bible are textiles (Ezek. 27:24), metals (1 Kings 9:28; Ezek. 27:13; Rev. 18:12), spices (Jer. 6:20; Rev. 18:13), corn (1 Kings 5:11; Ezek. 27:17), animals (1 Kings 10:29), and wine (2 Chron. 2:15; Rev. 18:13).

Old Testament

Palestine rests in a strategic position between Egypt and Mesopotamia. Thus, major trade routes that predate the biblical writings are found throughout Palestine. That certain forms of commerce seem to just appear on the scene in the biblical narrative attests to the significance of commerce during the OT era. One such incident involves a caravan of Ishmaelites traveling from Gilead to Egypt (Gen. 37:25). Although the narrative is primarily interested in showing how Joseph ended up in Egypt, the reality that Ishmaelites (later called “Midianites” [Gen. 37:28]) travel at such great lengths for goods attests to the far-reaching impact of commerce at that time.

Traveling by land. By biblical times, three major north-south highways crossed Palestine. On the coast was the international coastal highway, sometimes referred to as the Way of the Sea (Lat. Via Maris) (see Isa. 9:1), although this is somewhat of a misnomer. This route began in Egypt and continued through to Gaza, Aphek, Megiddo, Hazor, Dan, and Damascus. Mentioned three times in the Bible (Num. 20:17; 21:22; Deut. 2:27), the King’s Highway began in the Gulf of Aqaba at Elath (northernmost point of the Red Sea) and ran north to Damascus. A major trade route in ancient times, the road eventually was lined with fortresses and rebuilt by the Roman emperor Trajan during the second century AD. The third major road was interregional but not international. This central interregional route ran from Shechem in the north to Beersheba in the south, making stops in Shiloh, Bethel, Ramah, Jerusalem, Bethlehem, and Hebron along the way.

The indication that Solomon had “seven hundred wives of royal birth and three hundred concubines” (1 Kings 11:3) evidences various lines of commerce, both regionally and internationally. Marriage, particularly for kings, was arranged often for strategic purposes. One way to formalize an agreement of peace, safe passage, or commerce agreements was to offer a daughter in marriage. Solomon’s wives from Egypt, Moab, Ammon, Edom, Sidon, and Hittite areas (1 Kings 11:1) probably served both political and economic functions.

Traveling by sea. Although travel and trade by water (rivers and sea) cannot be ruled out, particularly in Egypt, the most significant commercial endeavors in the OT concern the main trade routes through Palestine. However, numerous examples of maritime commerce are evidenced in the OT. Among the most interesting examples of maritime commerce are the ships of Solomon, which would return intermittently with “gold, silver and ivory, and apes and baboons” (1 Kings 10:22). Despite the admonition given to the Israelite kings (Deut. 17:15–20), Solomon acquired horses and chariots from Egypt (1 Kings 10:28–29) by way of Kue (cf. Cilicia in the southeast of present-day Turkey). Thus, trade appeared to be international by both land and sea (cf. Gen. 37:25–28; 1 Kings 10:15; Isa. 23:8; Ezek. 27).

Revelation. The centralized geographical orientation of Palestine ensured that it had a unique role in the commercial trade of the ancient Near East. Perhaps this is why God gave specific revelation to Israel that applied to commercial affairs. The exhortation to “use honest scales and honest weights” when conducting business would have demonstrated the integrity of both Israel and Israel’s God (Lev. 19:35–36).

New Testament

The conquests of Alexander the Great catalyzed trade relationships between West and East (c. fourth century BC). Yet it would not be until the Roman consolidation of power in the western Mediterranean (Third Punic War, 149–146 BC) that commerce was greatly improved. The two-century period of peace, referred to as the Pax Romana (cf. Philo, Embassy 47; Plutarch, Mor. 317B), was one of the abiding legacies of the emperor Augustus (r. 27 BC–AD 14). Among the positive outcomes of Augustus’s rule were economic prosperity, improved communications, and stabilized government. The growing network of Roman roads and strict regulation on the seas improved the quality and conditions of travel between locations, thus improving communications and commercial opportunity throughout the empire (cf. Pliny the Elder, Nat. 14.1.2).

Contributing to the development of commerce was the creation of a fully monetized economy throughout the Roman Empire. Although bartering continued to function, coinage had come into heavy usage after and on account of the policies of Alexander the Great. Strabo even goes so far as to mention that the lack of the use of coinage was a characteristic of barbarism (Geogr. 7.5.5).

Merchants include shippers, entrepreneurs, and their agents, who traveled about making contracts and supervising the shipment of goods. Although the typical source of income for an aristocrat was agriculture, the enticement of potential profits of commerce led some to engage in the merchant trade or appoint their slaves to do so. Jesus seems to allude to the latter practice in Matthew’s Gospel when he tells a parable of a master who goes on a long journey and expects his servants to handle his affairs (Matt. 25:14–27). A slave might be entrusted with a message or a business transaction abroad. Thus, it would not have been uncommon to see a slave traveling and handling his master’s business. Perhaps this gives insight into Onesimus, the slave whom Paul encounters, who belongs to Philemon (see Philem. 10–18).

Due to slow travel times, most foods were not transported very far. But the high demand for grain grew the commerce industry from a generally localized phenomenon to an international operation. Aside from the well-documented import/export of grain, items such as wine, dried fruits, spices, and other luxury items were shipped longer distances. Commerce was undertaken by both land and sea.

Traveling by land. Nothing like the massive infrastructure of modern nations existed in antiquity. Yet, by the time of the NT, Roman roads made shipping and land travel more efficient and possible than ever before. The extent of these road systems expanded from modern-day Scotland to the Euphrates and provided strategic value for the empire but also profoundly revolutionized commerce and travel. Many of these roads are still in use. Even with the improved conditions of the road systems, however, land commerce was slow and costly. Most commercial traffic, therefore, was localized. Maritime commercial enterprise, however, allowed for quicker, more economical shipping.

There were two principal land trade routes in the Roman world. First, the Appian Way (Lat. Via Appia) ran south from Rome to Capua, crossing Italy and extending to Brundisium on the Adriatic coast. Stretches of this road were traversed by Paul and his companions as they went to Rome (Acts 28:15–16). The second, the Egnatian Way (Lat. Via Egnatia), begins in Dyrrachium and spans across Macedonia and eventually to Byzantium (Istanbul). A stretch of Paul’s second and third missionary journeys would have used this path as he traveled to Thessalonica (cf. Acts 17:1).

To the east, in Asia Minor (present-day Turkey), the well-traveled east-west roadway was known as the Common Way. Anyone familiar with Paul’s missionary journeys will recognize some of the stops along the Common Way: Ephesus, Laodicea, Pisidian Antioch, Iconium, and Tarsus (to name a few).

Traveling by sea. The presence of maritime commerce is well documented in the NT. Virtually no travel industry existed in its own right; rather, travel followed the established trade routes. If one wished to travel by sea, one sought a cargo vessel heading to the appropriate locale. Thus, when the NT records sea travel, it is in the context of commerce ships (cf. Acts 27:38). Most ships stayed close to land and ventured between ports (cf. 20:13–15; 21:1–8; 27:2), although if the prevailing western winds could be utilized, a large ship would take to the open sea.

Although commerce was not an industry of the elite (cf. Cicero, Off. 1.150–151; Homer, Od. 8.14ff.), the importance of maritime trade cannot be overlooked. This industry provided a way to redistribute essential resources and goods throughout the Roman world, potentially eliminating temporary shortages. Both Athens and Rome depended highly upon imports of grain from Egypt to feed their urban population and maintain armies. In fact, much of the large commercial travel on the Mediterranean was undertaken to supply grain to Rome. The book of Acts mentions two such grain ships from Alexandria (27:6, 38; 28:11).

Large-scale sea commerce could transport vast amounts of goods between locations. Acts mentions 276 persons traveling on a grain ship destined for Rome (27:37). Likewise, Josephus records his ill-fated journey to Rome on a ship carrying 600 passengers (Life 15). This number of passengers provides some insight into the size of these sea vessels and the amount of cargo that could be carried. It is thought that an Alexandrian commerce ship could be up to two hundred feet long.

There were two principal maritime trade routes in the Roman world. First, the sea route from Puteoli (southeast of Rome) to Alexandria was used by merchant ships that took advantage of the prevailing winds on the Mediterranean as they traveled to Egypt for grain. This passage, of nearly one thousand nautical miles, could be made in less than two weeks. Conversely, the journey back could take up to three months and followed the Palestinian coast north, passing several significant ports: Lydda, Joppa, Caesarea, Ptolemais, Tyre, Sidon, and Antioch.

Although Roman peace ushered in an era of safer travel by land and by sea, maritime transit remained quite dangerous. Paul is recorded to have undergone four shipwrecks (see Acts 27:39–44; 2 Cor. 11:25–26). Josephus records his own journey to Rome “through a great number of hazards, by sea” (Life 14). Weather patterns and sea conditions could change quickly, and it was generally acknowledged that certain times of the year were better for traveling (Cod. theod. 13.9.3.3; Tacitus, Hist. 4.81; Acts 27:9–12; cf. 2 Tim. 4:13). Nevertheless, the Roman imperium offered generous incentives to merchants who risked the season and brought supplies of grain to Rome from Egypt (Suetonius, Claud. 18–19; Cassius Dio, Hist. 60.11). Such a ship provided the context for the apostle Paul’s journey to Rome, which ended in shipwreck and the loss of the grain product, but remarkably without any loss of life (see Acts 27:13–44).

Trade associations. Trade associations of various kinds existed in the ancient world. Such a group consisted of merchants or artisans who shared a common trade. These groups typically exerted no political, social, or economic influence. Rather, they existed to protect the merchants and artisans and their economic interests. Such was the case when the artisans of Ephesus incited a riot over the actions of Paul and his companions when they preached against the idolatry of Artemis worship (Acts 19:26). The statement that “all Asia and the world” worship Artemis (19:27) certainly is hyperbolic; yet the pervasiveness of the Artemis cult is recorded in other sources (Pausanias, Descr. 4.31.8; Strabo, Geogr. 4.1.5) and suggests that the artisans who fashioned these silver shrines made good money in the local economy.

