Rabbinic commentary on the Hebrew Bible, either the text or a biblical event. “Midrash” (pl. “midrashim”) is a noun derived from the verb darash, meaning “to seek” or “to inquire.” “Midrash” can refer to the commentary on a single passage, such as a midrash on Gen. 1, or to a whole collection of midrashim, such as Genesis Rabbah. It may also refer to the process by which ancient rabbis interpreted Scripture. Rabbinic midrash seeks theological and halakic answers to contemporary concerns; thus, it is concerned with the application of Scripture to various aspects of life.

Rabbinic Midrash

Midrash uses Scripture to interpret Scripture and uses the Bible as a whole, unified book. Although context is not ignored altogether, mid-rash juxtaposes verses from throughout the Hebrew Bible in order to illuminate a given text or illustrate a point. Verses are strung together to elucidate a theme that the text suggests either implicitly or explicitly. Within this system of Scripture interpreting Scripture, the Pentateuch holds pride of place as the center of the biblical witness. In rabbinic midrash, often the Prophets and the Writings do not have independent voices separate from the Pentateuch but serve a supporting role.

At times, the juxtaposition of verses that occur in midrash seems arbitrary, but this is not the case. A set of midrashic rules, middot, governs how the verses of Scripture are to be used and how argumentation is to be formed. Over time, the rules became more elaborate, but their earliest statement is attributed to the pre–AD 70 rabbi Hillel in the Babylonian Talmud. He lists seven rules:

1. Argument from the less significant to more significant, and vice versa.

2. Argument by analogy when Scripture uses identical expressions.

3. A statement in one verse applies to all topically related verses.

4. Same as the principle in three, but derived from two verses, not just one.

5. Argument from general to particular, and vice versa.

6. Argument from a similar expression found in another passage.

7. Argument from context.

The rabbinic rules of scriptural interpretation are similar to rules for Hellenistic rhetoric and Roman legal argument and thus reflect Hellenistic and Roman influence.

Rabbinic midrash can be characterized broadly as halakic (developing rules for Sabbath observance, ritual purity, sacrifice, etc.) and haggadic (theological, ethical, and whatever does not fall under halakic). Some bodies of rabbinic midrash explore a book of the Bible more or less verse by verse, and others are topical. Some midrashic works are homiletical in nature; they preserve sermon material from synagogue services.

Midrash in the Bible

Although the large compilations of mid-rash are rabbinic and are later than the Bible, midrashic material is also found much earlier. Midrash has its origins in the Bible. The clearest example is Chronicles, which in many respects is a midrash on Samuel and Kings. At Qumran, we find literature that can be classified as rewritten Scripture, such as the Temple Scroll, the book of Jubilees, and the Genesis Apocryphon, which have midrashic features. The Qumran Pesharim are also midrashic, although of a less sophisticated nature than the later rabbinic midrash, and seem to employ the middot.

The NT contains examples of midrashic material. Jesus’ teaching in the Gospels includes some midrashic material. In Luke 4:16–21, Jesus reads from the scroll of Isaiah and interprets the passage as applying to himself. Jesus is delivering a petikhah, a short exposition on a biblical text outside the main synagogue sermon. When debating with the Sadducees over the resurrection, Jesus gives midrashic comment to Exod. 3:6 (Luke 20:27–40). The apostle Paul engages in midrash even more explicitly: for example, he applies Deut. 25:4, concerning not muzzling an ox while it is threshing grain, to the idea that a minister is worthy of being paid for work (1 Cor. 9:9; 1 Tim. 5:18). Paul is arguing from the lesser to the greater in his application of Torah to his contemporary situation.

The most extended midrash in the NT is the book of Hebrews. For example, in Heb. 1–2 the writer applies numerous quotations from the Psalter to Jesus in order to show how he is greater than the angels. In Heb. 4 the writer, through an interpretation of Ps. 95:11, does a midrash on entering into God’s rest, by which he applies God’s resting from his work (Gen. 2:2) to Christians’ entering that rest because of the unbelief of Israel in the wilderness. It appears that the author is forming an argument by analogy in relating Gen. 2:2 and Ps. 95:11.

It can be demonstrated that Jews employed midrashic techniques in their interpretation of Scriptures centuries before the earliest rabbinic midrash compilations were created. We see these techniques in Qumran Pesharim, Philo’s writings, and in the NT. The rabbis made use of long-established interpretive techniques and made them more sophisticated. The difference between Qumranite, ancient Christian, and rabbinic interpretation of Scripture was one of emphasis. For the Qumranites, all Scripture had to speak of their community, which was the true, believing community in the end of days. For the Christians, all Scripture had to speak of Jesus and the salvation that he brought. For the rabbis, all Scripture upheld Torah and obedience to that Torah as the center of Jewish life.

During childbirth a woman would squat on a birthstool, and a midwife often assisted the birthing process (see also Stool). Whether they were older female relatives or friends of the mother, their duties could include cutting the umbilical cord, cleansing the baby, rubbing it down with salt (purpose still unknown), and wrapping the baby in strips of cloth (Ezek. 16:4). A midwife assured Rachel of a safe delivery of her son (Gen. 35:17), and another determined the firstborn of twins by tying a scarlet cord on his hand (Gen. 38:27–30). Pharaoh instructed two midwives to kill all the male infants of the Hebrew women. They refused because of their fear of God and were rewarded with families of their own (Exod. 1:15–22).

(1) The wife of Nahor, Abraham’s brother (Gen. 11:29). She was the grandmother of Rebekah, wife of Isaac (Gen. 24:24). This ancestry of Rebekah is important to the narrative because it was necessary for the wife of Isaac to be not a Canaanite but rather one of Abraham’s own relatives (Gen. 24:3–4). (2) One of the daughters of Zelophehad. After appealing to Moses, these daughters received their father’s inheritance and established the precedent that in the absence of a son, a man’s property goes to his daughters (Num. 27:7–8).

A staple of the Hebrew diet, milk is one of the things considered essential for life by Jesus ben Sira, a Jewish writer of the Second Temple period (Sir. 39:26). In the ancient Near East humans consumed the milk not just from cows but also from goats, sheep, and even camels (Gen. 32:15; Deut. 32:14; Isa. 7:21–22). Since there was no process of pasteurization or refrigeration, milk often was processed to create curds, cheese, butter, or slightly soured and fermented milk. The souring process was done inside an animal skin used to hold the liquid until it was needed (Judg. 4:19).

With the prominent place that milk held in the life of the people of Israel, it is no surprise that it appears in the Bible in many contexts. The land of Canaan is frequently described as a land “flowing with milk and honey,” a metaphor for prosperity and a promise of abundant pasturelands (Exod. 3:8; Lev. 20:24; Num. 13:27; Deut. 6:3). Milk sometimes is associated with honey or wine, and it may have been consumed in such combinations (Gen. 49:12; Isa. 55:1; Joel 3:18). Milk (like wine and honey) is a heavy liquid that leaves a pleasant aftertaste, and it may suggest the pleasures of kissing in Song of Songs (see, e.g., Song 4:11). The OT law proclaims, “Do not cook a young goat in its mother’s milk” (Exod. 23:19; Deut. 14:21). This mysterious prohibition probably refers to a Canaanite custom in which a young goat was cooked in its mother’s milk as part of a pagan religious ritual. This prohibition was later interpreted by Jewish scholars to indicate a total prohibition on eating meat and dairy products together in the same meal, which is a major aspect of kosher regulations. In the NT, milk is used metaphorically for nourishing spiritual teaching (1 Pet. 2:2). Paul reworks this image to indicate that believers, like growing infants, must move beyond the mere milk of basic principles to mature spiritual instruction (1 Cor. 3:2; cf. Heb. 5:12–13).

(1) The wife of Nahor, Abraham’s brother (Gen. 11:29). She was the grandmother of Rebekah, wife of Isaac (Gen. 24:24). This ancestry of Rebekah is important to the narrative because it was necessary for the wife of Isaac to be not a Canaanite but rather one of Abraham’s own relatives (Gen. 24:3–4). (2) One of the daughters of Zelophehad. After appealing to Moses, these daughters received their father’s inheritance and established the precedent that in the absence of a son, a man’s property goes to his daughters (Num. 27:7–8).

It is difficult to imagine a world without consistent metrological systems. Society’s basic structures, from economy to law, require a uniform and accurate method for measuring time, distances, weights, volumes, and so on. In today’s world, technological advancements allow people to measure various aspects of the universe with incredible accuracy—from nanometers to light-years, milligrams to kilograms.

The metrological systems employed in biblical times span the same concepts as our own modern-day systems: weight, linear distance, and volume or capacity. However, the systems of weights and measurements employed during the span of biblical times were not nearly as accurate or uniform as the modern units employed today. Preexisting weight and measurement systems existed in the contextual surroundings of both the OT and the NT authors and thus heavily influenced the systems employed by the Israelite nation as well as the NT writers. There was great variance between the different standards used merchant to merchant (Gen. 23:16), city to city, region to region, time period to time period, even despite the commands to use honest scales and honest weights (Lev. 19:35–36; Deut. 25:13–15; Prov. 11:1; 16:11; 20:23; Ezek. 45:10).

Furthermore, inconsistencies and contradictions exist within the written records as well as between archaeological specimens. In addition, significant differences are found between preexilic and postexilic measurements in the biblical texts, and an attempt at merging dry capacity and liquid volume measurements further complicated the issue. This is to be expected, especially when we consider modern-day inconsistencies—for example, 1 US liquid pint = 0.473 liters, while 1 US dry pint = 0.550 liters. Thus, all modern equivalents given below are approximations, and even the best estimates have a margin of error of + 5 percent or more.

Weights

Weights in biblical times were carried in a bag or a satchel (Deut. 25:13; Prov. 16:11; Mic. 6:11) and were stones, usually carved into various animal shapes for easy identification. Their side or flat bottom was inscribed with the associated weight and unit of measurement. Thousands of historical artifacts, which differ by significant amounts, have been discovered by archaeologists and thus have greatly complicated the work of determining accurate modern-day equivalents.

Beka. Approximately 1⁄5 ounce, or 5.6 grams. Equivalent to 10 gerahs or ½ the sanctuary shekel (Exod. 38:26). Used to measure metals and goods such as gold (Gen. 24:22).

Gerah. 1⁄50 ounce, or 0.56 grams. Equivalent to 1⁄10 beka, 1⁄20 shekel (Exod. 30:13; Lev. 27:25).

Litra. Approximately 12 ounces, or 340 grams. A Roman measure of weight. Used only twice in the NT (John 12:3; 19:39). The precursor to the modern British pound.

Mina. Approximately 1¼ pounds, or 0.56 kilograms. Equivalent to 50 shekels. Used to weigh gold (1 Kings 10:17; Ezra 2:69), silver (Neh. 7:71–72), and other goods. The prophet Ezekiel redefined the proper weight: “The shekel is to consist of twenty gerahs. Twenty shekels plus twenty-five shekels plus fifteen shekels equal one mina” (Ezek. 45:12). Before this redefinition, there were arguably 50 shekels per mina. In Jesus’ parable of the servants, he describes the master entrusting to his three servants varying amounts—10 minas, 5 minas, 1 mina—implying a monetary value (Luke 19:11–24), probably of either silver or gold. One mina was equivalent to approximately three months’ wages for a laborer.

Pim. Approximately 1⁄3 ounce, or 9.3 grams. Equivalent to 2⁄3 shekel. Referenced only once in the Scriptures (1 Sam. 13:21).

Shekel. Approximately 2⁄5 ounce, or 11 grams. Equivalent to approximately 2 bekas. The shekel is the basic unit of weight measurement in Israelite history, though its actual weight varied significantly at different historical points. Examples include the “royal shekel” (2 Sam. 14:26), the “common shekel” (2 Kings 7:1), and the “sanctuary shekel,” which was equivalent to 20 gerahs (e.g., Exod. 30:13; Lev. 27:25; Num. 3:47). Because it was used to weigh out silver or gold, the shekel also functioned as a common monetary unit in the NT world.

Talent. Approximately 75 pounds, or 34 kilograms. Equivalent to approximately 60 minas. Various metals were weighed using talents: gold (Exod. 25:39; 37:24; 1 Chron. 20:2), silver (Exod. 38:27; 1 Kings 20:39; 2 Kings 5:22), and bronze (Exod. 38:29). This probably is derived from the weight of a load that a man could carry.

Table 12. Biblical Weights and Measures and Their Modern Equivalents:

Weights

Beka – 10 geraahs; ½ shekel = 1/5 ounce = 5.6 grams

Gerah – 1/10 beka; 1/20 shekel = 1/50 ounce = 0.56 grams

Litra – 12 ounces = 340 grams

Mina – 50 shekels = 1 ¼ pounds = 0.56 kilograms

Pim – 2/3 shekel = 1/3 ounce = 9.3 grams

Shekel – 2 bekas; 20 gerahs = 2/5 ounce = 11 grams

Talent – 60 minas = 75 pounds = 34 kilograms

Linear measurements

Cubit – 6 handbreadths = 18 inches = 45.7 centimeters

Day’s journey = 20-25 miles = 32-40 kilometerse

Fingerbreadth – ¼ handbreadth = ¾ inch = 1.9 centimeterse

Handbreadth – 1/6 cubit = 3 inches = 7.6 centimeters

Milion – 1 mile = 1.6 kilometers

Orguia – 1/100 stadion = 5 feet 11 inches = 1.8 meters

Reed/rod – 108 inches = 274 centimeters

Sabbath day’s journey – 2,000 cubits = ¾ mile = 1.2 kilometers

Span – 3 handbreadths = 9 inches = 22.8 centimeters

Stadion – 100 orguiai = 607 feet = 185 meters

Capacity

Cab – 1 omer = ½ gallon = 1.9 liters

Choinix – ¼ gallon = 0.9 liters

Cor – 1 homer; 10 ephahs = 6 bushels; 48.4 gallons = 183 liters

Ephah – 10 omers; 1/10 homer = 3/5 bushel; 6 gallons = 22.7 liters

Homer – 10 ephahs; 1 cor = 6 bushels; 48.4 gallons = 183 liters

Koros – 10 bushels; 95 gallons – 360 liters

Omer – 1/10 ephah; 1/100 homer = 2 quarts = 1.9 liters

Saton – 1 seah = 7 quarts = 6.6 liters

Seah – 1/3 ephah; 1 saton = 7 quarts = 6.6 liters

Liquid Volume

Bath – 1 ephah = 6 gallons = 22.7 liters

Batos – 8 gallons = 30.3 liters

Hin – 1/6 bath; 12 logs = 1 gallon; 4 quarts = 3.8 liters

Log – 1/72 bath; 1/12 hin = 1/3 quart = 0.3 liters

Metretes – 10 gallons = 37.8 literes

Linear Measurements

Linear measurements were based upon readily available natural measurements such as the distance between the elbow and the hand or between the thumb and the little finger. While convenient, this method of measurement gave rise to significant inconsistencies.

