... 2:41, 43). Whether this is a reference to the time of the Chronicler or to the time of the sources that he used is unclear. Given the close association of Judah and Simeon, it seems likely that the genealogical description given here makes certain claims of land for Judah. Additional Notes 4:28 The verb lived used in this verse and the related word in Hebrew used in 4:33 (translated “settlements”) suggest that the Simeonites were settled in this area. The source used by the Chronicler, namely, Joshua 19 ...
... and Septuagint) of 1 Chron. 9, he concludes that both writers made use of an earlier text but then also took the liberty of contextualizing and supplementing this text to suit their own respective interests. Klein (1 Chronicles, pp. 263–65) disagrees, claiming that Knoppers misjudged the significance of the minuses (i.e., those sections which are not present) in the Septuagint of Nehemiah. Klein argues that “these minuses in Nehemiah do not represent an earlier or superior text, but are the result of ...
... -administrative role (in Mizpah) or their cultic influence (particularly in Gibeon, where the tabernacle was kept before David brought it to Jerusalem and where Solomon still worshiped). This the Chronicler wanted to prevent at all costs, since he wanted to claim those powers exclusively for Jerusalem. Downplaying the role of Saul fits well into this context. The only statements that the Chronicler wanted to make about this Benjaminite were that he failed because he did not seek Yahweh and that Yahweh ...
... that the temple was built on the threshing floor of Araunah the Jebusite. Although the argument will be presented more fully below in the discussion of 1 Chronicles 21, I note here that the explication of Jebus might be the way in which the Chronicler claimed that David’s city and the temple were established in neutral terrain between Judah and Benjamin. Another significant change in Chronicles is the omission of the mocking remark of the Jebusites (in 2 Sam. 5:6) that David will never be able to conquer ...
... norm that David used when organizing the Levites into divisions. By presenting the process in this way, the Chronicler portrayed David as acting in accordance with tradition. Moreover, the Levites are presented as being organized in accordance with tradition. This claim probably gave legitimacy to the clergy in the Chronicler’s own days. The organized cult in the postexilic age is thereby portrayed as a continuation of the past and not as something new that developed during the Persian period. 23 ...
... in the total of verse 64. 2:59–63 This sad group of lay and priestly families functions as a telling footnote before the total membership of the gradually increased community is given. Distinguishing people who could not prove the ancestry they claimed underlines the significance of the main list as a census of genuine members who had verifiable links with the preexilic community of Israel. First, three non-qualifying lay groups are listed in verses 59–60, according to the exilic communities to which ...
... contributions. It is no coincidence that the dedication of Solomon’s temple took place at the time of the Feast of Tabernacles (1 Kgs. 8:2, 65). The echo of that event at the first stage of rebuilding the second temple makes a further claim for continuity with the worship of the first. 3:6 A recurring element in Ezra-Nehemiah is the establishment of permanent guidelines for the postexilic community, often in the area of religious institutions. Here is the first such guideline. This second mention of the ...
... of the temple appears to deliberately echo the divine promise in Isaiah 60:7, “I will adorn my glorious temple,” where the same Hebrew verb is used. This eschatological prophecy about adorning the temple with lavish sacrifices had now come true, it is claimed. Artaxerxes was the very agent of God in providing so liberally for the temple sacrifices mentioned in verses 17 and 22. Then Ezra praises God for the fact that the Persian authorities selected him as special commissioner. He credits it to God’s ...
... . 2) is given a position separate from the rest of the laity, who are significantly grouped under twelve family names. This symbolic number, which will reappear in a priestly and Levitical context in verse 24 and also in a sacrificial setting in verse 35, reveals a claim for a representative role for the party as reflecting the totality of the true Israel with its tradition of twelve tribes. Here was a microcosm of the authentic people of God returning to the land. The numbers of males add up to about 1,500 ...
... no textual evidence for it has survived (Barthélemy, Critique textuelle, vol. 1, pp. 528f.). 10:38 From the descendants of Binnui: The MT, retained in the NJPS, has “and Bani and Binnui.” The NIV, together with other modern versions, has reconstructed the text, claiming the support of the LXX and 1 Esd. 9:34. Barthélemy, Critique textuelle, vol. 1, p. 529, has pointed out that the alleged counterpart in 1 Esd. corresponds to the beginning of v. 34, while the actual counterpart is of no help. The LXX ...
... in place of the performance of conduct. The old texts had envisioned a return to the land, explicitly or implicitly. Nehemiah stipulated the people’s return to Jerusalem, challenging the bad news of its destruction with an expression of divine purpose to which he laid claim. In Deuteronomy, the temple was the place . . . chosen as a dwelling for God’s Name (e.g., Deut. 12:5, 11). Here, however, it appears to be the city of Jerusalem that is chosen by God, corresponding to texts like 1 Kings 8:44; 11 ...
Details of the Wall Building: Here, by contrast, is a list of those who had a “share,” a “claim,” and a “historic right” in Jerusalem (2:20), and who proudly exercised their privileges by rebuilding its wall. Nehemiah evidently persuaded them that the “welfare of the Israelites” (2:10) was at stake. This section seems to have originated as a separate list found in the temple archives: it gives ...
... those who were praying. The prayer Nehemiah prayed as representative of the covenant community took the Samarian ridicule with absolute seriousness—not only as a weapon of demoralization, but also as an indication of hostility to God’s own work and will. So he claimed divine help. Judah’s enemies heard the ridicule, but then God heard the call of Nehemiah. The battle lines were implacably drawn. 4:6–9 This next report on the wall, given in verse 6 and expanded in verse 7, reflects the real progress ...