Likewise, the bronze trade from Corinth is well documented in antiquity (e.g., Vitruvius, De arch. 8.41; Pliny the Elder, Nat. 34.6). Bronze was used to produce various goods: bowls, jewelry, and sound-enhancing vessels for the theater at Corinth. The latter may be what Paul alludes to when he writes of a “resounding gong” (1 Cor. 13:1). The recognition of the beauty and value of Corinthian bronze resulted in it being sought after by other markets. Pliny the Elder reports, “There has been a wonderful mania among many people for possessing this metal” (Nat. 34.6). Located on the Greek Peloponnesus, Corinth was in a strategic position to distribute its goods throughout the Roman Empire. It was to this port city that Paul came and spent significant time planting a church (Acts 18:1, 18).

The Diaspora (or the Dispersion) generally refers to Jews living outside the land of Israel. Especially by the first century AD, Jews lived throughout the Mediterranean world and Mesopotamia. Large populations of Jews lived in Egypt and in Babylon/Persia. Two Jewish communities in Egypt established temples: at Elephantine sometime from the fifth through the fourth centuries BC, and at Leontopolis in the second century BC.

According to 2 Kings 17:1–41, the first major relocation of Israelites occurred forcibly around 722 BC, when Samaria fell to Sargon II, king of Assyria. As punishment for breaking their subject obligations to Assyria, Sargon deported many Israelites elsewhere in the Assyrian Empire, a usual Assyrian practice. The Bible also records the deportations of Judeans by Babylon around the end of the seventh and beginning of the sixth century BC (2 Kings 24–25; Jer. 21; 25; 27; 29; 39; 52). It explains these forced dispersions, or exiles, as punishments for breaking covenant obligations to Yahweh (Lev. 26:31–39; Deut. 28:64–67). The Bible also notes some Jews relocating voluntarily (Jer. 40–43). Voluntary relocations likely constitute the primary source for Jews in the Diaspora.

According to Acts, Christianity’s spread was inseparably tied to the Diaspora. The initial large “conversion” that Acts records, at Pentecost, involves Jews from the Diaspora who have traveled to Jerusalem for the festival (Acts 2:5–13). Throughout the rest of Acts, the apostles and missionaries find refuge and audiences among many Diaspora Jewish communities. Even after Paul declares that he will turn to the Gentiles because the Jews have rejected the message (Acts 13:44–52), Diaspora communities continue to provide travel destinations and audiences for him (e.g., Acts 17:1–4, 10–12, 17; 18:1–11, 19; 28:17–30). Some NT authors label their recipients as those in the Diaspora (or Dispersion), perhaps a Christianizing deployment of the term (James 1:1; 1 Pet. 1:1–2).

A royal or divine command with the force of law. In the religious sense, the term “decree” is one of several synonyms that refer to divine lawgiving, as in Gen. 26:5: “Abraham obeyed me and did everything I required of him, keeping my commands, my decrees and my instructions.” Here, as in numerous other places, “decree” represents the Hebrew word khuqqah (and its related term khoq) and it stands alongside “command” (mitswah) and “law” (torah). Another word that is often juxtaposed with khuqqah or khoq is mishpat, “judgment” (see Deut. 4:1). Because “decree” is frequently conjoined to synonyms, it is difficult to distinguish within biblical legal texts between decrees and other laws. Most often, “decree” is joined with one or more of the synonyms to denote divine law in general, without specific reference to its content.

In 1 Chron. 16:16–18 “decree” is used in parallel with “covenant,” and the content is specified as the promise to Abraham and the patriarchs that they would inherit the land of Canaan.

Biblical authors particularly associate the issuing of royal decrees with the Persians, including Cyrus (Ezra 6:3), Darius (Ezra 6:12; Dan. 6:8), and Artaxerxes (Ezra 7:13; cf. 6:14). Persian royal decrees are presented as immutable, irrevocable, and enforced by harsh punishments (Esther 1:19; 8:8; Ezra 6:11; Dan. 6:8). In the book of Daniel, the Babylonian king Nebuchadnezzar rules through despotic decrees (e.g., 3:10).

The NT twice refers to Roman imperial decrees (dogma), including the ordering of a census that resulted in Jesus being born in Bethlehem (Luke 2:1; Acts 17:7).

The origins of emperor worship lie in the merging of several aspects of religious life in ancient Greco-Roman culture. Traditional family religion in Greek territories centered on divine honors offered to the genius (“spirit”) of the father, thus laying the groundwork for transference of such honors to Roman emperors, who were like fathers for the entire nation.

The idea that a human could become divine existed from antiquity. In Greek religious thought, this transformation was accomplished through the exercise of virtue. Heroes of the mythological past, such as Heracles, were thought to have become gods by living an exceptional life.

Greek peoples came into increasing contact with cultures to their east and south during the conquests of Alexander the Great (356–323 BC). Some, such as the Egyptians, saw their kings as divine long before Alexander’s conquests. By taking this notion of divine kingship upon himself, Alexander set a precedent for future Greek and Roman rulers. This understanding of kingship was further enhanced when kings venerated their deceased relatives, especially previous kings.

Evidence in Greek dominions from as early as the fifth century BC indicates that divine honors were paid to people who delivered a city from military or economic distress. Such saviors (benefactors) were honored with altars, songs of praise, and veneration previously reserved for divine beings. These tributes were isolated phenomena but nonetheless reflected broader cultural and religious tendencies that paved the way for emperor worship. The emperor was essentially an honored benefactor, but on a much grander scale.

Originally, Roman emperors did not allow themselves to be worshiped directly. Instead of accepting direct worship, most emperors only accepted veneration of their genius, on the pattern of household religion. Divinization was initiated by the succeeding emperor and approved by the Roman senate. Divine honors were not automatically conferred, as the example of the unpopular Domitian (AD 51–96) illustrates.

Caligula (AD 12–41) was the first Roman emperor to demand personal veneration as a god. However, he and Domitian were the only emperors who required full-fledged worship while still alive.

The cult of the emperor was as much political as religious. The empire-wide cult united diverse cultures and people, provided a test of loyalty to the emperor, and enabled those who desired influence to display their commitment to imperial power. Many Jews and Christians were viewed suspiciously as unpatriotic because they refused to venerate the emperor.

The language of emperor worship has many striking parallels with NT language applied to Jesus Christ. Emperors received such titles as “savior,” “lord” (see Acts 25:26 KJV), “god,” and “son of god” in return for their acts of deliverance for peoples throughout the empire. The word parousia (“coming”) was used in ancient writings and inscriptions to describe the triumphant arrival of an emperor to a welcoming city in language very similar to that used to describe the second coming of Christ. Even more remarkable is the ascription of the word euangelion (“gospel, good news”) to major events in the life of the emperor, especially important military victories that led to relative peace throughout the empire.

In Luke 22:25 the word “benefactor” (Gk. euergetēs) is used in a way that displays awareness of the imperial system of patronage that forms a partial background to emperor worship. In Acts 12:20–23 Herod Antipas allows himself to be flattered with divine titles and is immediately struck down by an angel of the Lord. Acts 17:7 indicates that the early Christian proclamation that Jesus Christ alone is Lord could be misunderstood as treason against the emperor.

The book of Revelation narrates a time when emperor worship was a pressing temptation for the Christian churches spread throughout the Roman Empire. If, as is likely, Rev. 17:7–14 is a cryptic reference to Rome, then the prohibitions against worshiping the beast in 13:4, 8; 14:9–10 are calls for Christians to remain steadfast in their refusal to worship the Roman emperor, a refusal that could easily result in a death sentence.

First Peter is a concise handbook designed to prepare the Christian community to live faithfully and wisely as a minority facing an increasingly hostile community and government.

Outline

I. Greetings (1:1–2)

II. Who We Are in Christ (1:3–2:10)

III. How We Should Behave to Be Like Christ (2:11–3:12)

IV. How We Should Handle a Hostile Community (3:13–5:11)

V. Farewell (5:12–14)

Authorship

The letter is written by Peter, apostle and leader of the original twelve disciples of Jesus, who were with Jesus throughout his ministry from his baptism until his ascension (Acts 1:21–22).

The style of the author’s Greek is very well developed for a Galilean fisherman. Early on, Peter had astonished hearers who could not explain his eloquence, given that he had had no formal rabbinic training (Acts 4:13; cf. Luke 2:46–47). Examples of tinkers (John Bunyan), cobblers (William Carey), and teenagers (C. H. Spurgeon), not to mention authors excelling in their third language (Joseph Conrad), who write in polished styles suffice to reassure any doubts concerning Peter’s ability.

The author describes himself as a “fellow elder” and “witness of Christ’s sufferings” (5:1), speaking in the first-person singular (2:11; 5:1, 12–13). He is with John Mark (5:13), and the letter is written “with the help of” Silvanus/Silas (5:12), who may have served as Peter’s scribe, or amanuensis.

A number of second-century authorities report that Peter ministered in Rome, on and off, for up to twenty-five years prior to his execution by Nero in AD 65. Peter’s readers were suffering various trials and abuse (5:9), although no mention is made of any such threat to the church in Rome. It is therefore difficult to date 1 Peter, although it must have been written between AD 50 and 64. If 2 Pet. 3:1 indicates a subsequent letter to the same community, as seems probable, a date closer to AD 64 would be more likely.

Destination

The letter is addressed to “God’s elect, exiles scattered throughout Pontus, Galatia, Cappadocia, Asia and Bithynia” (1:1). “Scattered” is a term used by the LXX to refer to the dispersion of the Jews originating with the Babylonian exile and is taken up as such in the NT (John 11:52; James 1:1). “Exiles” (KJV: “strangers”) was the word used to designate people who were not Roman citizens (1 Pet. 2:11).

Scholars have differed as to whether Peter was addressing a predominantly Jewish or Gentile community. The extensive allusions to the OT throughout the letter—with particular reference to the exodus, Passover, the Suffering Servant of Isaiah, Ps. 34, and Proverbs—assume that the readers have a good knowledge of all three sections of the OT. On the other hand, Peter also speaks of their former “ignorance” (1:14), of the “empty way of life handed down to you from your ancestors” (1:18), and of pagans thinking it strange that they do not continue in their former pagan lifestyle (4:3–4). All his citations are from the Greek OT.