Cubit. Approximately 18 inches, or 45.7 centimeters. Equivalent to 6 handbreadths. The standard biblical measure of linear distance, as the shekel is the standard measurement of weight. The distance from the elbow to the outstretched fingertip. Used to describe height, width, length (Exod. 25:10), distance (John 21:8), and depth (Gen. 7:20). Use of the cubit is ancient. For simple and approximate conversion into modern units, divide the number of cubits in half for meters, then multiply the number of meters by 3 to arrive at feet.

1 cubit = 2 spans = 6 handbreadths = 24 fingerbreadths

Day’s journey. An approximate measure of distance equivalent to about 20–25 miles, or 32–40 kilometers. Several passages reference a single or multiple days’ journey as a description of the distance traveled or the distance between two points: “a day’s journey” (Num. 11:31; 1 Kings 19:4), “a three-day journey” (Gen. 30:36; Exod. 3:18; 8:27; Jon. 3:3), “seven days” (Gen. 31:23), and “eleven days” (Deut. 1:2). After visiting Jerusalem for Passover, Jesus’ parents journeyed for a day (Luke 2:44) before realizing that he was not with them.

Fingerbreadth. The width of the finger, or ¼ of a handbreadth, approximately ¾ inch, or 1.9 centimeters. The fingerbreadth was the beginning building block of the biblical metrological system for linear measurements. Used only once in the Scriptures, to describe the bronze pillars (Jer. 52:21).

Handbreadth. Approximately 3 inches, or 7.6 centimeters. Equivalent to 1/6 cubit, or four fingerbreadths. Probably the width at the base of the four fingers. A short measure of length, thus compared to a human’s brief life (Ps. 39:5). Also the width of the rim on the bread table (Exod. 25:25) and the thickness of the bronze Sea (1 Kings 7:26).

Milion. Translated “mile” in Matt. 5:41. Greek transliteration of Roman measurement mille passuum, “a thousand paces.”

Orguia. Approximately 5 feet 11 inches, or 1.8 meters. Also translated as “fathom.” A Greek unit of measurement. Probably the distance between outstretched fingertip to fingertip. Used to measure the depth of water (Acts 27:28).

Reed/rod. Approximately 108 inches, or 274 centimeters. This is also a general term for a measuring device rather than a specific linear distance (Ezek. 40:3, 5; 42:16–19; Rev. 11:1; 21:15).

Sabbath day’s journey. Approximately ¾ mile, or 1.2 kilometers (Acts 1:12). About 2,000 cubits.

Span. Approximately 9 inches, or 22.8 centimeters. Equivalent to three handbreadths, and ½ cubit. The distance from outstretched thumb tip to little-finger tip. The length and width of the priest’s breastpiece (Exod. 28:16).

Stadion. Approximately 607 feet, or 185 meters. Equivalent to 100 orguiai. Used in the measurement of large distances (Matt. 14:24; Luke 24:13; John 6:19; 11:18; Rev. 14:20; 21:16).

Land Area

Seed. The size of a piece of land could also be measured on the basis of how much seed was required to plant that field (Lev. 27:16; 1 Kings 18:32).

Yoke. Fields and lands were measured using logical, available means. In biblical times, this meant the amount of land a pair of yoked animals could plow in one day (1 Sam. 14:14; Isa. 5:10).

Capacity

Cab. Approximately ½ gallon, or 1.9 liters. Equivalent to 1 omer. Mentioned only once in the Scriptures, during the siege of Samaria (2 Kings 6:25).

Choinix. Approximately ¼ gallon, or 0.9 liters. A Greek measurement, mentioned only once in Scripture (Rev. 6:6).

Cor. Approximately 6 bushels (48.4 gallons, or 183 liters). Equal to the homer, and to 10 ephahs. Used for measuring dry volumes, particularly of flour and grains (1 Kings 4:22; 1 Kings 5:11; 2 Chron. 2:10; 27:5; Ezra 7:22). In the LXX, cor is also a measure of liquid volume, particularly oil (1 Kings 5:11; 2 Chron. 2:10; Ezra 45:14).

Ephah. Approximately 3⁄5 bushel (6 gallons, or 22.7 liters). Equivalent to 10 omers, or 1⁄10 homer. Used for measuring flour and grains (e.g., Exod. 29:40; Lev. 6:20). Isaiah prophesied a day of reduced agricultural yield, when a homer of seed would produce only an ephah of grain (Isa. 5:10). The ephah was equal in size to the bath (Ezek. 45:11), which typically was used for liquid measurements.

Homer. Approximately 6 bushels (48.4 gallons, or 183 liters). Equivalent to 1 cor, or 10 ephahs. Used for measuring dry volumes, particularly of various grains (Lev. 27:16; Isa. 5:10; Ezek. 45:11, 13–14; Hos. 3:2). This is probably a natural measure of the load that a donkey can carry, in the range of 90 kilograms. There may have existed a direct link between capacity and monetary value, given Lev. 27:16: “fifty shekels of silver to a homer of barley seed.” A logical deduction of capacity and cost based on known equivalences might look something like this:

1 homer = 1 mina; 1 ephah = 5 shekels; 1 omer = 1 beka

Koros. Approximately 10 bushels (95 gallons, or 360 liters). A Greek measure of grain (Luke 16:7).

Omer. Approximately 2 quarts, or 1.9 liters. Equivalent to 1⁄10 ephah, 1⁄100 homer (Ezek. 45:11). Used by Israel in the measurement and collection of manna in the wilderness (Exod. 16:16–36) and thus roughly equivalent to a person’s daily food ration.

Saton. Approximately 7 quarts, or 6.6 liters. Equivalent to 1 seah. The measurement of flour in Jesus’ parable of the kingdom of heaven (Matt. 13:33; Luke 13:21).

Seah. Approximately 7 quarts, or 6.6 liters. Equivalent to 1⁄3 ephah, or 1 saton. Used to measure flour, grain, seed, and other various dry goods (e.g., 2 Kings 7:1; 1 Sam. 25:18).

Liquid Volume

Bath. Approximately 6 gallons, or 22.7 liters. Equivalent to 1 ephah, which typically was used for measurements of dry capacity. Used in the measurement of water (1 Kings 7:26), oil (1 Kings 5:11), and wine (2 Chron. 2:10; Isa. 5:10).

Batos. Approximately 8 gallons, or 30.3 liters. A Greek transliteration of the Hebrew word bath (see above). A measure of oil (Luke 16:6).

Hin. Approximately 4 quarts (1 gallon, or 3.8 liters). Equivalent to 1⁄6 bath and 12 logs. Used in the measurement of water (Ezek. 4:11), oil (Ezek. 46:5), and wine (Num. 28:14).

Log. Approximately 1⁄3 quart, or 0.3 liter. Equivalent to 1⁄72 bath and 1⁄12 hin. Mentioned five times in Scripture, specifically used to measure oil (Lev. 14:10–24).

Metretes. Approximately 10 gallons, or 37.8 liters. Used in the measurement of water at the wedding feast (John 2:6).

The Bible contains many references to minerals and metals. Minerals can encompass a wide array of topics, thus the focus here is on valuable minerals such as ornamental stones as well as precious and useful metals. Gold is mentioned in the Bible as early as the garden of Eden (Gen. 2:11) and at the end is pictured as making up the streets of the new Jerusalem (Rev. 21:21). Among the metals mentioned in Scripture are gold, silver, bronze, copper, tin, lead, and iron. Precious stones and minerals also appear in Scripture, often used to adorn items, such as the high priest’s breastpiece (Exod. 28:15–21). Here these materials will be discussed in chronological order of appearance.

Copper

Copper was the first metal to be used for simple farm tools and weapons. It was used as early as the middle of the fourth millennium BC but was not in widespread use until approximately 3300 BC. Copper mines have been found on the Sinai Peninsula at places such as the Timna Valley and Faynan and also extensively on the island of Cyprus, which supplied copper to the Egyptian, Greek, and Roman empires.

References to copper within the Bible are few. Several passages discuss the basic origins of copper, such as the gathering of ore or the smelting process (Deut. 8:9; Job 28:2; Ezek. 22:18, 20; 24:11). Several NT passages acknowledge the presence of minted copper coins as currency (Matt. 10:9; Mark 12:42; Luke 21:2). Pure copper, however, was hard to use, although it could be combined with tin to make the alloy bronze.

Bronze

The use of bronze, an alloy made of copper and tin, in biblical lands dates to about 2300 BC. Bronze, compared to pure copper, is easier to work with and has a longer life. It can be worked with hammer and anvil or poured into a mold. It has the same available applications as copper; thus it was used to make all the tools and weapons that were made of copper. Bronze was widely used during the second millennium BC, encompassing the biblical time period from Abraham to the judges, and its use continued as the raw materials were available. It was the metal of choice until the advanced technology of ironworking.

The first biblical reference to bronze is found in Gen. 4:22, in which we are told that Tubal-Cain forged tools out of bronze and iron. Next, bronze is mentioned in its use in the tabernacle built in the desert. Among the bronze items included were the many bronze clasps and bases for the tent construction (Exod. 26:11, 37; 27:10–11, 17–19). The altar and all its utensils were made of, or overlaid with, bronze (27:1–8). God also instructed Moses to make a bronze basin for washing (30:18). Moses also made a snake out of bronze and placed it on top of his staff when the Israelites were struck with an abundance of venomous snakes (Num. 21:9). Samson was bound with shackles of bronze (Judg. 16:21), and Goliath wore armor and carried weapons of bronze (1 Sam. 17:5–6). Solomon used an extensive amount of bronze in his building of the temple (2 Kings 25:16), and there was bronze in the statue that Daniel dreamed of (Dan. 2:32, 35). Many of the prophets used bronze as a way to discuss something that was to be strong or strengthened by God (Isa. 45:2; Jer. 1:18; Ezek. 40:3).

Iron and Steel

Iron originally was found in meteorites and thus was scarce and worked as a precious metal. After a permanent source of iron ore was found, iron began to be worked in a few areas around 1200 BC. It increased in popularity over time, and around 1000 BC, or roughly the time of the united monarchy, it was being extensively used. Phoenician traders were very active during this time, and they would have brought much iron from the mines of southern Spain. Around the tenth century BC the technology to work iron into steel through the quenching and carbonization of the metal became commonplace. A large number of iron-producing sites have not been found in Palestine, and no deposits of the raw material have been located. Iron deposits have been found between the Jordan and the Euphrates rivers, but whether the ancients were aware of these deposits is unknown.

Once the technology to turn iron into steel became known, both became highly valued. At the same time, it is possible that copper had become more difficult to obtain due to a change in international trading routes. The first steel implement to be unearthed in Palestine was a pick found in Upper Galilee dating to the eleventh century BC.

One of the earliest references to iron in Scripture is its use by the Canaanites to make chariots (Josh. 17:16, 18). This would have been an early use of the metal in the Iron Age I period (1200–1000 BC). Also, Goliath’s spear, which was as big as a weaver’s rod, is said to have had a head made of iron (1 Sam. 17:7). Elisha’s miracle of making a borrowed ax head float (2 Kings 6:6) shows the continued value of the metal. In his latter days, David amassed iron among the goods to give Solomon to use in building the temple (1 Chron. 22:14; 29:2); Solomon later used these materials with the help of Huram-Abi (2 Chron. 2:13–14). Ezekiel discusses the economic value of iron in the context of trading (Ezek. 27:12, 19), and Daniel uses it as a metaphor for discussing strength (Dan. 2:40–41). The NT recognizes the strength of iron when discussing Christ’s iron scepter (Rev. 2:27; 19:15).

Tin

Tin was initially used mainly to produce the copper alloy bronze. Tin was not used in its pure form until well into the Roman period, and even then seldom by itself. The sources of tin in the ancient world are currently debated. The tin from large deposits in Tarshish in southern Spain (Ezek. 27:12) was available through Phoenician traders. Tin is also found in large deposits in Anatolia, but it is currently unknown whether these deposits had been discovered and used during biblical times. A third option is modern-day Afghanistan. Archaeologists have discovered in modern Turkey the remains of a wrecked ship, dated to around 1350 BC, that was carrying ten tons of copper ingots and about one ton of tin ingots. These ingots possibly originated in the area of modern-day Afghanistan and were bound for the Mediterranean trade routes. Tin is mentioned only four times in Scripture, always within a list of other metals (Num. 31:22; Ezek. 22:18, 20; 27:12).

Lead

Lead was used early in human history, but its applications were few. It would have been mined with copper and silver ore and then extracted as a by-product. The Romans used it for various implements, most notably wine vessels. It is referenced nine times within Scripture, either in a list or in reference to its weight. The only two times it is referenced as an object is when Job mentions a lead writing implement (Job 19:24), and when Zechariah has the vision of a woman sitting in the basket with a lead cover (Zech. 5:7, 8).