... west wall. It is not mentioned in ch. 3 and may have lain outside the future line of Nehemiah’s wall (Williamson, Ezra, Nehemiah, p. 375). 8:17 From the days . . . this: Behind the rhetoric there seems to lie a combination of two claims. First, these people possessed a renewed capacity to appreciate the land—in contrast to centuries of pre-exilic celebrations by those who knew no other home. Second, it was the first postexilic celebration that approximated the ancient one, with booths and Torah readings ...
... , 9, 11, 19 [2x]) and a noun translated “kingdom/realm” three times (1:4, 14, 20). The emphasis on things and persons that are royal reflects the values of the Persian court. Vashti had forgotten that her royalty was a contingent status. Her only claims in this environment were in relationship with the king. The party she gave in verse 9 was held in “the royal palace of King Xerxes,” literally, “the royal house that belonged to King Xerxes.” She forgot the source and owner of her possessions and ...
... (v. 25) is motivated by the divine protection (v. 26; cf. 2:7–8). 3:27–28 The NIV indicates by format that the style reverts to the couplets that marked verses 1–12. The admonitions specify doing good to those who have a valid claim (a decision is called for here), provided one has the resources. Verse 28 sharpens this advice by prohibiting delay in helping the neighbor. 3:29–30 In contrast to verses 27–28, where sins of omission were envisioned, these commands forbid sins of commission (malice ...
... resumes his teaching mode after the harrowing description of yielding to temptation. All the students (my sons) are addressed, although the prohibition in v. 25 is expressed in the singular. In vivid language, he describes the “stranger” as a warrior who has claimed many victims, whose house (recall v. 6) leads to Sheol (rather than the NIV grave). These words are reminiscent of the description of the “strange woman” in 2:18–19, and verse 27 anticipates the remarks concerning Woman Folly in 9:18 ...
... , in fact. But the sages accepted the sayings as in keeping with their piety. It is futile to try to distinguish between religious and non-religious in the collections that were handed down. Whatever validity one or another distinction in meaning is claimed for a saying (e.g., religious or non-religious), this may be a distinction imposed by us. We must not neglect the biblical nuance given to the book of Proverbs by these introductory chapters. Moreover, the recognition of various levels of meaning ...
... AEL, vol. 3, p. 169). 15:24 Antithetic in style, but the second line is a purpose clause. The adverbs upward and down are merely directional (cf. Deut. 28:13, 43). The saying refers to quality of life (or lack of it). There is no basis for claiming that these adverbs (absent from the LXX) were added to indicate life beyond death. 15:25 Antithetic and chiastic. The proud may be also those who oppress the widow. See the remark about the boundary stone in 22:28. The prophets also indicated the greed of those ...
... . More than one translation is possible. Ends can also be rendered “to give an answer.” However, to whom is the answer given: the wicked or God? Probably God—everyone must answer to God. The NIV, with many others, makes a sweeping claim for divine causality; nothing escapes God, even what seem to be an exception, the wicked. The day of disaster designates any catastrophe in this life, including death. Disaster should be understood in the sense of due retribution or punishment. See also Sirach ...
... 18 The admonition not to gloat over the fall of an enemy is motivated by the displeasure of the LORD who will punish you instead of your enemy (v. 18; cf. 17:5). In other words, it is only for God to pass judgment. Others (e.g., McKane, Proverbs) claim that the motive is that God might stop punishing the enemy. Schadenfreude, or rejoicing over the downfall of the enemy, is common to ancients and modern alike. In Psalm 35:15–21, the enemies of the psalmist are guilty of it (but cf. Ps. 92:11). Job abjures ...
... is questionable; see Additional Notes. That justice should characterize a king’s reign is a commonplace (cf. e.g., 16:12; Isa. 9:7). 25:6–7a Admonitions to humility before king and noblemen are motivated by a “better” saying. The purpose is to warn against false claims to honor at the royal court. See Luke 14:7–11 for a similar thought. 25:7b-8 The NIV incorporates verse 7b of the MT into verse 8, and the marginal note should be disregarded. Again the admonition is a caution: do not hasten into a ...
... understand this to be the reflection of a reader who interpreted the examples in verses 18–19 as indicating that no trace is left. Then the idea is applied to the conduct of an adulteress whose symbolic gesture removes traces (of an evil deed) and who claims to be innocent. This kind of observation obviously doesn’t fit with the “marvels” of the previous saying, and it is also outside the 3/4 numbering, the pattern for the next three proverbs. 30:21–23 Another numerical proverb in 3/4 style, with ...
... and a subject to the general situation of one person having power over another. In 8:11, Qohelet praises deterrence like a law and order politician. In the related 8:12, however, Qohelet sees the survival of the wicked, which undermines the traditional wisdom claim that it will be better for God-fearers. As usual, it is difficult to be sure whether I know means that Qohelet knows about the traditional teaching (without necessarily accepting it) or, at least in the long run, affirms it as true (even without ...
... of young love, there is this recurrent note of opposition not only from the brothers but also from the city guards (5:7) and unnamed others (8:1). Vineyards (v. 6) is a loaded term. In the simplest, most literal, sense of verse 6d, the woman claims that she was engaged in agricultural work. But the term can also be symbolic of female sexuality (see Isa. 5:1), and verse 6e, my own vineyard I have neglected, raises this association. If the latter is a correct reading, the woman acknowledges that, in an ...