The five areas listed were located in what is today central and northern Turkey. The order may reflect the courier’s route. Paul had ministered in some of these regions (Galatia and Asia), and Jews from Cappadocia, Pontus, and Asia were in Jerusalem earlier when Peter preached his Pentecost sermon (Acts 2:9).

The emperor Claudius (r. AD 41–54) established Roman colonies in these five areas. It was Roman policy to extend the empire by establishing cities as centers of Roman culture, government, and trade. This often involved forced deportation of whole communities. In AD 49 Claudius expelled the Jews from Rome because “the Jews constantly made disturbances at the instigation of Chrestus” (Suetonius, Claud. 25.14–15). There is good reason to think that this may indicate the kind of disturbances also seen over the next few years in Philippi (Acts 16:20–21), Thessalonica (Acts 17:1–9), Corinth (Acts 18:12–17), and Ephesus (Acts 19).

Peter does not name any member of the community to which he is writing, nor is there any indication that he had ever been there. These regions were populated by Romans as part of a program of Roman colonization. As such, Christians who were not Roman citizens were in a very vulnerable position. The threat here comes from Gentiles, not other Jews (2:12). There is no mention of false teachers or other internal divisions.

Peter writes from “Babylon” (5:13), probably a code word for “Rome” (cf. Rev. 17:5, 9). The references to Babylon here and the Diaspora in 1:1 act as bookends designed to draw the parallel between the church’s present experience and that of the Jews during the exile (“fiery ordeal” [4:12]; cf. Dan. 1–6).

Main Themes

Peter states that it is all about grace (5:12). The Christian’s identity is grounded in the person and work of Jesus (1:2). His sufferings are a model of what Christians are expected to endure (1:11, 19; 2:21–25; 3:1–18; 4:12–17; 5:1), so his readers should see this as normal. This suffering is also a refining and testing process (1:6–7; 5:8–10). It fulfills God’s plan as revealed in the Scriptures (1:10–12, 23–25); thus one can be sure that behind all such experiences stand the purposes of God (1:2–3, 20–21; 3:18–22; 4:19; 5:6–7). Things are not out of control but rather are leading to the accomplishment of salvation for many (1:5, 9). Jesus has triumphed over all powers and authorities that might be fearfully ranged against his people (3:18–22) (see Descent into Hades). Like Noah and those on the ark, Christ’s people will be delivered through all events to an outcome of joy (1:6, 8).

A knowledge of the Scriptures (1:10–12, 23–25) equips those who are being sanctified to rightly understand what is happening and so fear God, whose judgment approaches (1:17; 3:6; 5:5, 7), rather than people. The believer should look first to God’s approval while being aware of the watching eye of those who would seek a basis for a charge (2:12; 3:1, 17; 4:14–19). This involves putting off the pagan lifestyle (2:1, 11) and putting on obedience (1:2, 14–16; 3:1–17). Peter surveys the behaviors most in need of attention: self-control, particularly in the way Christians speak when provoked (2:22–23; 3:4, 9–11), and family life, particularly when a woman is married to a threatening, unbelieving husband (3:1–6). Christian husbands are admonished to set a counterexample by knowing and honoring their wives (3:7). It is especially important that believers are seen to be submissive to government authorities (2:13–17) and to their masters (2:18–20). Within the church, sound leadership (5:1–4) supported by a new generation of respectful young men (5:5) is essential. Throughout all of this, Peter points the reader to the sanctifying work of the Holy Spirit (1:2).

Peter strongly argues that the appropriate response to injustice and persecution is grace given as received from Jesus. The Christian’s defense is the gospel. Like Job, the believer’s mode of resistance is to present the integrity of a holy, redeemed, priestly lifestyle (3:15–16). One endures through informed belief in the gospel and through faithfulness to the triune God, who keeps his promises (1:9; cf. Hab. 2:4). The outcome is left in God’s hands (5:6–7).

In 1 Thessalonians the apostle Paul writes to the church shortly after his first visit there to commend it for its faith and faithfulness to the Lord and to note its good testimony through the regions of Macedonia, Achaia, and everywhere else. He instructs it as to certain issues in the Christian life, the future of the believers in the assembly who have already died, and the relation of these believers to Christ’s coming as they continue to quietly work and wait for him.

Literary Considerations

The author of the book is the apostle Paul, as noted in the salutation (1:1). The book fits the style and vocabulary of Paul, the church fathers accepted it as Pauline, and the description of the historical background certainly fits what we know from the book of Acts. The book is accepted as Pauline by all but the most skeptical. It was written from Corinth after Timothy met Paul there with a report about the welfare of the church (3:6). Paul had been forced to leave after spending very little time there (a length of three Sabbath days is noted in Acts 17:2), and he was concerned about the well-being of the church. Written around AD 50–52 during the second missionary journey, it may be the earliest of Paul’s letters (except perhaps Galatians). Written in typical epistolary style, the book includes the usual salutation and thanksgiving, body and content, and closing. The tone of the book is congenial. Missing are the sharp and sarcastic statements found in some other letters, particularly Galatians and 2 Corinthians. Paul is truly pleased with the growth of this church, though he does have instruction for it.

Historical Setting

The apostle Paul, on his second missionary journey, had been forbidden from preaching the gospel in several areas of Asia Minor, and subsequently he received the Macedonian call to take the gospel across the Aegean. After winning several to Christ and being run out of Philippi (1 Thess. 2:2), Paul and his missionary companions came to the city of Thessalonica, where Paul taught in the synagogue for three Sabbaths. A number of God-fearers and women believed the teaching of Paul, but because of opposition from the Jews (who were jealous), the missionaries left and went to Berea. The Jews in Berea were said to be more open-minded than the Thessalonians, since they were willing to check Paul’s message against Scripture (Acts 17:11). As for the church in Thessalonica, in this initial meeting Paul had been with them a very short time, yet he had much for which to commend them in his letter. Paul evidently returned to teach this assembly again on his third missionary journey, after spending several years in Ephesus (Acts 20:1).

Outline and Content

I. Greeting and Thanksgiving (1:1–10)

II. Defense of Apostolic Actions (2:1–16)

III. Separation from the Thessalonians and Sending of Timothy (2:17–3:13)

IV. Holy Living and Continued Work (4:1–12)

V. The Lord’s Return Gives the Thessalonians Hope (4:13–5:11)

VI. Closing Comments (5:12–28)

I. Greeting and thanksgiving (1:1–10). As Paul opens the letter, he greets the church and notes his thanksgiving to God for their work and their endurance in the things of Christ (1:2–5). Paul commends these believers on their reception of the gospel and on the imitation of the life and ethic that has flowed from that reception. As a consequence, Paul notes that they themselves are now an example to the other churches (1:6–10).

II. Defense of apostolic actions (2:1–16). Paul notes his apostolic disposition toward the Thessalonians as one of humility as he has taught them the gospel (2:1–12). Paul and his missionary companions do not seek to please human beings, and they do not do what they do for greed, but in fact they work night and day for a living. They have treated the Thessalonians well, insisting that they live in a manner reflective of the kingdom. After accepting the gospel as the word of God (2:13), the Thessalonians have experienced persecution from those who opposed the gospel. These opponents will incur God’s wrath (2:14–16).

III. Separation from the Thessalonians and sending of Timothy (2:17–3:13). In this section, Paul insists that even though he has desired to see the Thessalonians, he has been persistently hindered by Satan (2:17–20). Because of this prolonged absence, Paul had been forced to send Timothy as a messenger. Paul has done this because he had urgently desired to know their spiritual state (3:1–5). When Timothy came back with the report about the faithfulness of the Thessalonians, Paul had rejoiced and given thanks (3:6–10). Paul notes that their longing to see him has been a joyful thing to him, and he is glad to know of their disposition toward him. Paul concludes as he prays for their increased love and holiness (3:11–13).

IV. Holy living and continued work (4:1–12). Paul notes that the Thessalonians have been living ethically, but that he wants to remind them to do so more and more. They are to live their lives in sanctification and honor instead of sexual immorality (4:1–8). They should love one another and continue to live in the quietness and peace of regular work (4:9–12). Though the Lord will soon come, this is no reason to abandon work. Paul instructs them to continue working hard so that they will not be in need as they watch and wait for Christ (a problem continuing into 2 Thessalonians [3:10–11]).

V. The Lord’s return gives the Thessalonians hope (4:13–5:11). In order to correct another misunderstanding about the Lord’s coming, Paul turns to the issue of the believer’s future hope. Some of the church members had been confused about the destiny of the believers now deceased. Paul instructs them that at the coming of the Lord those who have died will be raised to meet the Lord with the living (4:13–18). This should be a matter of comfort to the believers. As to the time of Christ’s coming, Paul notes that it will be sudden and unknown (5:1–2). The unbelievers will be unaware as sudden destruction comes upon them (5:3). But believers, who are sensitive to the life of Christ and his coming, should not be caught off guard when he comes. This expectation should have an impact on the way they live now (5:4–9). In any event, whether the believers are still alive or are deceased in Christ, both will come together in him at his coming (5:10).

VI. Closing comments (5:12–28). In the last section, Paul gives final ethical instructions to the church. The church should highly esteem those in leadership because they are working hard. In a final word about prayer, thanksgiving, and the Holy Spirit’s work in the believer, Paul concludes that the believers should shun every form of evil. He instructs that the letter be read to all the believers.

Ancient Greece was a federation of several loosely affiliated city-states located on the islands of the Aegean Sea, the land south of the Balkan Peninsula, west Asia Minor, and Crete.