Gold and Silver

Sought after for much of human history, gold and silver have been worked by humans for their ornamental value. The practical uses of these metals within the biblical setting were constrained mainly to their economic and ornamental value. Gold and silver jewelry were used as a form of payment and were minted into coins during the Greco-Roman era. Gold objects are relatively scarce in archaeological finds, mainly because most gold items would have been part of a large treasury carried off as tribute or plunder. Silver appears in the archaeological record more frequently; a remarkable hoard of silver in lump form was found at Eshtemoa (see 1 Sam. 30:26–28). This silver has been dated to the time of the kingdom of Judah, after the northern kingdom of Israel had fallen. The silver in raw lump form was most likely used as a monetary payment, even though it had not yet been minted into coins.

Gold in the ancient world came largely from Egypt and northern Africa. The Bible mentions Havilah as a land of gold (Gen. 2:11), as well as Ophir (1 Kings 9:28), but the exact location of both places is unknown. Silver was mined in southern Spain, along with other metals, and brought to the area through sea trading. The Athenians of the Classical period were also known for their vast silver-mining operations.

Silver and gold are mentioned repeatedly in the OT in reference to their uses in trading and their economic value. Most notably, the Israelites asked their Egyptian neighbors to give them gold and silver items just before they left Egypt (Exod. 3:22). The tabernacle was highly ornamented with these two metals, as was the temple built by Solomon. It is said that Solomon made the nation so wealthy that silver was considered as plentiful as stone (1 Kings 10:27). Perhaps the most notorious articles of silver within Scripture are those paid to Judas for his betrayal of Jesus (Matt. 26:15).

Precious Stones

Stones of various origins were used in and around Palestine. The Bible makes few references to their use. Like gold and silver, they were used mainly for their ornamental value. Their scarcity made them highly prized. One notable exception is turquoise. The Egyptian pharaohs were fascinated with turquoise, and they mined extensively for it on the Sinai Peninsula. The remains of several turquoise mines have been found with Canaanite markings, indicating the presence of Canaanite slaves working the Egyptian mines. There was also a line of forts along the northern edge of the Egyptian Empire, used presumably to protect the pharaohs’ turquoise interests. Precious stones were also found in Syria, where Phoenician traders would have been able to bring them from other parts of the known world.

Exodus 28:17–21 describes twelve stones set in the breastpiece worn by the Israelite high priest. Twelve stones likewise appear in the foundations of the new Jerusalem (Rev. 21:19–20). Ezekiel uses nine of these same twelve stones to discuss the adornment of the king of Tyre (Ezek. 28:13).

The Bible uses the blanket term “precious stones” to denote a hoard of riches, such as that owned by Solomon (1 Kings 10:10).

Given the vast amount of human history covered by the stories within Scripture, it is difficult to completely discuss the full history of mining. The techniques and the technology involved advanced extensively throughout the ages; thus it would be necessary to bring into the discussion a full history of metals and metalworking to be completely thorough. The discussion here will therefore necessarily be brief and focused.

Biblical References

There is only one clear reference to mining in the Bible, in Job 28:1–11: “Mortals put an end to the darkness; they search out the farthest recesses for ore in the blackest darkness. Far from human dwellings they cut a shaft, in places untouched by human feet; far from other people they dangle and sway” (vv. 3–4). This passage describes the typical form of tunneling often found in ancient mining. Included within the text of Job 28 are several types of metals and minerals that were mined, including iron, gold, silver, copper, and sapphires. Tin and bronze were also known, with tin most likely being the last to be used by itself, despite its use in the making of bronze. Most of the precious stones mentioned in Scripture appear in the breastpiece of the high priest and in the foundations of the new Jerusalem. There is also a list of precious stones mentioned in Ezek. 28:13, but these largely replicate those mentioned in the breastpiece of the high priest (Exod. 28:17–21).

Methods

The ancients had two methods of mining ores. The first included finding ore close to the surface and following the shaft of deposits as far as possible. Copper mines of this fashion have been found in Egypt, specifically in the northern regions. The tools used were picks and hoes. The shafts themselves were comparable to a coffin in size, allowing for little movement. If the ore was too hard to break apart, fires were lit in the shaft in order to heat and cool the ore, making it more brittle. The shafts themselves extended up to two hundred feet. After being broken, the ore was passed in baskets to the surface, where it was crushed and separated. This job was done almost entirely by slaves who worked night and day until death took them, at which time other slaves replaced them. Remains of their huts have been found at Serabit el-Khadim on the Sinai Peninsula.

The most infamous mines were run by the Greeks. Laurium was a veritable concentration camp operated by the Athenians in order to slake their thirst for silver. Known from ancient writings, Laurium is said to be the death place of some thirty thousand slaves who were captured in the various wars and battles undertaken by the Greek city-state. These slaves were owned mostly by wealthy Greeks who rented them out to the owners of the mines. Young boys appear to have been favored miners due to their smaller size and thus their ability to fit within the shafts. The shafts were almost four hundred feet deep and roughly the width of a coffin. There is also evidence up through the fifth century AD of forced slavery in mines as a penal sentence. References concerning religious persecutions mention victims penalized by being sent to the mines. This would have happened throughout the Roman period and could have been the fate of some early Christians.

Panning for tin and gold is also evidenced from ancient times. Pans have been discovered in Troy and Asshur that appear to have had this function, although little else is known of this form of mining. Surface mining was undertaken by the Romans, but this method required large amounts of water to wash away the top layer and therefore was not used often. Iron ore was also extracted from meteorites, but because of its scarcity, it was considered a precious metal and seldom used.

Sources

Copper. The geographical location of ancient mines is not always easy to pinpoint. Several copper mines have been found on the Sinai Peninsula, which lies between Egypt and Palestine. Timna and Faynan are two of the most recent mines in this location to attract archaeological attention. These mines lay close to the borders of Israel: Faynan closer to the Dead Sea, and Timna closer to the Red Sea. It is clear that copper from these mines was mined during the late Iron Age I stage (1200–1000 BC), or the time of the judges. These mines are in Edomite territory; thus trade with the neighboring enemy was scattered at best, but it is possible that this copper went to the Assyrian Empire as a trade item or as tribute.

The island of Cyprus has also been mined throughout history for its copper ore. Until recently, most of the mining was thought to have occurred under the empires of Greece and Rome. However, earlier mines and copper-smelting sites have been found on the island. These mines date to the Middle Bronze Age, or just before the time of the patriarchs. There is also written evidence found in Egypt of copper being traded between Cyprus and Egypt during the time when the Israelites are thought to have been in Egypt. In addition, research into trade routes and the technology of boats and seafaring vessels has increased understanding of the widespread trade within the Mediterranean region. For the Egyptians, the Nile served as a perfect harbor for connecting with other seaports, including those on Cyprus and along the coast of Israel. Copper was the only metal used for tools and weapons throughout the third and fourth millennia BC. It was not until around 2300 BC that bronze began to appear in the region of Palestine, probably a result of Syrian influence. Copper, however, was still needed, as bronze is an alloy of copper and tin.

Tin. The location of tin mines is difficult to determine for the earlier period. There are large tin deposits in what is now Afghanistan, and some scholars argue that this is the source of early tin ore for the biblical region. This source would have depended upon a fairly large overland trade route in order to bring the ore to the Mediterranean. Such routes were not unheard of, and most likely it existed. A shipwreck discovered by archaeologists in modern-day Turkey also provides evidence for the marine trade of such minerals. The ship was carrying a large load of copper and tin ingots thought to be from modern-day Afghanistan. This shipment dates to about 1350 BC. Tin deposits have also been found in Anatolia, north of Israel; however, it is currently unknown whether these deposits were exploited by the ancients. The only other resource for tin was southern Spain, which was accessible through the trade routes of the Phoenicians.

Gold. Egypt and, more broadly, northern Africa have been known throughout history to have large deposits of gold that have been mined for millennia. Also, the Assyrian and Babylonian empires facilitated trade with parts of India, allowing gold from that region to be accessible in Israel. Gold was also mined in Arabia, and biblical references include Havilah (Gen. 2:11), Ophir (1 Kings 10:11), and Sheba (Ps. 72:15). Ophir is as of yet unfound; however, it was most likely located somewhere along the Red Sea, as indicated by Solomon’s sending a fleet to Tar-shish by way of Ophir from Ezion Geber (1 Kings 9:26; 2 Chron. 9:21; 20:36). Ezion Geber sits on the Red Sea, which suggests that Solomon’s ships possibly circumnavigated Africa to reach Tarshish in southern Spain (Ezek. 27:12).

Iron and silver. There has been some discussion about the source of Deut. 8:9, in which Palestine is mentioned as being “a land where the rocks are iron.” Palestine itself has no legitimate source of ore to be mined. However, there is a possibility that Lebanon could be included in this description. Lebanon is known to have considerable iron deposits. Iron, however, was not used much until the twelfth to eleventh centuries BC. Earlier, iron was very expensive and hard to come by and thus was used mainly for jewelry and a limited number of weapons. However, once the technology to turn iron into steel became widely known, its uses increased dramatically. The earliest piece of steel found in Palestine dates from the eleventh century BC, but steel was not widely used until the tenth century BC, with the rise of the united monarchy.

Under the economic conditions of the monarchy, iron, steel, bronze, silver, and gold were all highly visible. Gold and silver articles, although mentioned often in the biblical narrative, have been few in number in archaeological finds. The large hoards of gold and silver in the temple probably were taken to Assyria or Babylon after these empires’ invasions. It does appear that silver, mainly in the form of ingots, was the preferred method of payment during this time. A large hoard of silver has been found in Eshtemoa, in the southern Hebron Hills, dating to this period.

As noted above, the Greeks mined silver at Laurium. It is also posited that as early as the period of the Phoenicians large amounts of silver were mined and traded out of southern Spain. Besides silver, southern Spain had large amounts of iron, lead, and tin.

Turquoise. Serabit el-Khadim has been identified as a location of Egyptian mining. Here archaeologists have found large mining operations for turquoise dating far earlier than the time of the patriarchs. These mines would have been in use during the period of the Israelites’ sojourn in Egypt, and inscriptions of letters from the Canaanite alphabet (as opposed to Egyptian hieroglyphs) have been found at the site. In addition, devices for copper smelting and molding devices have been found in this region, but it is suspected that the copper industry was devoted strictly to making the appropriate tools to mine the turquoise. Egyptians used and highly desired the turquoise for its bluish color. It is found in the earliest of Egyptian tombs, which lack other precious items such as gold or silver.

Given the vast amount of human history covered by the stories within Scripture, it is difficult to completely discuss the full history of mining. The techniques and the technology involved advanced extensively throughout the ages; thus it would be necessary to bring into the discussion a full history of metals and metalworking to be completely thorough. The discussion here will therefore necessarily be brief and focused.

Biblical References

There is only one clear reference to mining in the Bible, in Job 28:1–11: “Mortals put an end to the darkness; they search out the farthest recesses for ore in the blackest darkness. Far from human dwellings they cut a shaft, in places untouched by human feet; far from other people they dangle and sway” (vv. 3–4). This passage describes the typical form of tunneling often found in ancient mining. Included within the text of Job 28 are several types of metals and minerals that were mined, including iron, gold, silver, copper, and sapphires. Tin and bronze were also known, with tin most likely being the last to be used by itself, despite its use in the making of bronze. Most of the precious stones mentioned in Scripture appear in the breastpiece of the high priest and in the foundations of the new Jerusalem. There is also a list of precious stones mentioned in Ezek. 28:13, but these largely replicate those mentioned in the breastpiece of the high priest (Exod. 28:17–21).

Methods

The ancients had two methods of mining ores. The first included finding ore close to the surface and following the shaft of deposits as far as possible. Copper mines of this fashion have been found in Egypt, specifically in the northern regions. The tools used were picks and hoes. The shafts themselves were comparable to a coffin in size, allowing for little movement. If the ore was too hard to break apart, fires were lit in the shaft in order to heat and cool the ore, making it more brittle. The shafts themselves extended up to two hundred feet. After being broken, the ore was passed in baskets to the surface, where it was crushed and separated. This job was done almost entirely by slaves who worked night and day until death took them, at which time other slaves replaced them. Remains of their huts have been found at Serabit el-Khadim on the Sinai Peninsula.

The most infamous mines were run by the Greeks. Laurium was a veritable concentration camp operated by the Athenians in order to slake their thirst for silver. Known from ancient writings, Laurium is said to be the death place of some thirty thousand slaves who were captured in the various wars and battles undertaken by the Greek city-state. These slaves were owned mostly by wealthy Greeks who rented them out to the owners of the mines. Young boys appear to have been favored miners due to their smaller size and thus their ability to fit within the shafts. The shafts were almost four hundred feet deep and roughly the width of a coffin. There is also evidence up through the fifth century AD of forced slavery in mines as a penal sentence. References concerning religious persecutions mention victims penalized by being sent to the mines. This would have happened throughout the Roman period and could have been the fate of some early Christians.

Panning for tin and gold is also evidenced from ancient times. Pans have been discovered in Troy and Asshur that appear to have had this function, although little else is known of this form of mining. Surface mining was undertaken by the Romans, but this method required large amounts of water to wash away the top layer and therefore was not used often. Iron ore was also extracted from meteorites, but because of its scarcity, it was considered a precious metal and seldom used.

Sources

Copper. The geographical location of ancient mines is not always easy to pinpoint. Several copper mines have been found on the Sinai Peninsula, which lies between Egypt and Palestine. Timna and Faynan are two of the most recent mines in this location to attract archaeological attention. These mines lay close to the borders of Israel: Faynan closer to the Dead Sea, and Timna closer to the Red Sea. It is clear that copper from these mines was mined during the late Iron Age I stage (1200–1000 BC), or the time of the judges. These mines are in Edomite territory; thus trade with the neighboring enemy was scattered at best, but it is possible that this copper went to the Assyrian Empire as a trade item or as tribute.