The Minoan Civilization (c. 2000–1400 BC)

Archaeological evidence shows that as early as the fourth millennium BC there were already human inhabitants in the Aegean basin. Early migrants from Asia Minor came to settle in Crete (c. 2600 BC) and started its civilization at Knossos and Phaistos. It was called “Minoan,” after the mythical king Minos. The Minoan civilization reached its peak around 1600 BC, when sophisticated palaces, highly developed metal work, and fine pottery were produced. The popular religion was the worship of the Mother Goddess. Not only did the Minoans excel in arts and crafts, but also they were literate and developed a syllable-based (non-Greek) writing system known as Linear A. Minoan culture came to a sudden end around 1400 BC, probably due to internal turmoil, natural disasters, and foreign invasion.

The Mycenaean Civilization (c. 1450–1200 BC)

The Mycenaeans may have arrived in the Early or Middle Bronze Age, and eventually they took over the Cretan palace settlement in 1450 BC and thus dominated the Aegean region for a time. The discovery of the city of Mycenae gave rise to the name “Mycenaean.” During this period, the Greek mainland enjoyed prosperity. While retaining their own culture, the Mycenaeans were greatly influenced by the Minoans, as indicated by their pottery, luxury items, and religious symbolism. They were great engineers who built remarkable bridges and citadels. One of the finest examples of their handiwork was the gold masks that were buried together with their warriors. They employed a form of Greek language, known as Linear B, evidence of which has been discovered at Knossos, Pylos, Tiryns, Mycenae, Thebes, and elsewhere. Between 1250 and 1150 BC, for unknown reasons, all the Mycenaean palace citadels were destroyed.

The Age of Expansion (c. 1200–800 BC)

Already in the thirteenth century, the Greeks were scattered all over the eastern Mediterranean, as far as the coast of southern Palestine. Migration increased around 1200 BC, driven by population growth and the accompanying demand for food and space, which led to colonization in other regions. By the eighth century BC, great cities (e.g., Troy) along the northwest coast of Asia Minor had been taken by the Aeolians. The Dorians dominated the south of the Balkan Peninsula and eventually founded Sparta, while the Ionians settled in the east-central area of the Balkan Peninsula and founded Athens. This period was known as the Dark Age because of a lack of cultural advancements, and the art of writing was largely lost after the Mycenaean civilization was destroyed.

The Archaic Period (c. 800–500 BC)

Great changes took place in this period. The rise of the city-state (polis) not only provided stability, where leagues were formed among individual city-states, but also brought forth the establishment of institutions such as gymnasiums, symposiums, and temples. Trading with the Phoenicians allowed the Greeks to adopt and perfect their alphabet. Military defense was enhanced with huge city walls, and architecturally sophisticated buildings of various kinds were constructed. The first Olympian games were held during this period, in 776 BC. Science and philosophy began to be taught; lyric poetry expressing human emotions was created; and various gods (e.g., Zeus) were honored in their sanctuaries, which were overshadowed by mystery religions in the sixth century BC (e.g., Demeter, Dionysus, and Orpheus).

Greek settlements were established in southern Italy, the northern Aegean, and along the northern coast of Africa. At this time, two important city-states representing two very different cultures came into the picture. Sparta was made up of unwalled villages and ruled by kings, while Athens was a walled city governed first by the aristocrats, later by tyrants. Sparta was famous for its disciplined army, while Athens boasted of its superior naval force. The social structure of Sparta produced a political system that upheld the interest of the states, while Athens developed a legal system that laid the foundation for democracy.

Perhaps most important in this age were the Persian Wars. As the Greeks continued to expand into the southern Balkan Peninsula and to the north of the Black Sea, and to establish colonies in the Mediterranean, they encountered the superpower of that time. By 500 BC, Darius I of Persia controlled the Greek world, except the mainland of the Balkan Peninsula. Although on several occasions the Persians tried to invade mainland Greece, Athens (in alliance with Sparta) was able to successfully defeat them, rendering them powerless for a long period.

The Classical Period (c. 500–338 BC)

After the Persian Wars, Greek civilization advanced significantly into what is now known as Classical Greece. Political leadership shifted from Sparta to Athens, which held naval hegemony, dominating the Aegean islands and the coast of Asia Minor. According to the Athenian historian Thucydides, the growth of Athenian power, which posed a threat to neighboring city-states, caused the Peloponnesian War (c. 431–404 BC). With the aid of the Persians, Sparta defeated Athens, tearing down its Long Walls, which guarded the city and its port of Piraeus, and making it an ally.

This period was a golden age for the Greeks, with the flowering of democratic institutions, architecture, literature, and art. Massive buildings were constructed, such as the Parthenon (447–438 BC), the Athena Nike (427–424 BC), the Erectheion (421–407 BC) on the Acropolis, and the Theseion (449 BC) on the Agora. Greek writings of history, poetry, philosophy, comedy, and tragedy flourished. Thanks to the works of great historians such as Herodotus and Thucydides, events that transpired in ancient Greece have been made known to us. The four greatest Greek playwrights, Aeschylus, Aris-tophanes, Euripides, and Sophocles, were products of this period. Some of the greatest plastic arts were produced during this time, such as the statue of Athena Promachos (458 BC). Great thinkers, such as Socrates and Plato, were born during this period. The end of Classical period Greece, however, was marked with endless civil wars and wars with the outside forces.

The Hellenistic Period (338–146 BC)

Philip II of Macedon defeated the Greeks at the battle of Chaeronea in 338 BC and took control of the entire Balkan Peninsula. His son Alexander the Great further expanded his territory all the way to India. Although his empire crumbled after his death (at the age of thirty-three), Alexander contributed so much to the furtherance of Greek culture and language that this age is known as the Hellenistic period, a time when Greek culture and language became widespread and dominant. Greece became a region of Macedon until 196 BC, when Rome declared it independent.

The Roman Period (146 BC–AD 100)

In 148 BC Rome defeated Macedon, making it a Roman province. Two years later, Rome further took control of Greece, and in 46 BC the province of Achaia was created. These two provinces were not only strategic for Rome; they also became the centers of the NT church. The Greek language became the lingua franca and the language of the NT. Paul’s second and third missionary journeys brought him to Macedonia and Achaia (Acts 16:11–20:6). During the Roman period, Greece continued to be a cultural and intellectual center, and Greek influence even went beyond that of early Christianity.

The English transliteration of the Greek word meaning “preaching, proclamation, message,” “kerygma” was coined as a scholarly term by C. H. Dodd, a professor of NT at Cambridge University, in 1964. In a lecture series titled “The Apostolic Preaching and Its Developments,” Dodd observed that four of Peter’s proclamations of the gospel message (Acts 2:14–36, 38–39; 3:12–26; 4:8–15) follow an identifiable pattern. They present basic facts as interpreted through the eternal perspective of the first-century church: (1) The age of prophetic fulfillment has dawned. (2) This has occurred through the ministry, death, and resurrection of Jesus. (3) Jesus is exalted at the right hand of God as the messianic head of Israel. (4) The Holy Spirit in the church is the sign of Christ’s present power and glory. (5) The messianic age will soon be consummated in the return of Christ. (6) Therefore, hearers are to repent to receive forgiveness, the Holy Spirit, and salvation.

Dodd further developed his ideas by examining the Gospels and finding that they conform to the essential kerygma pattern as well (Mark particularly clearly so), as do the gospel summaries appearing in the writings of Paul and John. Each contains an essential core of information: the prophetic announcement of Jesus, especially through the ministry of John the Baptist, the trial and crucifixion of Jesus, his burial, his resurrection from the dead, and the affirmation of these events through the testimony of eyewitnesses. Examples of kerygma are found in Acts 5:30–32; 10:34–43; 13:16–41; 17:1–4; 26:12–29; 1 Cor. 15:1–11.

Noticeably absent from all these passages, however, is any mention of the ethical teaching of the NT. Dodd was emphatic that kerygma be distinguished from teaching, by which he meant the doctrinal, ethical, and apologetic aspects of Christianity. These he understood as appropriate to the life and thought of those already established in the faith but different from the evangelistic proclamation of kerygma, the purpose of which is to call unbelievers to salvation in Christ. Put another way, kerygma is primary, while teaching is secondary; the latter is effective only when presented to those who have already repented and believed.

Since Dodd, “kerygma” has been applied to the OT as well, where it refers to the specific saving acts of God, structured similarly to the NT speech of Stephen (Acts 7:2–53). Examples include Pss. 78; 105; 106; 135; 136.

The territory linking the Balkans with the Greek Peninsula. Though its borders shifted through its history, Macedonia stood north of Thessaly and mainland Greece, east of Epirus, and west of Thrace. Its topography is dominated by mountains and coastal plains along the Thermaic Gulf and northern shore of the Aegean Sea. The name “Macedonia” comes from a Greek word referring to “tall ones” or “highlanders.”

Culture and Language

Ethnically, the Macedonians were composed of various groups, including Dorians, Illyrians, and Greeks. Macedonians were distinct from but related to the Greeks. Hesiod, an early Greek poet (c. 700 BC), described Macedonia as a “cousin” of the Greeks. To other early Greek writers, the Macedonians were “barbarians.” Alexander I (r. 498–454 BC) embraced the Greek connection to Macedonia by claiming descent from the hero Heracles. After a court determined his claims to be true, he was permitted to participate in the Olympic games, an honor reserved only for Greeks. The Macedonians and the Greeks held similar religious beliefs, as both worshiped the twelve Olympian gods in similar ways. In fact, Mount Olympus is located in Macedonia. Macedonian artwork illustrated these shared religious beliefs as it expressed themes from Greek mythology.

The Macedonian language was a Greek dialect with numerous Phrygian and Illyrian loanwords and elements. To combat the divisive effect of numerous Greek dialects, including Macedonian, Alexander the Great spoke and spread Koine, or common, Greek. In fact, Alexander’s use of Koine Greek was the single greatest factor for the NT being written in Greek.

Although Macedonia had been on the fringe of Greece geographically and culturally, the Macedonians and the Greeks shared much in the way of language, culture, and religion. Especially from the time of Philip II (r. 359–336 BC), the Macedonians embraced Greek education and philosophy. Alexander the Great, a student of the Greek philosopher Aristotle, was the product of a combined Greco-Macedonian culture. Through his conquests, Alexander spread his blended Greco-Macedonian culture, also known as Hellenism, throughout the East, where the populace would speak Koine Greek, worship Greek gods, mimic Greek architecture, build Greek-styled cities, educate their young in gymnasiums, and reexamine the world through Greek philosophy. Differences between Macedonians and Greeks were further muted by exposure to much more distinctive Egyptian and Mesopotamian cultures. In the NT, “Greek” was less a nationality designation (Acts 20:2) and more of a cultural designation (John 12:20; Acts 14:1). Even Jews could be “Greek.”