The island of Cyprus has also been mined throughout history for its copper ore. Until recently, most of the mining was thought to have occurred under the empires of Greece and Rome. However, earlier mines and copper-smelting sites have been found on the island. These mines date to the Middle Bronze Age, or just before the time of the patriarchs. There is also written evidence found in Egypt of copper being traded between Cyprus and Egypt during the time when the Israelites are thought to have been in Egypt. In addition, research into trade routes and the technology of boats and seafaring vessels has increased understanding of the widespread trade within the Mediterranean region. For the Egyptians, the Nile served as a perfect harbor for connecting with other seaports, including those on Cyprus and along the coast of Israel. Copper was the only metal used for tools and weapons throughout the third and fourth millennia BC. It was not until around 2300 BC that bronze began to appear in the region of Palestine, probably a result of Syrian influence. Copper, however, was still needed, as bronze is an alloy of copper and tin.

Tin. The location of tin mines is difficult to determine for the earlier period. There are large tin deposits in what is now Afghanistan, and some scholars argue that this is the source of early tin ore for the biblical region. This source would have depended upon a fairly large overland trade route in order to bring the ore to the Mediterranean. Such routes were not unheard of, and most likely it existed. A shipwreck discovered by archaeologists in modern-day Turkey also provides evidence for the marine trade of such minerals. The ship was carrying a large load of copper and tin ingots thought to be from modern-day Afghanistan. This shipment dates to about 1350 BC. Tin deposits have also been found in Anatolia, north of Israel; however, it is currently unknown whether these deposits were exploited by the ancients. The only other resource for tin was southern Spain, which was accessible through the trade routes of the Phoenicians.

Gold. Egypt and, more broadly, northern Africa have been known throughout history to have large deposits of gold that have been mined for millennia. Also, the Assyrian and Babylonian empires facilitated trade with parts of India, allowing gold from that region to be accessible in Israel. Gold was also mined in Arabia, and biblical references include Havilah (Gen. 2:11), Ophir (1 Kings 10:11), and Sheba (Ps. 72:15). Ophir is as of yet unfound; however, it was most likely located somewhere along the Red Sea, as indicated by Solomon’s sending a fleet to Tar-shish by way of Ophir from Ezion Geber (1 Kings 9:26; 2 Chron. 9:21; 20:36). Ezion Geber sits on the Red Sea, which suggests that Solomon’s ships possibly circumnavigated Africa to reach Tarshish in southern Spain (Ezek. 27:12).

Iron and silver. There has been some discussion about the source of Deut. 8:9, in which Palestine is mentioned as being “a land where the rocks are iron.” Palestine itself has no legitimate source of ore to be mined. However, there is a possibility that Lebanon could be included in this description. Lebanon is known to have considerable iron deposits. Iron, however, was not used much until the twelfth to eleventh centuries BC. Earlier, iron was very expensive and hard to come by and thus was used mainly for jewelry and a limited number of weapons. However, once the technology to turn iron into steel became widely known, its uses increased dramatically. The earliest piece of steel found in Palestine dates from the eleventh century BC, but steel was not widely used until the tenth century BC, with the rise of the united monarchy.

Under the economic conditions of the monarchy, iron, steel, bronze, silver, and gold were all highly visible. Gold and silver articles, although mentioned often in the biblical narrative, have been few in number in archaeological finds. The large hoards of gold and silver in the temple probably were taken to Assyria or Babylon after these empires’ invasions. It does appear that silver, mainly in the form of ingots, was the preferred method of payment during this time. A large hoard of silver has been found in Eshtemoa, in the southern Hebron Hills, dating to this period.

As noted above, the Greeks mined silver at Laurium. It is also posited that as early as the period of the Phoenicians large amounts of silver were mined and traded out of southern Spain. Besides silver, southern Spain had large amounts of iron, lead, and tin.

Turquoise. Serabit el-Khadim has been identified as a location of Egyptian mining. Here archaeologists have found large mining operations for turquoise dating far earlier than the time of the patriarchs. These mines would have been in use during the period of the Israelites’ sojourn in Egypt, and inscriptions of letters from the Canaanite alphabet (as opposed to Egyptian hieroglyphs) have been found at the site. In addition, devices for copper smelting and molding devices have been found in this region, but it is suspected that the copper industry was devoted strictly to making the appropriate tools to mine the turquoise. Egyptians used and highly desired the turquoise for its bluish color. It is found in the earliest of Egyptian tombs, which lack other precious items such as gold or silver.

Given the vast amount of human history covered by the stories within Scripture, it is difficult to completely discuss the full history of mining. The techniques and the technology involved advanced extensively throughout the ages; thus it would be necessary to bring into the discussion a full history of metals and metalworking to be completely thorough. The discussion here will therefore necessarily be brief and focused.

Biblical References

There is only one clear reference to mining in the Bible, in Job 28:1–11: “Mortals put an end to the darkness; they search out the farthest recesses for ore in the blackest darkness. Far from human dwellings they cut a shaft, in places untouched by human feet; far from other people they dangle and sway” (vv. 3–4). This passage describes the typical form of tunneling often found in ancient mining. Included within the text of Job 28 are several types of metals and minerals that were mined, including iron, gold, silver, copper, and sapphires. Tin and bronze were also known, with tin most likely being the last to be used by itself, despite its use in the making of bronze. Most of the precious stones mentioned in Scripture appear in the breastpiece of the high priest and in the foundations of the new Jerusalem. There is also a list of precious stones mentioned in Ezek. 28:13, but these largely replicate those mentioned in the breastpiece of the high priest (Exod. 28:17–21).

Methods

The ancients had two methods of mining ores. The first included finding ore close to the surface and following the shaft of deposits as far as possible. Copper mines of this fashion have been found in Egypt, specifically in the northern regions. The tools used were picks and hoes. The shafts themselves were comparable to a coffin in size, allowing for little movement. If the ore was too hard to break apart, fires were lit in the shaft in order to heat and cool the ore, making it more brittle. The shafts themselves extended up to two hundred feet. After being broken, the ore was passed in baskets to the surface, where it was crushed and separated. This job was done almost entirely by slaves who worked night and day until death took them, at which time other slaves replaced them. Remains of their huts have been found at Serabit el-Khadim on the Sinai Peninsula.

The most infamous mines were run by the Greeks. Laurium was a veritable concentration camp operated by the Athenians in order to slake their thirst for silver. Known from ancient writings, Laurium is said to be the death place of some thirty thousand slaves who were captured in the various wars and battles undertaken by the Greek city-state. These slaves were owned mostly by wealthy Greeks who rented them out to the owners of the mines. Young boys appear to have been favored miners due to their smaller size and thus their ability to fit within the shafts. The shafts were almost four hundred feet deep and roughly the width of a coffin. There is also evidence up through the fifth century AD of forced slavery in mines as a penal sentence. References concerning religious persecutions mention victims penalized by being sent to the mines. This would have happened throughout the Roman period and could have been the fate of some early Christians.

Panning for tin and gold is also evidenced from ancient times. Pans have been discovered in Troy and Asshur that appear to have had this function, although little else is known of this form of mining. Surface mining was undertaken by the Romans, but this method required large amounts of water to wash away the top layer and therefore was not used often. Iron ore was also extracted from meteorites, but because of its scarcity, it was considered a precious metal and seldom used.

Sources

Copper. The geographical location of ancient mines is not always easy to pinpoint. Several copper mines have been found on the Sinai Peninsula, which lies between Egypt and Palestine. Timna and Faynan are two of the most recent mines in this location to attract archaeological attention. These mines lay close to the borders of Israel: Faynan closer to the Dead Sea, and Timna closer to the Red Sea. It is clear that copper from these mines was mined during the late Iron Age I stage (1200–1000 BC), or the time of the judges. These mines are in Edomite territory; thus trade with the neighboring enemy was scattered at best, but it is possible that this copper went to the Assyrian Empire as a trade item or as tribute.

The island of Cyprus has also been mined throughout history for its copper ore. Until recently, most of the mining was thought to have occurred under the empires of Greece and Rome. However, earlier mines and copper-smelting sites have been found on the island. These mines date to the Middle Bronze Age, or just before the time of the patriarchs. There is also written evidence found in Egypt of copper being traded between Cyprus and Egypt during the time when the Israelites are thought to have been in Egypt. In addition, research into trade routes and the technology of boats and seafaring vessels has increased understanding of the widespread trade within the Mediterranean region. For the Egyptians, the Nile served as a perfect harbor for connecting with other seaports, including those on Cyprus and along the coast of Israel. Copper was the only metal used for tools and weapons throughout the third and fourth millennia BC. It was not until around 2300 BC that bronze began to appear in the region of Palestine, probably a result of Syrian influence. Copper, however, was still needed, as bronze is an alloy of copper and tin.

Tin. The location of tin mines is difficult to determine for the earlier period. There are large tin deposits in what is now Afghanistan, and some scholars argue that this is the source of early tin ore for the biblical region. This source would have depended upon a fairly large overland trade route in order to bring the ore to the Mediterranean. Such routes were not unheard of, and most likely it existed. A shipwreck discovered by archaeologists in modern-day Turkey also provides evidence for the marine trade of such minerals. The ship was carrying a large load of copper and tin ingots thought to be from modern-day Afghanistan. This shipment dates to about 1350 BC. Tin deposits have also been found in Anatolia, north of Israel; however, it is currently unknown whether these deposits were exploited by the ancients. The only other resource for tin was southern Spain, which was accessible through the trade routes of the Phoenicians.

Gold. Egypt and, more broadly, northern Africa have been known throughout history to have large deposits of gold that have been mined for millennia. Also, the Assyrian and Babylonian empires facilitated trade with parts of India, allowing gold from that region to be accessible in Israel. Gold was also mined in Arabia, and biblical references include Havilah (Gen. 2:11), Ophir (1 Kings 10:11), and Sheba (Ps. 72:15). Ophir is as of yet unfound; however, it was most likely located somewhere along the Red Sea, as indicated by Solomon’s sending a fleet to Tar-shish by way of Ophir from Ezion Geber (1 Kings 9:26; 2 Chron. 9:21; 20:36). Ezion Geber sits on the Red Sea, which suggests that Solomon’s ships possibly circumnavigated Africa to reach Tarshish in southern Spain (Ezek. 27:12).

Iron and silver. There has been some discussion about the source of Deut. 8:9, in which Palestine is mentioned as being “a land where the rocks are iron.” Palestine itself has no legitimate source of ore to be mined. However, there is a possibility that Lebanon could be included in this description. Lebanon is known to have considerable iron deposits. Iron, however, was not used much until the twelfth to eleventh centuries BC. Earlier, iron was very expensive and hard to come by and thus was used mainly for jewelry and a limited number of weapons. However, once the technology to turn iron into steel became widely known, its uses increased dramatically. The earliest piece of steel found in Palestine dates from the eleventh century BC, but steel was not widely used until the tenth century BC, with the rise of the united monarchy.

Under the economic conditions of the monarchy, iron, steel, bronze, silver, and gold were all highly visible. Gold and silver articles, although mentioned often in the biblical narrative, have been few in number in archaeological finds. The large hoards of gold and silver in the temple probably were taken to Assyria or Babylon after these empires’ invasions. It does appear that silver, mainly in the form of ingots, was the preferred method of payment during this time. A large hoard of silver has been found in Eshtemoa, in the southern Hebron Hills, dating to this period.

As noted above, the Greeks mined silver at Laurium. It is also posited that as early as the period of the Phoenicians large amounts of silver were mined and traded out of southern Spain. Besides silver, southern Spain had large amounts of iron, lead, and tin.

Turquoise. Serabit el-Khadim has been identified as a location of Egyptian mining. Here archaeologists have found large mining operations for turquoise dating far earlier than the time of the patriarchs. These mines would have been in use during the period of the Israelites’ sojourn in Egypt, and inscriptions of letters from the Canaanite alphabet (as opposed to Egyptian hieroglyphs) have been found at the site. In addition, devices for copper smelting and molding devices have been found in this region, but it is suspected that the copper industry was devoted strictly to making the appropriate tools to mine the turquoise. Egyptians used and highly desired the turquoise for its bluish color. It is found in the earliest of Egyptian tombs, which lack other precious items such as gold or silver.

Because Scripture sees all things as providentially arranged and sustained by God’s sovereign power at all times (Heb. 1:3), miracles are not aberrations in an otherwise closed and mechanical universe. Nor are miracles raw demonstrations of divinity designed to overcome prejudice or unbelief and to convince people of the existence of God (Mark 8:11–12). Still less are they clever conjuring tricks involving some kind of deception that can be otherwise explained on a purely scientific basis. Rather, God in his infinite wisdom sometimes does unusual and extraordinary things to call attention to himself and his activity. Miracles are divinely ordained acts of God that dramatically alert us to the presence of his glory and power and advance his saving purposes in redemptive history.

Terminology

The biblical writers describe miracles with various terms, such as “signs,” “wonders,” and “miracles” (or “powers”), which can carry various connotations. As the word “sign” suggests, divine miracles are significant and should cause us to think more deeply about God in a way that goes beyond mere amazement or curiosity (Exod. 4:30–31; John 2:11). Not all of God’s signs are miraculous. Some are given as part of his ordering of the natural world (Gen. 1:14) or as an encouragement to faith that God will do as he has said (e.g., the rainbow in Gen. 9:8–17; the blood of the Passover lamb in Exod. 12:13). (See also Sign.)

Often coupled with signs are “wonders” (Jer. 32:21; John 4:48; 2 Cor. 12:12). If the depiction of miracles as “signs” indicates an appeal to the intellect, that of “wonders” points to the emotions. Miracles evoke astonishment and awe at the one who did them.