History

According to Herodotus, around 650 BC Perdiccas I, the first in the Macedonian list of kings, established the Argead dynasty, which lasted until Alexander the Great. During the Persian invasions (c. 480 BC), the Macedonians cooperated with the Persians, but they also secretly provided supplies to the Greeks. However, it would be through the Macedonians that the Greeks would achieve vengeance against the Persians. Philip II would first unite the rival Greek city-states at the battle of Chaeronea in 338 BC. After Philip’s assassination, Alexander led one of the greatest campaigns in history to completely conquer the Persian Empire, which had stretched from Egypt to India (1 Macc. 1:1–7). Because Alexander had no heir, following his death the massive Macedonian empire dissolved into civil war among factions led by his former generals. Ultimately the rule of Macedonia and Greece fell to Antipater until his death in 319 BC. Years of conflict led to the establishment of the Antigonid dynasty, which lasted until the Roman invasion. Philip V won the first Macedonian war (212–205 BC) against Rome, but subsequent wars with Rome led to Macedonia being divided into four republics in 168 BC (1 Macc. 8:5). Twenty years later Rome annexed Macedonia, and in 146 BC Rome made Greece a protectorate administered from Macedonia.

During Rome’s own civil wars, many of the battles were fought in Greece and Macedonia. For example, at the battle of Philippi in 41 BC, Octavian defeated Brutus and Cassius, the assassins of Julius Caesar. In 27 BC Octavian, later known as Augustus, turned Macedonia into a senatorial province and separated it from Achaia. In AD 15 Tiberius combined Macedonia, Achaia, and Moesia into one large imperial province. However, in AD 44 Claudius again separated Macedonia from Achaia and made them senatorial provinces. This was the political status when Paul traveled through “Macedonia and Achaia” during his missionary journeys (Acts 19:21; Rom. 15:26; 1 Thess. 1:7).

The Journeys of Paul

From the time that Paul received his vision of a Macedonian man calling him to proclaim the gospel (Acts 16:9), Macedonia played a significant role in Paul’s journeys and the early church. He established three churches there and wrote three letters to them (Philippians and 1–2 Thessalonians). Several of Paul’s companions were Macedonians, including Sopater, Aristarchus, Secundus, and Jason (Acts 17:4–7; 20:4). In Paul’s correspondence he spoke of Macedonia at least sixteen times in six different letters. Answering the Macedonian call during his second missionary journey, Paul arrived in Philippi, which was “a Roman colony and a leading city of that district of Macedonia” (Acts 16:12). There he led Lydia, the first known European convert, to the gospel. After casting an evil spirit out from a slave girl, Paul and Silas were imprisoned, and they led the Philippian jailer and his family to the gospel (Acts 16:16–40). Lydia and the Philippian church generously supported Paul’s ministry and the church in Jerusalem (Rom. 15:26–27; 2 Cor. 8:1–5; Phil. 4:15–17).

Paul then traveled along the paved Via Egnatia to Thessalonica, where he established a church composed of “some” Jews and a “great many” Greeks and leading women (Acts 17:4). He stayed there at least three Sabbaths before opposition drove him to Berea (17:1–9), where many examined the Scriptures and more eagerly accepted the gospel (17:11). From Berea, he left Macedonia for Athens and Corinth in Achaia. Paul later returned to Macedonia during his third missionary journey (20:1–6).

The territory linking the Balkans with the Greek Peninsula. Though its borders shifted through its history, Macedonia stood north of Thessaly and mainland Greece, east of Epirus, and west of Thrace. Its topography is dominated by mountains and coastal plains along the Thermaic Gulf and northern shore of the Aegean Sea. The name “Macedonia” comes from a Greek word referring to “tall ones” or “highlanders.”

Culture and Language

Ethnically, the Macedonians were composed of various groups, including Dorians, Illyrians, and Greeks. Macedonians were distinct from but related to the Greeks. Hesiod, an early Greek poet (c. 700 BC), described Macedonia as a “cousin” of the Greeks. To other early Greek writers, the Macedonians were “barbarians.” Alexander I (r. 498–454 BC) embraced the Greek connection to Macedonia by claiming descent from the hero Heracles. After a court determined his claims to be true, he was permitted to participate in the Olympic games, an honor reserved only for Greeks. The Macedonians and the Greeks held similar religious beliefs, as both worshiped the twelve Olympian gods in similar ways. In fact, Mount Olympus is located in Macedonia. Macedonian artwork illustrated these shared religious beliefs as it expressed themes from Greek mythology.

The Macedonian language was a Greek dialect with numerous Phrygian and Illyrian loanwords and elements. To combat the divisive effect of numerous Greek dialects, including Macedonian, Alexander the Great spoke and spread Koine, or common, Greek. In fact, Alexander’s use of Koine Greek was the single greatest factor for the NT being written in Greek.

Although Macedonia had been on the fringe of Greece geographically and culturally, the Macedonians and the Greeks shared much in the way of language, culture, and religion. Especially from the time of Philip II (r. 359–336 BC), the Macedonians embraced Greek education and philosophy. Alexander the Great, a student of the Greek philosopher Aristotle, was the product of a combined Greco-Macedonian culture. Through his conquests, Alexander spread his blended Greco-Macedonian culture, also known as Hellenism, throughout the East, where the populace would speak Koine Greek, worship Greek gods, mimic Greek architecture, build Greek-styled cities, educate their young in gymnasiums, and reexamine the world through Greek philosophy. Differences between Macedonians and Greeks were further muted by exposure to much more distinctive Egyptian and Mesopotamian cultures. In the NT, “Greek” was less a nationality designation (Acts 20:2) and more of a cultural designation (John 12:20; Acts 14:1). Even Jews could be “Greek.”

History

According to Herodotus, around 650 BC Perdiccas I, the first in the Macedonian list of kings, established the Argead dynasty, which lasted until Alexander the Great. During the Persian invasions (c. 480 BC), the Macedonians cooperated with the Persians, but they also secretly provided supplies to the Greeks. However, it would be through the Macedonians that the Greeks would achieve vengeance against the Persians. Philip II would first unite the rival Greek city-states at the battle of Chaeronea in 338 BC. After Philip’s assassination, Alexander led one of the greatest campaigns in history to completely conquer the Persian Empire, which had stretched from Egypt to India (1 Macc. 1:1–7). Because Alexander had no heir, following his death the massive Macedonian empire dissolved into civil war among factions led by his former generals. Ultimately the rule of Macedonia and Greece fell to Antipater until his death in 319 BC. Years of conflict led to the establishment of the Antigonid dynasty, which lasted until the Roman invasion. Philip V won the first Macedonian war (212–205 BC) against Rome, but subsequent wars with Rome led to Macedonia being divided into four republics in 168 BC (1 Macc. 8:5). Twenty years later Rome annexed Macedonia, and in 146 BC Rome made Greece a protectorate administered from Macedonia.

During Rome’s own civil wars, many of the battles were fought in Greece and Macedonia. For example, at the battle of Philippi in 41 BC, Octavian defeated Brutus and Cassius, the assassins of Julius Caesar. In 27 BC Octavian, later known as Augustus, turned Macedonia into a senatorial province and separated it from Achaia. In AD 15 Tiberius combined Macedonia, Achaia, and Moesia into one large imperial province. However, in AD 44 Claudius again separated Macedonia from Achaia and made them senatorial provinces. This was the political status when Paul traveled through “Macedonia and Achaia” during his missionary journeys (Acts 19:21; Rom. 15:26; 1 Thess. 1:7).

The Journeys of Paul

From the time that Paul received his vision of a Macedonian man calling him to proclaim the gospel (Acts 16:9), Macedonia played a significant role in Paul’s journeys and the early church. He established three churches there and wrote three letters to them (Philippians and 1–2 Thessalonians). Several of Paul’s companions were Macedonians, including Sopater, Aristarchus, Secundus, and Jason (Acts 17:4–7; 20:4). In Paul’s correspondence he spoke of Macedonia at least sixteen times in six different letters. Answering the Macedonian call during his second missionary journey, Paul arrived in Philippi, which was “a Roman colony and a leading city of that district of Macedonia” (Acts 16:12). There he led Lydia, the first known European convert, to the gospel. After casting an evil spirit out from a slave girl, Paul and Silas were imprisoned, and they led the Philippian jailer and his family to the gospel (Acts 16:16–40). Lydia and the Philippian church generously supported Paul’s ministry and the church in Jerusalem (Rom. 15:26–27; 2 Cor. 8:1–5; Phil. 4:15–17).

Paul then traveled along the paved Via Egnatia to Thessalonica, where he established a church composed of “some” Jews and a “great many” Greeks and leading women (Acts 17:4). He stayed there at least three Sabbaths before opposition drove him to Berea (17:1–9), where many examined the Scriptures and more eagerly accepted the gospel (17:11). From Berea, he left Macedonia for Athens and Corinth in Achaia. Paul later returned to Macedonia during his third missionary journey (20:1–6).

A Pharisee commissioned by Jesus Christ to preach the gospel to Gentiles. His Jewish name was “Saul” (Acts 9:4; 13:9), but he preferred using his Roman name, especially when he signed his letters. Actually, “Paul” was his last name. Roman citizens had three names; the last name was the family name, called the “cognomen.” We do not know Paul’s first and middle Roman name, but his last name is derived from the Latin Paulus (Sergius Paulus, the proconsul of Cyprus, had the same family name [13:7]). Most people were known and called by their last name because group identity was more important in the first-century Mediterranean world than individual recognition. For example, when speaking publicly, Paul did not use his favorite self-designations, “apostle to the Gentiles” or “slave of Christ Jesus”; instead, he identified himself as a Jew, a citizen of Tarsus, a student of Gamaliel (21:39; 22:3). His social identity was embedded in his ethnicity, his nativity, his religion. However, even those categories cannot adequately describe Paul. He was a Jew but also a Roman citizen. Tarsus was his home (11:25–26), but he claimed that he was brought up in Jerusalem. He spoke Aramaic but wrote Greek letters. He was once a Pharisee but then preached a circumcision-free gospel to Gentiles. In many respects, Paul is an enigma. Who was he? What did he believe? Why did he think he had to leave his previous life in Judaism to become the apostle to the Gentiles? Why is he one of the major contributors to the NT even though he was not a follower of the historical Jesus?