The NT word “miracle” carries the meaning of power and therefore points to the supernatural source of these events (Luke 10:13; Acts 8:13).

Miracles in the Bible

Old Testament. In the OT, miracles are not evenly distributed but rather are found in greater number during times of great redemptive significance, such as the exodus and the conquest of Canaan. Miracles were performed also during periods of apostasy, such as in the days of the ninth-century prophets Elijah and Elisha. Common to both of these eras is the powerful demonstration of the superiority of God over pagan deities (Exod. 7–12; 1 Kings 18:20–40).

New Testament. In the NT, miracles often are acts of compassion, but more significantly they attest the exalted status of Jesus of Nazareth (Acts 2:22) and the saving power of his word (Heb. 2:3–4). In the Synoptic Gospels, they reveal the coming of God’s kingdom and the conquest of Satan’s dominion (Matt. 8:16–17; 12:22–30; Mark 3:27). They point to the person of Jesus as the promised Messiah of OT Scripture (Matt. 4:23; 11:4–6). John shows a preference for the word “signs,” and his Gospel is structured around them (John 20:30–31). According to John, the signs that Jesus performed were such that only the one who stood in a unique relationship to the Father as the Son of God could do them.

Miracles and faith. Just as entrenched skepticism is injurious to faith, so too is naive credulity, for although signs and wonders witness to God, false prophets also perform them “to deceive, if possible, even the elect” (Matt. 24:24). Christians are to exercise discernment and not be led astray by such impostors (Matt. 7:15–20).

The relationship between miracles and faith is not as straightforward as sometimes supposed. Miracles do not necessarily produce faith, nor does faith necessarily produce miracles. Miracles were intended to bring about the faith that leads to eternal life (John 20:31), but not all who witnessed them believed (John 10:32). Additionally, Jesus regarded a faith that rested only on the miracle itself as precarious (Mark 8:11–13; John 2:23–25; 4:48), though better than no faith at all (John 10:38). Faith that saves must ultimately find its grounding in the person of Jesus as the Son of God.

It is also clear that although Jesus always encouraged faith in those who came to him for help (Mark 9:23), and that he deliberately limited his miraculous powers in the presence of unbelief (Mark 6:5), many of his miracles were performed on those who did not or could not exercise faith (Matt. 12:22; Mark 1:23–28; 5:1–20; Luke 14:1–4).

The fact that Jesus performed miracles was never an issue; rather, his opponents disputed the source of his power (Mark 3:22). Arguments about his identity were to be settled by appeal not to miracles but to the word of God (Matt. 22:41–46).

The function of miracles. Miracle accounts function in a symbolic and prophetic manner. Hence, the cursing of the fig tree was prophetic of the coming judgment (Mark 11:12–21). The unusual two-stage healing of the blind man of Bethsaida symbolized Peter’s incomplete understanding of Jesus’ messiahship (Mark 8:22–33).

The miraculous element of Jesus’ ministry carries an eschatological significance, pointing to the order of things in the age to come. For example, the nature miracles (Mark 4:35–41) look forward to the redemption of creation itself, which is presently subject to frustration and decay (Rom. 8:20–21); the healing miracles point to a day when disease and deformity will be abolished (Rev. 21:4); and miracles in which the dead are raised to life anticipate a time when death itself will be no more (Rev. 20:14; 21:4). From this perspective, the miracles are a gracious foretaste of a far more glorious future.

(1) A son of Ishmael, the ancestor of an Arab tribe (Gen. 25:14; 1 Chron. 1:30). (2) The son of Mibsam, a descendant of Simeon (1 Chron. 4:25–26). The names “Mibsam” and “Mishma” occur in the lists of descendants of both Ishmael and Simeon, suggesting a prior relationship between the tribes, perhaps occurring as the territory of Simeon spread southward (1 Chron. 1:29–30; 4:25, 38–43).

The word “mission” was coined by the Jesuits in the sixteenth century to refer to the sending of the Godhead into the world, reflecting a particular trinitarian formulation. The Jesuits used the term “mission” to describe the Father, who sends the Son, who sends the Holy Spirit, who sends the church into the world as an agent of redemption and reconciliation. Simply put, the Jesuits conceived of mission as sending. That biblical term “send” (e.g., Gk. apostellō) described the fundamental nature of the church as being sent by God into the world with a specific purpose, animated by the Holy Spirit to accomplish its task given by God, as a sign and instrument of God’s kingdom. Initially, the Jesuits employed the term in the context of both the conversion of heathens (those who failed to recognize the God of the Bible) and the reconversion of Protestants to Roman Catholicism.

The biblical notion of mission affirms that God is a sending God (Lat., missio Dei), who loves the world so much that he sent his Son into the world to redeem it (e.g., John 3:16), and whose Son then sends the Holy Spirit as the Counselor (Gk. paraklētos [e.g., John 16:5–7]) and guide so that the church can fulfill its purpose. Mission (sending), therefore, expresses both the heart of God and the nature of the church in the world.

The Role of Language and Culture

Functionally, mission is the sharing of the good news of Jesus Christ in word and deed across cultural and linguistic boundaries, without granting any particular language or culture a superior position in the divine economy. The Bible tells the story of God’s mission in offering human beings a covenantal relationship with himself. South African mission scholar David Bosch suggests that the missionary in the OT is God himself, whereas the NT presents several significant missionaries, with Jesus and his disciples being the most illustrative examples. Indeed, it can be said that the NT is itself a mission document, since it was written by people actively involved in mission (e.g., Paul, Luke). Biblically, the Christian mission implies a certain perspective on language and culture whereby all languages and cultures are relativized in the light of Christ, with no language or culture having privileged access to God, for God communicates through every particular language and culture. Thus, for instance, Koreans, Zulus, Cambodians, Quechuas, and Swedes have the same access to God through their own language and culture, and none of them are required to adopt another language or culture, such as Hebrew, Greek, or English, in order to know and worship God.

The importance of the parity of languages and cultures worldwide as vehicles of the gospel is exemplified biblically in the account of the Jerusalem council, where the apostle Paul confronted Jewish Christians who would have made Torah and circumcision the litmus test of authentic faith in Jesus Christ (Acts 15). Paul argued vigorously against those who sought to require new Christians to adopt Jewish ceremonial practices of the OT in order to join the body of Christ. The relativization of language and culture is so crucial to Christian mission that Scripture records Paul rebuking Peter for seeking to make Gentile Christians follow Jewish customs (Gal. 2:14). Requiring followers of Christ to adopt Jewish (or other) ceremonial traditions (e.g., circumcision) would render the grace of Christ useless, making a mockery of the cross (Gal. 2:21), since Christ liberates human beings within their own language and culture. Simply put, people were to become followers of Jesus Christ on the basis of their own language and culture (Greek or otherwise) rather than according to any other tradition. According to the biblical account, no language or culture is too profane to communicate the good news of Jesus Christ.

Mission as Sending

Biblically, sending implies a sender, the one sent, and a message. The sender is the agent who initiates the deliverance of the message. The one sent has been given the authority to deliver in word and deed the message of the sender. The message refers to the content in word and deed that is shared by the agent (e.g., missionary) of the sender. The authority of the sender is invested in the messenger, so much so that the messenger (e.g., the missionary) represents the sender directly. More broadly, the biblical term “sending” appears in both Testaments, and it occurs in mundane contexts that are not concerned with God’s mission (missio Dei) as well as in texts that are explicitly mission related. In the OT, the Hebrew term shalakh, which occurs in various forms over eight hundred times, refers to sending the intentions of an authority figure, often a king, judge, or other person of high status. An example would be God, as a demonstration of his authority, sending Adam out of the garden (Gen. 3:23). The act of sending expresses the intention of the sender. The mission of God as presented in the OT is communicated clearly in Gen. 12:1–3 (in what is known as the Abrahamic covenant), where God tells Abram to leave his country, guided by God, in order to be a blessing to the entire world. Following Israel’s continual disobedience, God promises to send them a savior (Isa. 19:20), a statement that Christians interpret as foreshadowing the birth and ministry of Jesus Christ.

In the NT, the Greek terms for “send,” and their variations, occur over two hundred times, appearing in texts such as “I am sending you out like sheep among wolves” (Matt. 10:16); “As the Father has sent me, I am sending you” (John 20:21); and “Jesus sent two of his disciples” (Mark 11:1). People often assume that there is one Great Commission text, Matt. 28:18–20, which summarizes the biblical warrant for mission. However, there are several “great commissions” in the Gospels, which might be better understood as “last commissions.” Each Gospel writer records his own version of the last commission, reflecting his theological purposes within the particular contexts out of which he writes his account. The last commissions appear in Matt. 28:16–20; Mark 16:14–20; Luke 24:44–47; John 20:19–23.

The most responsible interpretive strategy with regard to these passages is to read them within the larger context of each Gospel narrative rather than as individual texts (i.e., proof texts) disconnected from their wider context. That is to say, a faithful theology of mission in part entails letting the text interpret itself through study of the entire Gospel account. Otherwise, one may fail to understand the biblical notion of mission in its entirety. For instance, Luke 24:47 announces that “repentance for the forgiveness of sins will be preached in his [Christ’s] name to all nations, beginning at Jerusalem,” which emphasizes the need for confession, forgiveness, and redemption (vertical aspects of mission). Yet one could misinterpret Luke’s Gospel were one to understand mission solely through the words of Luke 24:44–47, the vertical (spiritual) aspect, while overlooking Luke 4:16–30, verses that announce Jesus’ mission to liberate captives and give sight to the blind, reflecting the horizontal (social) nature of mission. In Luke’s Gospel, mission is characterized as equally vertical (i.e., calling for repentance and forgiveness) and horizontal (i.e., seeking sociopolitical justice). According to Luke’s Gospel, then, both vertical and horizontal aspects must be present in mission.

Mission and Missions

It is worthwhile to note the difference between the terms “mission” (sg.) and “missions” (pl.). Whereas “mission” refers to the singular act of God, who sends his Son, who sends the Holy Spirit into the world, “missions” refers to the specific agencies and organizations in history and currently that have sought to carry out that mission of God. There is only one mission (missio Dei), with several missions aiming to accomplish that singular mission through time and space. Generally, missions are divided into denominational and faith missions. Denominational missions, such as those of Roman Catholic, Baptist, Methodist, Lutheran, or Presbyterian churches, send out missionaries financially supported by the denomination. Faith missions, such as Wycliffe Bible Translators, Operation Mobilization, or SIM (Serving in Mission, formally Sudan Interior Mission), require that missionaries serve in mission by faith, either by going where they are called by God without having prior financial support or by raising financial support from friends and churches prior to leaving for their intended region of service.

Conclusion

Finally, there are two important lessons from the biblical account of mission. First, Paul and the other disciples, while seeking to communicate the gospel of good news to particular people, sought to maintain the unity of the churches in the face of their diverse cultural and linguistic makeup (e.g., Eph. 4:4–7). This means that a biblical perspective on mission sees culture and language as channels rather than obstacles to the communication of the gospel. Second, Paul and the disciples never started missions but rather established churches. Since mission implies movement across cultural and linguistic frontiers, the earlier followers of Christ were on the move, with the conviction that the Holy Spirit would guide, direct, and protect them until Christ returned.

The biblical writers use mist in a figurative sense to refer to something that fades away. Although God would sweep away the Israelites’ sins “like the morning mist” (Isa. 44:22), he also spoke of their fickle love as mist (Hos. 6:4). James described human life itself as a fleeting mist (James 4:14). The word also occurs in a literal sense to describe water that arose from the earth in the time of Eden (Gen. 2:6 KJV, NASB), and in one instance, “mist” depicts the nature of blindness (Acts 13:11).

Meaning “watchtower,” this is the name of several sites in the Bible. In some Bible versions, the name also appears as “Mizpeh.” (1) Along with “Galeed,” a name given to the heap of stones that memorialized the covenant made between Jacob and Laban (Gen. 31:48–49). (2) A region near Mount Hermon that was occupied by the Hivites (Josh. 11:3). (3) One of the towns occupying the region of the Shephelah, or coastal plain, listed in Josh. 15:38–39.

(4) The place where the Israelites assembled in response to the military threat from Ammon and made Jephthah their leader (Judg. 10:17; 11:11). It may have been the home of Jephthah and may be the same place mentioned in Gen. 31:49. From Mizpah, Jephthah and Israel attacked the Ammonites. Mizpah became the place where Jephthah fulfilled his ill-conceived vow (Judg. 11:34). This location is most likely synonymous with the Ramath Mizpah in the territory of Gad (Josh. 13:26). (5) A site in Moab where David had his parents stay, with the permission of the king of Moab (1 Sam. 22:3).

(6) A city in the tribal allotment of Benjamin. It is listed between Beeroth and Kephirah and seems to have been close to Gibeon and Ramah (Josh. 18:26; 1 Kings 15:22; Neh. 3:7). Of the various places to bear the name “Mizpah,” the Benjamite location has the most biblical significance. The men of Israel gathered here to decide how to deal with the Benjamites’ behavior toward the Levite’s concubine (Judg. 20:1–3; 21:1–8). It was also here that Samuel called the people of Israel together to pray and renew their relationship with God after the ark of the covenant had been sent back by the Philistines (1 Sam. 7:5–6). As a result, when the Philistines attacked, God caused them to panic, and Israel had the victory. Samuel regularly visited Mizpah to render judgment for the Israelites (1 Sam. 7:16). Also, Saul was presented to Israel as its king at Mizpah (1 Sam. 10:17).

Taken collectively, these references show the religious and civic importance of the site for the fledgling nation. After the division of the kingdom, Mizpah became part of the southern kingdom of Judah. King Asa of Judah fortified Mizpah against King Baasha of Israel with materials used from Baasha’s fortification at Ramah (1 Kings 15:16–22). Mizpah became an important civic center once again after the destruction of Jerusalem by Nebuchadnezzar and the Babylonians in 587/586 BC. Gedaliah, the Babylonian-appointed governor of the conquered region, set up his government center at Mizpah (2 Kings 25:23–25). The importance of Mizpah is commemorated by Judas Maccabeus in the intertestamental period (1 Macc. 3:46).

The location of the Benjamite Mizpah is debated today, with two possible sites being possible: Nebi-Samwil is approximately four and a half miles north of Jerusalem, and Tell en-Nasbeh, the more likely site, is approximately eight miles north of Jerusalem.

Meaning “watchtower,” this is the name of several sites in the Bible. In some Bible versions, the name also appears as “Mizpeh.” (1) Along with “Galeed,” a name given to the heap of stones that memorialized the covenant made between Jacob and Laban (Gen. 31:48–49). (2) A region near Mount Hermon that was occupied by the Hivites (Josh. 11:3). (3) One of the towns occupying the region of the Shephelah, or coastal plain, listed in Josh. 15:38–39.

(4) The place where the Israelites assembled in response to the military threat from Ammon and made Jephthah their leader (Judg. 10:17; 11:11). It may have been the home of Jephthah and may be the same place mentioned in Gen. 31:49. From Mizpah, Jephthah and Israel attacked the Ammonites. Mizpah became the place where Jephthah fulfilled his ill-conceived vow (Judg. 11:34). This location is most likely synonymous with the Ramath Mizpah in the territory of Gad (Josh. 13:26). (5) A site in Moab where David had his parents stay, with the permission of the king of Moab (1 Sam. 22:3).

(6) A city in the tribal allotment of Benjamin. It is listed between Beeroth and Kephirah and seems to have been close to Gibeon and Ramah (Josh. 18:26; 1 Kings 15:22; Neh. 3:7). Of the various places to bear the name “Mizpah,” the Benjamite location has the most biblical significance. The men of Israel gathered here to decide how to deal with the Benjamites’ behavior toward the Levite’s concubine (Judg. 20:1–3; 21:1–8). It was also here that Samuel called the people of Israel together to pray and renew their relationship with God after the ark of the covenant had been sent back by the Philistines (1 Sam. 7:5–6). As a result, when the Philistines attacked, God caused them to panic, and Israel had the victory. Samuel regularly visited Mizpah to render judgment for the Israelites (1 Sam. 7:16). Also, Saul was presented to Israel as its king at Mizpah (1 Sam. 10:17).

Taken collectively, these references show the religious and civic importance of the site for the fledgling nation. After the division of the kingdom, Mizpah became part of the southern kingdom of Judah. King Asa of Judah fortified Mizpah against King Baasha of Israel with materials used from Baasha’s fortification at Ramah (1 Kings 15:16–22). Mizpah became an important civic center once again after the destruction of Jerusalem by Nebuchadnezzar and the Babylonians in 587/586 BC. Gedaliah, the Babylonian-appointed governor of the conquered region, set up his government center at Mizpah (2 Kings 25:23–25). The importance of Mizpah is commemorated by Judas Maccabeus in the intertestamental period (1 Macc. 3:46).

The location of the Benjamite Mizpah is debated today, with two possible sites being possible: Nebi-Samwil is approximately four and a half miles north of Jerusalem, and Tell en-Nasbeh, the more likely site, is approximately eight miles north of Jerusalem.

The second of Ham’s four sons and a grandson of Noah (Gen. 10:6; NIV: “Egypt”). Mizraim, like his brothers, Cush, Put, and Canaan, is named as the progenitor of people who lived in northern Africa or Palestine. As his descendants settled in Egypt, “Mizraim” became the common Hebrew word for Egypt as a kingdom and for the Egyptians as a people. The relationship between Mizraim and Ham is reflected in the psalms, which sometimes refer to Egypt as the land or tents of Ham (Pss. 78:51; 105:23, 27; 106:22).

The youngest of the four sons of Reuel and a grandson of Esau and his wife Basemath, he and his brothers were early chiefs of Edom (Gen. 36:13, 17; 1 Chron. 1:37).

The Geography of Moab

Undisputed territory. Moab proper lies between the Arnon and the Zered valleys east of the Dead Sea. The Arnon is the deepest gorge in Jordan (seventeen hundred feet) and is two miles wide at the upper edge. It served as a natural northern boundary for geopolitical Moab, even though the nation frequently expanded its control farther north. The canyon eventually splits into four branches, “the wadis [NIV mg.: “ravines”] of the Arnon” (Num. 21:14–15 NASB). The Zered to the south is the only river in Jordan that constituted a permanent political border.

The average elevation of Moab is about thirty-two hundred feet, with some mountains nearing four thousand feet. Moab receives considerably more rain (sixteen inches per year) than do the eastern fringes of Israel, as moisture is picked up from the humid Jordan Valley and the Dead Sea by the prevailing westerly winds. The band of arable land is narrow because the terrain next to the Rift Valley is rugged. Cities in Moab were among places mentioned as suitable for livestock for the two and one-half tribes settling in Transjordan (Num. 32:1–4).

The plateau and plains of Moab. When mishor refers to the plateau of Moab, it always has the definite article in Hebrew (Deut. 3:10; 4:43; Josh. 13:9, 16, 17, 21; Jer. 48:8, 21). The plateau begins where the foothills of Gilead end and extends south to the Arnon Gorge. The desert boundary to the east fluctuates somewhat, depending on wet or dry years. The average elevation is about twenty-six hundred feet, with an average rainfall of fourteen to sixteen inches. In the biblical period, primary contenders for control of this region were Moabites and Israelites. The Moabites considered the plateau part of their territory, with their northern boundary reaching the foothills of Gilead.

The “plains [’arebot] of Moab” (Num. 22:1; 26:3; 31:12; 33:48–50; 36:13; Deut. 34:1; Josh. 13:32) could refer to the southeastern corner of the Jordan Valley below the plateau opposite Jericho. Nevertheless, because the Hebrew preposition ’al, used repeatedly in the Numbers passages, can mean “above,” it might refer to plains “above” the Jordan opposite Jericho—in other words, part of the plateau. This makes more sense in light of the events that unfolded while the Israelites were camped there. Both expressions are indicative that the name of Moab was attached to territories beyond the strictly political boundaries.

The History of Moab in the Bible

Origins of the Moabites. After the destruction of Sodom and Gomorrah, Lot’s daughters determined to carry on the family line by sleeping with their father (Gen. 19:30–38). The son of the elder daughter was named “Moab.” According to an etymology in the LXX, the name in Hebrew means “from my father” (Gen. 19:37).

The exodus and the conquest. Moses’ song refers to leaders of Moab among those whom Israel would encounter (Exod. 15:15). As the Israelites made their way past Edom (Num. 20:14–21), they may also have given a wide berth to geopolitical Moab, moving instead along the desert highway to the east (Num. 21:10–20; Deut. 2:8–9; Judg. 11:18; but see also Deut. 2:29) until they arrived at the territory that Sihon, king of the Amorites, had previously captured from the Moabites (Num. 21:21–26). This is the plateau (Heb. mishor) north of the Arnon (Deut. 2:36) stretching to Ammon (Josh. 13:10). The capital city of Sihon was Heshbon on the plateau (mishor) (Josh. 13:21). After defeating the Amorites, the Israelites camped on the “plains of Moab” (Num. 22:1; 33:48–50), where they remained until crossing the Jordan River. Most likely they did not jeopardize their security by moving down into the Jordan Valley.

Frightened by this multitude, the king of Moab and the elders of Midian sent for Balaam to curse the Israelites (Num. 21–24). Instead, Balaam pronounced four sets of blessings on Israel, and in the final one Balaam spoke of a “star . . . out of Jacob” who would “crush the foreheads of Moab” (Num. 24:17). Because the Moabites refused to welcome the Israelites and hired Balaam, the Moabites, along with Ammonites, were excluded from the assembly of the Lord for ten generations (Deut. 23:3–6). The verse immediately prior to this passage excludes those born of forbidden marriages, which might be the reason for specifying Moab and Ammon.

The plateau (mishor) was allocated to the tribes of Reuben and Gad (Num. 32:34–38; Josh. 13:8–9). Their presence enabled the Israelites to maintain a hold in the region, a fact that would be significant some three centuries later (Judg. 11:26). As the Israelites prepared to enter the land, Moses restated the covenant on the plains of Moab (Num. 36:13; Deut. 29:1). When it came time for Moses to die, he climbed Mount Nebo from the plains of Moab to the top of Pisgah, and after his death the Israelites mourned him there for thirty days (Deut. 34:1–8).

The judges through the monarchy. During the period of the judges, the Moabites pushed north across the Arnon and as far as Jericho. When Ehud killed Eglon, the Moabites were driven back and subjected to Israel for eighty years (Judg. 3). The respite was temporary, however, due to repeated apostasy on the part of the Israelites. They turned to worship the gods of the peoples around them, among them the gods of the Moabites (Judg. 10:6). At some point during the period of the judges, relations between Israel and Moab were sufficiently friendly that the family of Elimelek could take refuge there during the famine in Judah (Ruth 1). When all the men of the family died, the Moabite Ruth converted to the worship of Yahweh (Ruth 1:16), which meant that she could indeed become part of the congregation of Israel, overcoming the restriction in Deut. 23:3–6.

Ruth’s son was Obed, the father of Jesse, the father of David (Ruth 4:21). This family link with Moab may explain why David sought refuge for his father and mother in Moab in the dark days when he was fleeing from Saul (1 Sam. 22:1–4). David was appealing to a national enemy in doing this since Saul had been fighting against the Moabites along with the Ammonites, the Edomites, and the Philistines since he became king (1 Sam. 14:47). The complexity created for David by this combination of family allegiances and ongoing national concerns is evident in his later actions as king. When he defeated the Moabites, he brutally subdued them, reducing them to a vassal kingdom (2 Sam. 8:2–12). The united kingdom continued to control the plateau of Moab, evident in the towns noted in David’s census; it reached through the tribe of Gad to the city of Aroer in the Arnon Gorge (2 Sam. 24:5).

Solomon built places of worship for the gods of his wives, among them Chemosh, “the vile god of Moab” (2 Kings 23:13). As a result, God removed all but the southern kingdom of Judah from the Davidic dynasty and the plateau of Moab came under the control of the northern kingdom for more than half a century. The Moabite Stone, discovered in the nineteenth century AD at Dibon, indicated that Omri, king of Israel, conquered the plateau of Medeba and reestablished connections with the tribe of Gad. This continued until near the end of Ahab’s reign. Although the Moabite Stone indicates that Mesha revolted during the reign of Ahab, the biblical text puts it after Ahab’s death. The revolt prompted an alliance between Joram and Jehoshaphat to subdue Moab (2 Kings 3:4–27).

The prophets and after the exile. Moab is the object of stinging rebuke from several prophets (Isa. 15–16; 25:10; Jer. 48; Ezek. 25:8–11; Amos 2:1–3). Moab’s forthcoming judgment is described in grim terms, equating Moab’s end to that of Sodom and Gomorrah (Zeph. 2:9). Even so, God declares, “I will restore the fortunes of Moab in days to come” (Jer. 48:47). Moab will be humbled along with Edom and the Philistines at the word of the Lord (Pss. 60:8; 108:9). After the return from exile, Moabites were among those with whom the Israelites intermarried (Ezra 9:1; Neh. 13:1; cf. Deut. 23:3–6).

The Geography of Moab

Undisputed territory. Moab proper lies between the Arnon and the Zered valleys east of the Dead Sea. The Arnon is the deepest gorge in Jordan (seventeen hundred feet) and is two miles wide at the upper edge. It served as a natural northern boundary for geopolitical Moab, even though the nation frequently expanded its control farther north. The canyon eventually splits into four branches, “the wadis [NIV mg.: “ravines”] of the Arnon” (Num. 21:14–15 NASB). The Zered to the south is the only river in Jordan that constituted a permanent political border.

The average elevation of Moab is about thirty-two hundred feet, with some mountains nearing four thousand feet. Moab receives considerably more rain (sixteen inches per year) than do the eastern fringes of Israel, as moisture is picked up from the humid Jordan Valley and the Dead Sea by the prevailing westerly winds. The band of arable land is narrow because the terrain next to the Rift Valley is rugged. Cities in Moab were among places mentioned as suitable for livestock for the two and one-half tribes settling in Transjordan (Num. 32:1–4).

The plateau and plains of Moab. When mishor refers to the plateau of Moab, it always has the definite article in Hebrew (Deut. 3:10; 4:43; Josh. 13:9, 16, 17, 21; Jer. 48:8, 21). The plateau begins where the foothills of Gilead end and extends south to the Arnon Gorge. The desert boundary to the east fluctuates somewhat, depending on wet or dry years. The average elevation is about twenty-six hundred feet, with an average rainfall of fourteen to sixteen inches. In the biblical period, primary contenders for control of this region were Moabites and Israelites. The Moabites considered the plateau part of their territory, with their northern boundary reaching the foothills of Gilead.

The “plains [’arebot] of Moab” (Num. 22:1; 26:3; 31:12; 33:48–50; 36:13; Deut. 34:1; Josh. 13:32) could refer to the southeastern corner of the Jordan Valley below the plateau opposite Jericho. Nevertheless, because the Hebrew preposition ’al, used repeatedly in the Numbers passages, can mean “above,” it might refer to plains “above” the Jordan opposite Jericho—in other words, part of the plateau. This makes more sense in light of the events that unfolded while the Israelites were camped there. Both expressions are indicative that the name of Moab was attached to territories beyond the strictly political boundaries.

The History of Moab in the Bible

Origins of the Moabites. After the destruction of Sodom and Gomorrah, Lot’s daughters determined to carry on the family line by sleeping with their father (Gen. 19:30–38). The son of the elder daughter was named “Moab.” According to an etymology in the LXX, the name in Hebrew means “from my father” (Gen. 19:37).