Paul’s Life

Paul as a converted Pharisee. Paul spent the first half of his life as a Pharisee. The Pharisees were a Jewish sect that emphasized obedience to the law of God as the means of maintaining holiness. Practically all Jews believed that they should obey the law, but what made the Pharisees unique was their emphasis on applying all commandments, even those intended only for Levites and priests, to all Jews. For example, priests were required to keep certain rituals of hand washing before they ate (Lev. 22:1–9; cf. Exod 30:19–21; 40:31–32). So the Pharisees extended these requirements to all Israel in order to show God how serious they were about obeying the law (Mark 7:3–4). Obedience was crucial to God’s blessing; disobedience brought God’s curse. Therefore, the Pharisees established many traditions, going beyond the letter of the law, to ensure compliance. To what extent the Jewish people followed the example of the Pharisees is debated, but certainly it appeared to the people that no one was more zealous for God and his law than the Pharisees—a zeal that would compel them to join in the stoning of obvious offenders (Lev. 24:14; Acts 7:58). As a Pharisee, Paul’s zeal for the law led him to persecute Jewish Christians, not only in Jerusalem but also outside Israel, in places such as Damascus (Acts 8:3; 9:1–3; 22:4–5; Gal. 1:13–14; Phil. 3:6). Neither Paul nor Luke explains what the Pharisees found objectionable about this Jewish movement known as “the Way.” In fact, Paul’s teacher, Gamaliel, advised the Sanhedrin to ignore members of the Way and not make trouble for them (Acts 5:34–39)—advice obviously not taken by Paul. Perhaps it was Jesus’ reputation as a lawbreaker or the fact that he had died a cursed death according to the law that convinced Paul to imprison Jesus’ disciples (Deut. 21:23). Whatever the reason, Paul saw his role as persecutor of the church as the ultimate proof of his blamelessness under the law (Phil. 3:6).

After Christ appeared to Paul on the road to Damascus, everything changed: his life, his mission, his worldview (Acts 9:3–30). Paul left Pharisaism and immediately began preaching the gospel (Gal. 1:11–17). Those whom he persecuted were now friends. His zeal for the law was replaced by his zeal for Christ. It was a radical reversal. The rumor spread quickly: “The man who formerly persecuted us is now preaching the faith he once tried to destroy” (Gal. 1:23). Why the sudden change? Some think that it is what Paul saw—the glorified Messiah—that changed his perspective. The resurrection of Christ turned the curse of the cross into a blessing, death into life, shame into honor. The appearance of Christ (Christophany) was a revelation, an apocalypse, an end-of-the-world event for Paul. Old things passed away; everything became new (2 Cor. 5:17). What was divided under the old age of the law—Jews and Gentiles, male and female, slave and free—was united in Christ. Other scholars emphasize it is what Paul heard during the Christophany that changed the course of his life. Paul interpreted Christ’s charge, “Go, preach to the Gentiles,” as a prophetic calling, perhaps even fulfilling Isaiah’s end-time vision of salvation of the whole world (Isa. 49:1–7; Gal. 1:15–16). Thus, Paul’s westward push to take the gospel to the coastlands (Spain) was by divine design (Rom. 15:15–24). God commissioned Saul the Pharisee of the Jews to become Paul the apostle to the Gentiles because “the culmination of the ages has come” (1 Cor. 10:11).

Paul’s ministry. By our best estimates, Paul spent about thirty years preaching the gospel of Jesus Christ (AD 34–67)—a ministry that can be divided roughly into three decades. The first decade of his ministry (AD 34–46) has been called the “silent years,” as we have few details from Acts or the Pauline Epistles about his activities. For example, we know that he preached in Damascus for a while and spent some time in Arabia (a total of three years [Gal. 1:17–18]). He made a quick trip to Jerusalem to meet Peter and James the brother of Jesus. Then he returned home to Tarsus, evidently preaching there for several years, until Barnabas brought him to Antioch in Syria to help with the ministry of this mixed congregation of Jews and Gentiles (Acts 9:26–30; 11:25–26). In the second decade of his ministry (AD 46–59), Paul spent most of his life on the road, an itinerant ministry of preaching the gospel and planting churches from Cyprus to Corinth. For most of the third decade (AD 59–67), Paul ministered the gospel from prison, spending over two years imprisoned in Caesarea, another two to three years in a Roman prison (Acts ends here), released for a brief time (two years?) before his final arrest and imprisonment in Rome, where, according to church tradition, he was executed.

During his itinerant ministry, Paul traveled Roman roads that led him to free cities (Ephesus, Thessalonica, Athens) and Roman colonies (Pisidian Antioch, Iconium, Lystra, Derbe, Troas, Philippi, Corinth). Founding churches in urban centers afforded Paul more opportunities for ministry and for his work of making and repairing tents. Traveling within the borders of the Roman Empire also provided a better chance of protection as a citizen. At first, Paul and Barnabas covered familiar territory: Cyprus (Barnabas’s home region) and Anatolia (Paul’s home region). Then, with successive journeys Paul and other missionary companions branched out to Asia Minor, Macedonia, and Achaia. Some of the towns that Paul visited were small and provincial (Derbe, Lystra); others were major cities of great economic and intellectual commerce (Ephesus, Corinth, Athens). In the midst of such cultural diversity, Paul found receptive ears among a variety of ethnic groups: Gauls, Phrygians and Lycaonians, Greeks, Romans, and Jews. Previously, Paul’s Gentile converts had worshiped many gods (local, ethnic, and imperial), offered sacrifices at many shrines and temples, and joined in all the religious festivals (often involving immoral and ungodly practices). After believing the gospel, Paul’s predominantly Gentile churches turned from their idolatrous ways to serve “the living and true God” (1 Thess. 1:9). Their exclusive devotion to one God quickly led to economic and political problems, for both Paul’s converts and the cities of their residence. No more offerings for patron gods, no more support for local synagogues or the imperial cult—Paul’s converts were often persecuted for their newly found faith by local religious guilds (idol makers!) and civic leaders courting Roman favor (Acts 17:6–9; 19:23–41; Phil. 1:27–30; 1 Thess. 2:14–16). Indeed, Paul often was run out of town as a troublemaker who preached a message that threatened both the Jewish and the Roman ways of life (Acts 16:19–24; Phil. 3:17–4:1). It is no wonder that Paul’s activities eventually landed him in a Roman prison. It was only a matter of time before his reputation as a “lawbreaker” caught up with him (Acts 21:21). But that did not stop Paul. Whether as a prisoner or a free man, Paul proclaimed the gospel of Jesus Christ until the day he died.

Paul’s Gospel

The sources of Paul’s gospel. Paul ministered his entire life without the benefit of literary Gospels. Most scholars think that the earliest Gospel, Mark, was written about the time that Paul was martyred. Since Paul was not a disciple of Jesus and probably never heard him speak or witnessed his earthly ministry, how did Paul know what to preach? Where did Paul get his gospel? Paul mentioned four sources. First, he received oral traditions about Jesus from other Christians (1 Cor. 15:1–7). For him, hearing what happened during the Lord’s Supper from those who followed Jesus was the same as receiving it from the Lord (1 Cor. 11:23). Second, the Hebrew Scriptures were a major source of Paul’s gospel (Acts 17:2). Illumined by the Holy Spirit, Paul saw the gospel proclaimed in the law (Rom. 10:6–8) and predicted by the prophets (15:12). Third, in addition to the Christophany on the road to Damascus, Paul experienced revelations of Christ as epiphanies of the gospel (Acts 18:9–10; 26:18). This gave Paul the authority to claim that he received his gospel preeminently from Christ (Gal. 1:1, 16; 2:2). Fourth, Paul saw life experiences as a resource for the gospel (2 Cor. 12:7–10). As Paul made sense of what happened to him, he shared these insights with his converts as proof that “Christ is speaking through me” (2 Cor. 13:3–4). Indeed, Paul’s ways of doing the gospel were to be taught in all the churches as gospel truth (1 Cor. 4:17), because as far as Paul was concerned, the gospel of Jesus Christ was the gospel according to Paul.

The death and resurrection of Jesus Christ. The center of Paul’s gospel was the death and resurrection of Jesus. The essence of what he preached was “Jesus Christ and him crucified” (1 Cor. 2:2). Furthermore, the resurrection of Christ was indispensable to the gospel that Paul proclaimed. Without the resurrection, Paul argued, faith in Christ would be vain because believers would still be dead in their sins with no hope of life after death—the resurrection of their bodies (1 Cor. 15:13–19). Exploring the center, Paul used several metaphors drawn from everyday life to explain the significance of Christ’s work on the cross. Paul used legal terms such as “justification”/“righteousness,” “law,” and “condemnation” when he explained how sinners are justified by faith in Christ. Paul described the implications of Christ’s death in religious terms, using words such as “sacrifice,” “sin,” “propitiation”/“expiation” (NIV: “sacrifice of atonement”), and “temple,” which would make sense to both Jews and Gentiles. He also borrowed words from the world of commerce, such as “redemption,” “purchase,” and “slave,” especially when he emphasized the obedience of Christ, of Paul, of all believers. He even used military terms to describe how God turned enemies into friends through the cross: the “reconciliation” that came through the “victory” of Christ’s death when he “disarmed” the “powers.”