The exodus and the conquest. Moses’ song refers to leaders of Moab among those whom Israel would encounter (Exod. 15:15). As the Israelites made their way past Edom (Num. 20:14–21), they may also have given a wide berth to geopolitical Moab, moving instead along the desert highway to the east (Num. 21:10–20; Deut. 2:8–9; Judg. 11:18; but see also Deut. 2:29) until they arrived at the territory that Sihon, king of the Amorites, had previously captured from the Moabites (Num. 21:21–26). This is the plateau (Heb. mishor) north of the Arnon (Deut. 2:36) stretching to Ammon (Josh. 13:10). The capital city of Sihon was Heshbon on the plateau (mishor) (Josh. 13:21). After defeating the Amorites, the Israelites camped on the “plains of Moab” (Num. 22:1; 33:48–50), where they remained until crossing the Jordan River. Most likely they did not jeopardize their security by moving down into the Jordan Valley.

Frightened by this multitude, the king of Moab and the elders of Midian sent for Balaam to curse the Israelites (Num. 21–24). Instead, Balaam pronounced four sets of blessings on Israel, and in the final one Balaam spoke of a “star . . . out of Jacob” who would “crush the foreheads of Moab” (Num. 24:17). Because the Moabites refused to welcome the Israelites and hired Balaam, the Moabites, along with Ammonites, were excluded from the assembly of the Lord for ten generations (Deut. 23:3–6). The verse immediately prior to this passage excludes those born of forbidden marriages, which might be the reason for specifying Moab and Ammon.

The plateau (mishor) was allocated to the tribes of Reuben and Gad (Num. 32:34–38; Josh. 13:8–9). Their presence enabled the Israelites to maintain a hold in the region, a fact that would be significant some three centuries later (Judg. 11:26). As the Israelites prepared to enter the land, Moses restated the covenant on the plains of Moab (Num. 36:13; Deut. 29:1). When it came time for Moses to die, he climbed Mount Nebo from the plains of Moab to the top of Pisgah, and after his death the Israelites mourned him there for thirty days (Deut. 34:1–8).

The judges through the monarchy. During the period of the judges, the Moabites pushed north across the Arnon and as far as Jericho. When Ehud killed Eglon, the Moabites were driven back and subjected to Israel for eighty years (Judg. 3). The respite was temporary, however, due to repeated apostasy on the part of the Israelites. They turned to worship the gods of the peoples around them, among them the gods of the Moabites (Judg. 10:6). At some point during the period of the judges, relations between Israel and Moab were sufficiently friendly that the family of Elimelek could take refuge there during the famine in Judah (Ruth 1). When all the men of the family died, the Moabite Ruth converted to the worship of Yahweh (Ruth 1:16), which meant that she could indeed become part of the congregation of Israel, overcoming the restriction in Deut. 23:3–6.

Ruth’s son was Obed, the father of Jesse, the father of David (Ruth 4:21). This family link with Moab may explain why David sought refuge for his father and mother in Moab in the dark days when he was fleeing from Saul (1 Sam. 22:1–4). David was appealing to a national enemy in doing this since Saul had been fighting against the Moabites along with the Ammonites, the Edomites, and the Philistines since he became king (1 Sam. 14:47). The complexity created for David by this combination of family allegiances and ongoing national concerns is evident in his later actions as king. When he defeated the Moabites, he brutally subdued them, reducing them to a vassal kingdom (2 Sam. 8:2–12). The united kingdom continued to control the plateau of Moab, evident in the towns noted in David’s census; it reached through the tribe of Gad to the city of Aroer in the Arnon Gorge (2 Sam. 24:5).

Solomon built places of worship for the gods of his wives, among them Chemosh, “the vile god of Moab” (2 Kings 23:13). As a result, God removed all but the southern kingdom of Judah from the Davidic dynasty and the plateau of Moab came under the control of the northern kingdom for more than half a century. The Moabite Stone, discovered in the nineteenth century AD at Dibon, indicated that Omri, king of Israel, conquered the plateau of Medeba and reestablished connections with the tribe of Gad. This continued until near the end of Ahab’s reign. Although the Moabite Stone indicates that Mesha revolted during the reign of Ahab, the biblical text puts it after Ahab’s death. The revolt prompted an alliance between Joram and Jehoshaphat to subdue Moab (2 Kings 3:4–27).

The prophets and after the exile. Moab is the object of stinging rebuke from several prophets (Isa. 15–16; 25:10; Jer. 48; Ezek. 25:8–11; Amos 2:1–3). Moab’s forthcoming judgment is described in grim terms, equating Moab’s end to that of Sodom and Gomorrah (Zeph. 2:9). Even so, God declares, “I will restore the fortunes of Moab in days to come” (Jer. 48:47). Moab will be humbled along with Edom and the Philistines at the word of the Lord (Pss. 60:8; 108:9). After the return from exile, Moabites were among those with whom the Israelites intermarried (Ezra 9:1; Neh. 13:1; cf. Deut. 23:3–6).

Pieces of metal stamped with a particular impression, used as a medium of exchange. From time immemorial people used animals, grain, or other commodities to barter (Hos. 3:2), pay taxes (1 Sam. 8:15), or as a measure of wealth (Job 1:3). Substituting smaller, more easily handled pieces of precious metal had obvious advantages. Gradually people used precious metal such as silver or gold along with commodities (Gen. 20:14–16) and then in place of them (37:28) as a means of payment. Such metal had been refined, but it could have been in most any form (rings, bars, ingots, dust) as long as it weighed the appropriate amount. Local and international standards developed to regulate the weights, and later the concept grew in popularity to use standard, authorized, clearly stamped pieces of precious metal—coins.

Old Testament. Minting of coins may have begun as far back as the late eighth century BC, and it gradually spread throughout the known world. The first coins apparently were made in Asia Minor using electrum, a natural alloy of gold and silver.

When the Persians took over much of the ancient Near East in the sixth century BC, the use of coins spread, and Persian coins came to the land of the Bible. At the end of the Hebrew Bible there is mention of large quantities of Persian coins called “darics” (1 Chron. 29:7; Ezra 8:27), also translated as “drachmas” (NASB) or “drams” (KJV) (Ezra 2:69; Neh. 7:70–72). These darics were stamped with the likeness of Darius the Great (521–486 BC) and were minted from gold and occasionally silver. At about the same time, silver tetradrachmas (four-drachma coins) from Athens made their way to the western shores of the Mediterranean. Local imitations of this coin were stamped with “YHD” to represent the province of Judah.

New Testament. Coins appear dozens of times in the NT; some have Hellenistic roots, while others come from the periods of Hasmonean or Roman rule.

For several centuries after Alexander the Great conquered the ancient Near East (fourth century BC), coins with the images of Alexander or his Seleucid or Ptolemaic successors were circulated in Judea. In particular, silver shekels from the Phoenician port cities of Tyre and Sidon enjoyed wide usage for a long time. Also called a “stater,” the shekel or four-drachma coin recovered by Peter from the fish’s mouth (Matt. 17:27) may have been such a Tyrian coin. Many or all of the thirty silver coins that the chief priests gave Judas for betraying Jesus (Matt. 26:15; 27:3) probably were Tyrian shekels as well, since this coin came to be the accepted currency at the temple in Jerusalem and the priests would have had a good supply of them.

After the Hellenistic rulers lost control of Judea during the rebellion led by the Maccabean or Hasmonean family in the second century BC, the Jews could mint their own coins for the first time. The honor of producing the first Jewish coin apparently goes to John Hyrcanus I (134–104 BC), son of Simon and nephew of Judas Maccabeus. Simon’s modest bronze lepton (pl. lepta), or prutah, has an inscription on one side and two cornucopias and a pomegranate on the other. Use of such agricultural symbols apparently fulfilled two purposes: it portrayed the fertility of the land that God had given his people, and it helped the Jews avoid depicting people on coins, as the Greeks and later the Romans would do. During this period devout Jews avoided such images in order to help fulfill the second commandment (Exod. 20:4), to avoid graven images. Hyrcanus I’s son Alexander Jannaeus (103–76 BC) minted great quantities of different types of bronze lepta, still often found in excavations in Israel today. These coins remained in circulation for many years, probably through the ministry of Jesus. Thus, the two small coins for which Jesus commended the widow for donating to the temple treasury (Mark 12:42; Luke 21:2) may well have been lepta of Alexander Jannaeus. The tiny lepton, typically smaller than a dime and worth only 1/400 of a shekel, also appears in Luke 12:59.

It is also possible that the aforementioned lepta were not minted by Alexander Jannaeus, since later rulers, including the Jewish king Herod the Great (40–4 BC), also minted large numbers of similar small bronze coins. Though not known for his piety, Herod continued to avoid human representations on his coins. For the most part, so did his sons and the later Roman procurators (including Pontius Pilate [governed AD 26–36]), who ruled Judea before the revolt in AD 66.

Other Roman coins, such as the silver denarius (pl. denarii) minted outside Judea, clearly did not avoid human representation, however. Jesus’ request for a coin with Caesar’s image and inscription (Matt. 22:15–22) refers to the denarius. The denarius in Jesus’ day could have portrayed the emperor Tiberius (r. AD 14–37) or even Augustus (r. 27 BC–AD 14), whose coins were probably still in circulation. The silver denarius came to represent the daily wage of a common laborer, as clearly shown in the parable of laborers (Matt. 20:1–16). The denarius also appears in many other passages, although modern translators sometimes use a more interpretive expression (“two silver coins” for “two denarii” in Luke 10:35; “a year’s wages” for “three hundred denarii” in Mark 14:5).

Although many of the references discussed above contain specific terms that can be identified with coins known from history, others cannot. General terms meaning “coins” or “pieces of money” sometimes appear, as when Jesus scattered the coins of the money changers (John 2:15), or the rather common term for silver that appears frequently and is often translated as “money” (Matt. 28:12; Luke 9:3) or “silver” (Acts 3:6; 1 Pet. 1:18) as well as “silver coins” (Matt. 27:3 GW).

The earth’s natural satellite. Its diameter is slightly more than one-quarter that of the earth. As a result of orbiting the earth, its appearance varies from a full moon (totally bright) to a new moon (totally dark) every 29.5 days. This cycle has influenced calendars throughout human history.

The ancient Jewish calendar was tied to the phases of the moon, with the months beginning with each new moon. The new moon was celebrated with multiple offerings (Num. 28:11–15). Festival days were calculated from the new moon.

The moon figures prominently in prophecy. At the day of the Lord, the sun and the moon will be darkened (e.g., Joel 2:10). While most ancient Near Eastern cultures worshiped the moon, Israel was forbidden such worship (Deut. 4:19).

The account of the moon’s creation recorded in Gen. 1:16 does not mention the moon by name. This is in keeping with the general tone of the creation story, wherein God, almost incidentally, creates the things that were worshiped by contemporary cultures.

The moral course of the world is simultaneously moving in two directions. The morally innocent state in which God created humankind was lost at the fall (Gen. 3), and since then, sin, death, and corruption have reigned over all humanity (Rom. 5:12). In Noah’s time the world so declined morally that God had to wipe out nearly the entire human race (Gen. 6–8), and the Bible predicts that sin will come to a similar crescendo before Christ’s return (1 Tim. 4:1; 2 Pet. 3).

Despite this moral degeneration, the kingdom that Christ inaugurated in his first coming (Mark 1:15) will make continual progress in renewing creation until the consummation (Matt. 13:31–33). The new heavens and earth have already broken into the present age at the resurrection of Christ, who is now ruling at the right hand of the Father (Acts 2:33). Therefore, the age subject to death is passing away, but those in Christ are being renewed daily (1 Cor. 7:31; 2 Cor. 4:16). The Holy Spirit represents their down payment on the riches that await them at the final redemption (Eph. 1:14).

(1) A tree or plain that was a stopping point on Abraham’s journey from Harran (Gen. 12:6). If the Hebrew phrase in question (’elon moreh) is translated as “tree of Moreh,” the tree would be an oak or terebinth. At this tree, near the city of Shechem, Abraham built an altar to God (Gen. 12:7). Some translations, notably the KJV (likely following the LXX), translate this geographic location as the “plain of Moreh.” In Deut. 11:30 this geographic location is a marker to help locate the mountains Ebal and Gerizim. There are several other mentions of trees in the OT in proximity to Shechem, including the places where Jacob buried his idols (Gen. 35:4) and where Joshua set up a marker commemorating the history of the Israelites (Josh. 24:26). In Judg. 9 two different trees are mentioned in proximity to Shechem. (2) A hill near where Gideon attacked and defeated the Midianites (Judg. 7:1). The exact location of this hill is uncertain.

The mountain to which God commanded Abraham to go and sacrifice Isaac (Gen. 22:2). The only other time a mountain of this name is mentioned is 2 Chron. 3:1, as the location of the future temple. There is some debate whether these two references indicate the same location. For instance, if Abraham was going to the well-wooded area around Jerusalem, why would he gather wood from Beersheba? Such questions lead some to suggest that they are two different places with the same name, while others suggest that 2 Chronicles draws a connection between the place of Abraham’s famous test of faith and the location of the temple for theological reasons. Questions also arise about the precise meaning of the name, but most believe that the name is connected to the Hebrew verb “to see” or “to provide,” thus suggesting a connection with the name Abraham gives to the location, “The Lord Will Provide” (Gen. 22:14).

The period of the day beginning at sunrise and often described as a time of great activity, such as embarking on a journey (Gen. 44:3), initiating a battle (Judg. 9:33), offering sacrifices (Amos 4:4), starting to work (Matt. 20:1), and meeting with God (Exod. 34:2–4; Mark 1:35; cf. Ps. 55:17). Morning is a time of joy (Ps. 30:5), though some may express this joy more loudly than others (Prov. 27:14).