Paul also relied heavily on Jewish theology as he sorted out the work of God in Christ Jesus. Paul was a monotheist but attributed divine status to Jesus (Phil. 2:6). Paul believed that Israel was God’s chosen people but maintained that his Gentile converts were the elect, calling them the “Israel of God” (Gal. 6:16). Paul affirmed the law was holy but argued that holiness came only through the indwelling Spirit (Rom. 7:12; 1 Thess. 4:7–8). Paul believed that the Messiah’s appearance would bring about the end of the world but looked forward to Christ’s parousia (“appearance”) at the end of time. In other words, the person and work of Christ formed the lens through which Paul interpreted the Bible and made sense of the world. Indeed, Paul’s gospel was built on a foundation of Jewish doctrine, Jesus tradition, and religious experience.

A way of life. For Paul, the gospel was more than a set of beliefs; it was a way of life. To believe in Christ Jesus not only entailed accepting his sacrificial death as atonement for sin but also meant following Christ by taking up his cross—a life of sacrifice. Paul believed that he experienced the cross of Christ every time he endured hardship, every time he was persecuted, every time he suffered loss (Phil. 3:7–11). And it was in the crucified life that Paul found resurrection power (3:12–21). The gospel was the divine paradigm for living. What happened to Christ is what happened to Paul, and what happened to Paul is what would happen to all his converts. “Follow my example,” he wrote, “as I follow the example of Christ” (1 Cor. 11:1). In fact, Paul believed that all Christians were constantly being conformed to the image of God’s Son (Rom. 8:29). He was convinced that God would finish what he had started: the perfecting of his converts until the day of Christ’s return and the resurrection of every believer (Phil. 1:6; 3:21). The only thing that his converts needed to imitate Christ was the indwelling power of his Spirit (the Holy Spirit), the example of Paul’s life, and a letter every now and then from their apostle.

Paul’s Letters

Paul sent letters to churches and individuals to inform his converts of his situation, offer encouragement, answer questions, and address problems that developed while he was away. There are thirteen letters of Paul in the New Testament. Nine were written to churches or groups of churches (Romans; 1 and 2 Corinthians; Galatians; Ephesians; Philippians; Colossions; 1 and 2 Thessalonians) and four to individuals (1 and 2 Timothy; Titus; Philemon).

Paul the apostle. In most of his letters, Paul was on the defense: defending his apostleship, defending his itinerary, defending his gospel. Evidently, Paul’s opponents questioned whether Paul deserved to be called “apostle,” since he had not followed the historical Jesus and used to persecute the church (1 Cor. 15:8–9). According to Acts, when the first Christians decided to replace Judas Iscariot as one of the twelve apostles, they established the following criterion: the candidate must have been a follower of Jesus from his baptism to his ascension (Acts 1:21–22). Two men were qualified; one was chosen by divine lot, implying that there could be only twelve. Did the early church’s decision to recognize only twelve apostles define apostleship once and for all? Paul did not think so. He recognized the significance of the Twelve, but he believed that there were other apostles as well: Bar-na-bas, James the brother of Jesus, and himself (1 Cor. 15:5–9; Gal. 2:8–9). Paul knew that there were false apostles causing trouble in the churches (2 Cor. 11:13), some even carrying “letters of recommendation” (2 Cor. 3:1). But only those who had seen the resurrected Christ and were commissioned by him to preach the gospel were legitimate apostles (1 Cor. 9:1–2). The signs of apostleship were evident when the commission was fulfilled: planting churches and dispensing the Spirit (2 Cor. 3:2; 12:12; Gal. 3:5). Of all people, Paul’s converts should have never questioned the authority of their apostle. They were the proof of his apostleship.

Although Paul never mentioned this, the fact that he sent letters is evidence of his apostleship. Paul believed that the obedience of Gentile converts was his responsibility, a confirmation of his calling (Rom. 15:18–19). So he sent letters to make sure that they were keeping the traditions that he had taught them (1 Cor. 11:2). Sometimes, all that his readers needed was a little encouragement to keep up the good work (most of 1 Thessalonians and 2 Timothy are exhortations to keep doing what they were doing) or a more detailed explanation of what they already knew (Ephesians, Philippians, 1 Timothy, Titus). Many times, Paul sent letters to correct major problems within his churches. For example, some of the Galatians were submitting to the law and being circumcised (Gal. 4:21; 5:2–7). Some of the Colossians were involved in strange practices of asceticism and angel worship (Col. 2:16–23). Some of the Thessalonians had quit working for a living (2 Thess. 3:6–15). And, worst of all, the Corinthians were plagued with all kinds of problems: factions, lawsuits, incest, prostitutes, idolatry. Some of the Corinthians were also espousing false theological ideas, such as denying the resurrection (1 Cor. 15:12). Other churches had problems sorting out Paul’s theology as well. For example, the Thessalonians were confused about life after death, end times, and the return of Christ (1 Thess. 4:13–18; 2 Thess. 2:1–12), and the Romans needed, among other things, instruction about the role of Israel in the last days (Rom. 9:1–11:32). The fact that Paul felt obliged to send his lengthiest letter, loaded with some of his most sophisticated theological arguments, to the church in Rome, which he did not start and had not visited, says much about the way Paul saw the authority of his apostleship. Because he was the apostle to the Gentiles, Paul operated as if he were the mentor of all churches with Gentile members.

Church unity. Paul believed in the unity of the church. Indeed, he used several metaphors to help his readers see why it was important that one Lord and one faith should form one church. He described the church as a temple (1 Cor. 3:16–17), a family (Eph. 2:19), and a body—his favorite metaphor (1 Cor. 12:12–27). He warned of desecrating the temple with divisive teaching and immoral behavior (1 Cor. 3:1–6:20). He rebuked his children when they refused to obey him as their father (1 Cor. 3:14–21) or mother (Gal. 4:19–20). And, more than any other analogy, Paul likened the church to a human body that could be maimed by prejudice and threatened by sickness (1 Cor. 11:17–34). To him, a dismembered body was an unholy body; a segregated church meant that Christ was divided (1 Cor. 1:10–13). The ethnic, religious, social, political, geographical, and economic differences evident in one of the most diverse collections of people in the first-century Mediterranean world made Paul’s vision of a unified church appear like an impossible dream. Yet the apostle to the Gentiles believed that the unity of the body of Christ was indispensable not only to his mission but also to the gospel of Jesus Christ (Eph. 4:1–6). So he collected a relief offering among his Gentile converts to help poor Jewish Christians in Jerusalem (Rom. 15:26–27). He taught masters to treat their slaves like siblings (Philem. 16). And he solicited Romans to fund his mission trip to Spain (Rom. 15:24). As far as Paul was concerned, the gospel brought down every wall that divides humanity because all people need salvation in Christ (Eph. 2:14–18).

Conclusion

Paul was a tentmaker, a missionary, a writer, a preacher, a teacher, a theologian, an evangelist, a mentor, a prophet, a miracle worker, a prisoner, and a martyr. His life story reads like the tale of three different men: a devout Pharisee, a tireless traveler, an ambitious writer. He knew the Scriptures better than did most people. He saw more of the world than did most merchants. He wrote some of the longest letters known at that time. To his converts, he was a faithful friend. To his opponents, he was an irrepressible troublemaker. But, according to Paul, he was nothing more or less than the man whom God had called through Jesus Christ to take the gospel to the ends of the earth.

The English transliteration of the Greek word meaning “preaching, proclamation, message,” “kerygma” was coined as a scholarly term by C. H. Dodd, a professor of NT at Cambridge University, in 1964. In a lecture series titled “The Apostolic Preaching and Its Developments,” Dodd observed that four of Peter’s proclamations of the gospel message (Acts 2:14–36, 38–39; 3:12–26; 4:8–15) follow an identifiable pattern. They present basic facts as interpreted through the eternal perspective of the first-century church: (1) The age of prophetic fulfillment has dawned. (2) This has occurred through the ministry, death, and resurrection of Jesus. (3) Jesus is exalted at the right hand of God as the messianic head of Israel. (4) The Holy Spirit in the church is the sign of Christ’s present power and glory. (5) The messianic age will soon be consummated in the return of Christ. (6) Therefore, hearers are to repent to receive forgiveness, the Holy Spirit, and salvation.

Dodd further developed his ideas by examining the Gospels and finding that they conform to the essential kerygma pattern as well (Mark particularly clearly so), as do the gospel summaries appearing in the writings of Paul and John. Each contains an essential core of information: the prophetic announcement of Jesus, especially through the ministry of John the Baptist, the trial and crucifixion of Jesus, his burial, his resurrection from the dead, and the affirmation of these events through the testimony of eyewitnesses. Examples of kerygma are found in Acts 5:30–32; 10:34–43; 13:16–41; 17:1–4; 26:12–29; 1 Cor. 15:1–11.

Noticeably absent from all these passages, however, is any mention of the ethical teaching of the NT. Dodd was emphatic that kerygma be distinguished from teaching, by which he meant the doctrinal, ethical, and apologetic aspects of Christianity. These he understood as appropriate to the life and thought of those already established in the faith but different from the evangelistic proclamation of kerygma, the purpose of which is to call unbelievers to salvation in Christ. Put another way, kerygma is primary, while teaching is secondary; the latter is effective only when presented to those who have already repented and believed.

Since Dodd, “kerygma” has been applied to the OT as well, where it refers to the specific saving acts of God, structured similarly to the NT speech of Stephen (Acts 7:2–53). Examples include Pss. 78; 105; 106; 135; 136.

The practice of buying, selling, and trading goods is well attested in both Testaments. Listed among the items of trade in the Bible are textiles (Ezek. 27:24), metals (1 Kings 9:28; Ezek. 27:13; Rev. 18:12), spices (Jer. 6:20; Rev. 18:13), corn (1 Kings 5:11; Ezek. 27:17), animals (1 Kings 10:29), and wine (2 Chron. 2:15; Rev. 18:13).

Old Testament

Palestine rests in a strategic position between Egypt and Mesopotamia. Thus, major trade routes that predate the biblical writings are found throughout Palestine. That certain forms of commerce seem to just appear on the scene in the biblical narrative attests to the significance of commerce during the OT era. One such incident involves a caravan of Ishmaelites traveling from Gilead to Egypt (Gen. 37:25). Although the narrative is primarily interested in showing how Joseph ended up in Egypt, the reality that Ishmaelites (later called “Midianites” [Gen. 37:28]) travel at such great lengths for goods attests to the far-reaching impact of commerce at that time.

Traveling by land. By biblical times, three major north-south highways crossed Palestine. On the coast was the international coastal highway, sometimes referred to as the Way of the Sea (Lat. Via Maris) (see Isa. 9:1), although this is somewhat of a misnomer. This route began in Egypt and continued through to Gaza, Aphek, Megiddo, Hazor, Dan, and Damascus. Mentioned three times in the Bible (Num. 20:17; 21:22; Deut. 2:27), the King’s Highway began in the Gulf of Aqaba at Elath (northernmost point of the Red Sea) and ran north to Damascus. A major trade route in ancient times, the road eventually was lined with fortresses and rebuilt by the Roman emperor Trajan during the second century AD. The third major road was interregional but not international. This central interregional route ran from Shechem in the north to Beersheba in the south, making stops in Shiloh, Bethel, Ramah, Jerusalem, Bethlehem, and Hebron along the way.

The indication that Solomon had “seven hundred wives of royal birth and three hundred concubines” (1 Kings 11:3) evidences various lines of commerce, both regionally and internationally. Marriage, particularly for kings, was arranged often for strategic purposes. One way to formalize an agreement of peace, safe passage, or commerce agreements was to offer a daughter in marriage. Solomon’s wives from Egypt, Moab, Ammon, Edom, Sidon, and Hittite areas (1 Kings 11:1) probably served both political and economic functions.

Traveling by sea. Although travel and trade by water (rivers and sea) cannot be ruled out, particularly in Egypt, the most significant commercial endeavors in the OT concern the main trade routes through Palestine. However, numerous examples of maritime commerce are evidenced in the OT. Among the most interesting examples of maritime commerce are the ships of Solomon, which would return intermittently with “gold, silver and ivory, and apes and baboons” (1 Kings 10:22). Despite the admonition given to the Israelite kings (Deut. 17:15–20), Solomon acquired horses and chariots from Egypt (1 Kings 10:28–29) by way of Kue (cf. Cilicia in the southeast of present-day Turkey). Thus, trade appeared to be international by both land and sea (cf. Gen. 37:25–28; 1 Kings 10:15; Isa. 23:8; Ezek. 27).

Revelation. The centralized geographical orientation of Palestine ensured that it had a unique role in the commercial trade of the ancient Near East. Perhaps this is why God gave specific revelation to Israel that applied to commercial affairs. The exhortation to “use honest scales and honest weights” when conducting business would have demonstrated the integrity of both Israel and Israel’s God (Lev. 19:35–36).

New Testament

The conquests of Alexander the Great catalyzed trade relationships between West and East (c. fourth century BC). Yet it would not be until the Roman consolidation of power in the western Mediterranean (Third Punic War, 149–146 BC) that commerce was greatly improved. The two-century period of peace, referred to as the Pax Romana (cf. Philo, Embassy 47; Plutarch, Mor. 317B), was one of the abiding legacies of the emperor Augustus (r. 27 BC–AD 14). Among the positive outcomes of Augustus’s rule were economic prosperity, improved communications, and stabilized government. The growing network of Roman roads and strict regulation on the seas improved the quality and conditions of travel between locations, thus improving communications and commercial opportunity throughout the empire (cf. Pliny the Elder, Nat. 14.1.2).

Contributing to the development of commerce was the creation of a fully monetized economy throughout the Roman Empire. Although bartering continued to function, coinage had come into heavy usage after and on account of the policies of Alexander the Great. Strabo even goes so far as to mention that the lack of the use of coinage was a characteristic of barbarism (Geogr. 7.5.5).

Merchants include shippers, entrepreneurs, and their agents, who traveled about making contracts and supervising the shipment of goods. Although the typical source of income for an aristocrat was agriculture, the enticement of potential profits of commerce led some to engage in the merchant trade or appoint their slaves to do so. Jesus seems to allude to the latter practice in Matthew’s Gospel when he tells a parable of a master who goes on a long journey and expects his servants to handle his affairs (Matt. 25:14–27). A slave might be entrusted with a message or a business transaction abroad. Thus, it would not have been uncommon to see a slave traveling and handling his master’s business. Perhaps this gives insight into Onesimus, the slave whom Paul encounters, who belongs to Philemon (see Philem. 10–18).

Due to slow travel times, most foods were not transported very far. But the high demand for grain grew the commerce industry from a generally localized phenomenon to an international operation. Aside from the well-documented import/export of grain, items such as wine, dried fruits, spices, and other luxury items were shipped longer distances. Commerce was undertaken by both land and sea.

Traveling by land. Nothing like the massive infrastructure of modern nations existed in antiquity. Yet, by the time of the NT, Roman roads made shipping and land travel more efficient and possible than ever before. The extent of these road systems expanded from modern-day Scotland to the Euphrates and provided strategic value for the empire but also profoundly revolutionized commerce and travel. Many of these roads are still in use. Even with the improved conditions of the road systems, however, land commerce was slow and costly. Most commercial traffic, therefore, was localized. Maritime commercial enterprise, however, allowed for quicker, more economical shipping.

There were two principal land trade routes in the Roman world. First, the Appian Way (Lat. Via Appia) ran south from Rome to Capua, crossing Italy and extending to Brundisium on the Adriatic coast. Stretches of this road were traversed by Paul and his companions as they went to Rome (Acts 28:15–16). The second, the Egnatian Way (Lat. Via Egnatia), begins in Dyrrachium and spans across Macedonia and eventually to Byzantium (Istanbul). A stretch of Paul’s second and third missionary journeys would have used this path as he traveled to Thessalonica (cf. Acts 17:1).

To the east, in Asia Minor (present-day Turkey), the well-traveled east-west roadway was known as the Common Way. Anyone familiar with Paul’s missionary journeys will recognize some of the stops along the Common Way: Ephesus, Laodicea, Pisidian Antioch, Iconium, and Tarsus (to name a few).

Traveling by sea. The presence of maritime commerce is well documented in the NT. Virtually no travel industry existed in its own right; rather, travel followed the established trade routes. If one wished to travel by sea, one sought a cargo vessel heading to the appropriate locale. Thus, when the NT records sea travel, it is in the context of commerce ships (cf. Acts 27:38). Most ships stayed close to land and ventured between ports (cf. 20:13–15; 21:1–8; 27:2), although if the prevailing western winds could be utilized, a large ship would take to the open sea.

Although commerce was not an industry of the elite (cf. Cicero, Off. 1.150–151; Homer, Od. 8.14ff.), the importance of maritime trade cannot be overlooked. This industry provided a way to redistribute essential resources and goods throughout the Roman world, potentially eliminating temporary shortages. Both Athens and Rome depended highly upon imports of grain from Egypt to feed their urban population and maintain armies. In fact, much of the large commercial travel on the Mediterranean was undertaken to supply grain to Rome. The book of Acts mentions two such grain ships from Alexandria (27:6, 38; 28:11).

Large-scale sea commerce could transport vast amounts of goods between locations. Acts mentions 276 persons traveling on a grain ship destined for Rome (27:37). Likewise, Josephus records his ill-fated journey to Rome on a ship carrying 600 passengers (Life 15). This number of passengers provides some insight into the size of these sea vessels and the amount of cargo that could be carried. It is thought that an Alexandrian commerce ship could be up to two hundred feet long.

There were two principal maritime trade routes in the Roman world. First, the sea route from Puteoli (southeast of Rome) to Alexandria was used by merchant ships that took advantage of the prevailing winds on the Mediterranean as they traveled to Egypt for grain. This passage, of nearly one thousand nautical miles, could be made in less than two weeks. Conversely, the journey back could take up to three months and followed the Palestinian coast north, passing several significant ports: Lydda, Joppa, Caesarea, Ptolemais, Tyre, Sidon, and Antioch.

Although Roman peace ushered in an era of safer travel by land and by sea, maritime transit remained quite dangerous. Paul is recorded to have undergone four shipwrecks (see Acts 27:39–44; 2 Cor. 11:25–26). Josephus records his own journey to Rome “through a great number of hazards, by sea” (Life 14). Weather patterns and sea conditions could change quickly, and it was generally acknowledged that certain times of the year were better for traveling (Cod. theod. 13.9.3.3; Tacitus, Hist. 4.81; Acts 27:9–12; cf. 2 Tim. 4:13). Nevertheless, the Roman imperium offered generous incentives to merchants who risked the season and brought supplies of grain to Rome from Egypt (Suetonius, Claud. 18–19; Cassius Dio, Hist. 60.11). Such a ship provided the context for the apostle Paul’s journey to Rome, which ended in shipwreck and the loss of the grain product, but remarkably without any loss of life (see Acts 27:13–44).

Trade associations. Trade associations of various kinds existed in the ancient world. Such a group consisted of merchants or artisans who shared a common trade. These groups typically exerted no political, social, or economic influence. Rather, they existed to protect the merchants and artisans and their economic interests. Such was the case when the artisans of Ephesus incited a riot over the actions of Paul and his companions when they preached against the idolatry of Artemis worship (Acts 19:26). The statement that “all Asia and the world” worship Artemis (19:27) certainly is hyperbolic; yet the pervasiveness of the Artemis cult is recorded in other sources (Pausanias, Descr. 4.31.8; Strabo, Geogr. 4.1.5) and suggests that the artisans who fashioned these silver shrines made good money in the local economy.

Likewise, the bronze trade from Corinth is well documented in antiquity (e.g., Vitruvius, De arch. 8.41; Pliny the Elder, Nat. 34.6). Bronze was used to produce various goods: bowls, jewelry, and sound-enhancing vessels for the theater at Corinth. The latter may be what Paul alludes to when he writes of a “resounding gong” (1 Cor. 13:1). The recognition of the beauty and value of Corinthian bronze resulted in it being sought after by other markets. Pliny the Elder reports, “There has been a wonderful mania among many people for possessing this metal” (Nat. 34.6). Located on the Greek Peloponnesus, Corinth was in a strategic position to distribute its goods throughout the Roman Empire. It was to this port city that Paul came and spent significant time planting a church (Acts 18:1, 18).