(1) A hollowed-out receptacle resembling a bowl, usually made of stone or possibly clay. The mortar, along with a pestle, was used for grinding, crushing, or mixing substances in food preparation. The food was placed in the mortar and ground with the pestle. This is the tool that the Israelites used in the desert to process the manna (Num. 11:8). The mortar was a common household item required to prepare food for consumption, and its function was so well known that it was employed in biblical metaphors (Prov. 27:22). (2) A binding agent used in mud-brick construction (Exod. 1:14; Nah. 3:14). Raw mud was the most common mortar used in this construction, but tar is also attested (Gen. 11:3). See also Pestle.

Moses played a leadership role in the founding of Israel as a “kingdom of priests and a holy nation” (Exod. 19:6). Indeed, the narrative of Exodus through Deuteronomy is the story of God using Moses to found the nation of Israel. It begins with an account of his birth (Exod. 2) and ends with an account of his death (Deut. 34). Moses’ influence and importance extend well beyond his lifetime, as later Scripture demonstrates.

Abraham’s Descendants in Egypt

The book of Genesis prepares the way for the story of Moses and the founding of Israel. After recounting the creation of the world and the fall into sin, the book eventually describes God’s choice of Abraham as the one whose descendants he will make “a great nation” and bring a blessing to the world (Gen. 12:1–3). However, by the end of Genesis, Abraham’s descendants have gone to Egypt in order to survive a devastating famine. Although they are in a good relationship with the Egyptian government, the hope is expressed that God will eventually return them to the land of promise (Gen. 50:24–26).

Many years pass between the close of the book of Genesis and the beginning of Exodus. The Israelite population has grown from family size (about seventy people) to nation size. Out of fear, the Egyptians had begun to oppress them. Indeed, the size of the Israelite population so worried them that Pharaoh instituted a decree calling for the death of all male babies born to the Israelites.

Moses’ Life before the Exodus

Moses was born in a dangerous time, and according to Pharaoh’s decree, he should not have survived long after his birth. He was born to Amram and Jochebed (Exod. 6:20). Circumventing Pharaoh’s decree, Jochebed placed the infant Moses in a reed basket and floated him down the river. This act seems desperate, but there are similar stories from the Near East (the account of the birth of Sargon, an Akkadian king), and perhaps it was a way of placing the endangered child in the hands of God. God guided the basket down the river and into the presence of none other than Pharaoh’s daughter (Exod. 2:5–6), who, at the urging of Moses’ sister, hired Jochebed to take care of the child. When the infant grew older, Pharaoh’s daughter gave him a Hebrew name, “Moses,” which sounds like the Hebrew verb mashah, meaning “to draw out” (Exod. 2:10). This amazing story of Moses’ survival at birth informs later Israel that their human savior was really provided by their divine savior.

Modern movie adaptations of this story dwell on Moses’ upbringing in Pharaoh’s household, but the Bible itself is essentially silent on this period of his life (apart from a reference to Moses’ Egyptian education in Acts 7:22; cf. Heb. 11:24). The next major episode concerns his defense of an Israelite worker who was being beaten by an Egyptian (Exod. 2:11–25). In the process of rescuing the Israelite, Moses killed the Egyptian. Apparently, his relationship to the ruler’s household would not save him from punishment, so when it became clear that he was known to be the killer, he fled Egypt and ended up in Midian, where he became a member of the family of a Midianite priest-chief, Jethro, by marrying his daughter Zipporah.

The territory of Midian is vaguely described in the Bible, perhaps because its people were nomadic sheepherders. They were often found around the Gulf of Aqaba and sometimes farther northeast of the Jordan River. The question is whether the tent of Jethro and Mount Sinai were on the Sinai Peninsula or on the eastern side of Aqaba in what is today Saudi Arabia.

Although Moses was not looking for a way back into Egypt, God had different plans. One day, while Moses was tending his sheep, God appeared to him in the form of a burning bush and commissioned him to go back to Egypt and lead his people to freedom. Moses expressed reluctance, and so God grudgingly enlisted his older brother, Aaron, to accompany him as his spokesperson.

The Exodus and Wilderness Wandering

Upon Moses’ return to Egypt, Pharaoh stubbornly refused to allow the Israelites to leave Egypt. God directed Moses to announce a series of plagues that ultimately induced Pharaoh to allow the Israelites to depart. After they left, Pharaoh had a change of mind and cornered them on the shores of the Red Sea (Sea of Reeds). It was at the Red Sea that God demonstrated his great power by splitting the sea and allowing the Israelites to escape before closing it again in judgment on the Egyptians. Moses signaled the presence of God by lifting his rod high in the air (Exod. 14:16). This event was long remembered as the defining moment when God released Israel from Egyptian slavery (Pss. 77; 114), and it even became the paradigm for future divine rescues (Isa. 40:3–5; Hos. 2:14–15).

After the crossing of the Red Sea, Moses led Israel back to Mount Sinai, the location of his divine commissioning. At this time, Moses went up the mountain as a prophetic mediator for the people (Deut. 18:16). He received the Ten Commandments, the rest of the law, and instructions to build the tabernacle (Exod. 19–24). All these were part of a new covenantal arrangement that today we refer to as the Mosaic or Sinaitic covenant.

However, as Moses came down the mountain with the law, he saw that the people, who had grown tired of waiting, were worshiping a false god that they had created in the form of a golden calf (Exod. 32). With the aid of the Levites, who that day assured their role as Israel’s priestly helpers, he brought God’s judgment against the offenders and also interceded in prayer with God to prevent the total destruction of Israel.

Thus began Israel’s long story of rebellion against God. God was particularly upset with the lack of confidence that the Israelites had shown when the spies from the twelve tribes gave their report (Num. 13). They did not believe that God could handle the fearsome warriors who lived in the land, and so God doomed them to forty years of wandering in the wilderness, enough time for the first generation to die. Not even Moses escaped this fate, since he had shown anger against God and attributed a miracle to his own power and not to God when he struck a rock in order to get water (Num. 20:1–13).

Thus, Moses was not permitted to enter the land of promise, though he had led the Israelites to the very brink of entry on the plains of Moab. There he gave his last sermon, which we know as the book of Deuteronomy. The purpose of his sermon was to tell the second generation of Israelites who were going to enter the land that they must obey God’s law or suffer the consequences. The form of the sermon was that of a covenant renewal, and so Israel on this occasion reaffirmed its loyalty to God.

After this, Moses went up on Mount Nebo, from which he could see the promised land, and died. Deuteronomy concludes with the following statements: “Since then, no prophet has risen in Israel like Moses, whom the Lord knew face to face. . . . For no one has ever shown the mighty power or performed the awesome deeds that Moses did in the sight of all Israel” (Deut. 34:10, 12).

Legacy and Dates

The NT honors Moses as God’s servant but also makes the point that Jesus is one who far surpasses Moses as a mediator between God and people (Acts 3:17–26; Heb. 3).

The date of Moses is a matter of controversy because the biblical text does not name the pharaohs of the story. Many date him to the thirteenth century BC and associate him with Ramesses II, but others take 1 Kings 6:1 at face value and date him to the end of the fifteenth century BC, perhaps during the reign of Thutmose III.

Although essentially characterized by bearing offspring, a mother is associated with much more in the Bible. Especially prominent are the characteristic ways in which a mother relates to her children: she tends to their needs (1 Thess. 2:7), looks after their welfare (1 Kings 3:16–27), comforts them (Ps. 131:2), and instructs them (Prov. 1:8; 31:1).

Motherhood is held in high regard. Bearing a child is an occasion for rejoicing (Gen. 4:1; Ps. 113:9). A virtuous and industrious mother is praised by her children and husband alike (Prov. 31:28). The Bible describes a mother both crowning a king (Song 3:11) and sitting beside his throne (1 Kings 2:19). The death of a mother brings extreme sorrow (Gen. 24:67; Ps. 35:14). Furthermore, God’s promises are often associated with the birth of a child (e.g., Gen. 3:15; 12:2–3; Judg. 13:3; Isa. 7:14). Mary is blessed among women as the mother of Jesus Christ (Luke 1:42–45). Finally, the Bible protects the dignity of a mother as it does that of the father. The law requires honor and reverence for both father and mother (Exod. 20:12; Lev. 19:3; Deut. 5:16) and condemns to death those who strike or curse either parent (Exod. 21:15, 17; Lev. 20:9).

There is also great concern that adult children look after the welfare of their parents as a means of honoring them. David makes provisions for his parents as he flees from Saul (1 Sam. 22:3–4). Jesus condemns the Pharisees and the scribes for taking the resources due their parents and offering them as a gift to God instead (Matt. 15:4–6). Even Jesus’ final act upon the cross is to ensure the welfare of his mother by defining her relationship with the Beloved Disciple as mother and son (John 19:26–27). On the other hand, Jesus makes clear that concern for one’s family is subordinate to discipleship to him (Matt. 10:37; Mark 3:35; Luke 14:26).

The word “mother” also carries symbolic or metaphorical senses. Sometimes the “mother” is a fitting example of other things or persons like it, such as Babylon the Great as the mother of prostitutes and earthly abominations (Rev. 17:5). In the extended analogy between Hosea’s marriage and God’s relationship to Israel, the nation is called a “mother,” and its inhabitants are her “children” (Hos. 2:4; 4:5; cf. Isa. 50:1; Jer. 50:12). The image of a mother may also refer to a large city (2 Sam. 20:19; Gal. 4:26).

The mother of an individual’s spouse. Isaac married Rebekah, Milkah’s daughter. Milkah is thus Isaac’s mother-in-law (Gen. 24:47). The most well-known biblical example is Naomi, Ruth’s mother-in-law (Ruth 1:3–4). Jesus healed Peter’s mother-in-law of a fever (Luke 4:38–39). The law forbade a man to have sexual intercourse with his mother-in-law (Deut. 27:23). Social chaos was often described as a breakdown of family relationships, including that between daughter-in-law and mother-in-law (Mic. 7:6; Luke 12:53).

“Seir” means “hairy” and derives from Esau’s hairiness (Gen. 25:25) or the woody nature of the mountain. It is located south of the Dead Sea. Although it was once occupied by the Horites (Gen. 14:6), Yahweh gave Mount Seir to Esau’s descendants (Deut. 2:4–12). Thus, it is used in both biblical and extrabiblical literature to refer to Edom (2 Chron. 20:10–33). The Edomites’ sense of security, arising from the height and ruggedness of Mount Seir, coupled with their hostility against Judah made them a constant object of prophetic diatribes (Isa. 63:1–7; Jer. 49; Ezek. 35:2–15; Obad. 1).

Mountains, both literally and metaphorically, play a highly significant role in biblical history, religion, and theology. People are shaped by the geography of the location in which they live, and this was no less the case with the Israelites. Mountains, as permanent and immovable, form natural barriers and borders (Josh. 15), afford protection from invaders (Judg. 6:2; Ps. 125:2), serve as places of refuge (Gen. 14:10; 19:17; 1 Sam. 14:22), and provide bases from which to launch attacks (Judg. 4:14; 9:36). Often in the Bible, mountain imagery is used to describe God as eternal and a strong refuge (Pss. 36:6; 90:2; 121:1–2; 125:2).

But mountains are also places of mystery. In the religious world of the ancient Near East, gods were thought to either live or make their presence known on mountains—portals, as it were, between heaven and earth. The garden of Eden is regarded by Ezekiel as having been located on “the holy mount of God” (Ezek. 28:13–14). God mysteriously reveals himself in a flame of fire to Moses at Mount Horeb (Exod. 3), and then later from that same mountain God gives the law amid thunder, fire, and smoke; the people are not allowed to approach the mountain lest they die (Exod. 19). Moses has another theophany on the same mountain (Exod. 33:17–34:8), and Elijah has a very Moses-like encounter there with God as well (1 Kings 19).

Because of this association between gods and mountains, it was the norm to build temples for deities on mountaintops. Thus, the temple in Jerusalem is built on Mount Zion, which is also the place where Abraham had been ready to sacrifice Isaac (Gen. 22:2; 2 Chron. 3:1). Thus, this mountain is the “mountain of the Lord” (Gen. 22:14), the mountain of God’s “inheritance” (Exod. 15:17), his “holy mountain” (Ps. 48:1). Even the plans for the tabernacle and temples are given on mountaintops (Exod. 25:40; 26:30; 27:8; 2 Sam. 24:18–25; 1 Chron. 21:18–22:1; 28:11–12; Ezek. 40:1–2; Rev. 21:10). It should not escape notice that Israel’s legal tradition and liturgical tradition are both associated with mountains, Sinai and Zion (Jerusalem).

It is no wonder, then, that mountains play such a significant role in the NT and the life of Christ. On top of a high mountain, the devil tempts Jesus to worship him (Matt. 4:8–10). Jesus proclaims the law of the kingdom from a mountain (5:1). On a mountain, Jesus chooses to reveal to his disciples his true glory in the transfiguration (17:1). After his resurrection, Jesus has his disciples meet him at a mountain, from which he makes his declaration of authority and gives the Great Commission (28:16–20). But Jesus and the NT authors also “relocate” the place where people meet with God from any particular location, mountain or otherwise, to the human spirit and to the church (John 4:21–24; Heb. 12:22–23).

Grief is great sadness or sorrow or the circumstances that produce such; mourning refers to expressions of grief. Grief and mourning are often thought of in conjunction with death, but they may occur with regard to any personal or national tragedy (2 Sam. 13:19), the impending prospect of tragedy (Esther 4:3; Isa. 37:1), or repentance prompted by prophetic word of tragedy, sorrow over sin, or both.

The expressions of mourning in the Bible include weeping (Gen. 23:2), wailing (Esther 4:3; Isa. 15:3; Mark 5:38), tearing clothes and wearing sackcloth (Gen. 37:34; 2 Sam. 3:31), lying on the ground (2 Sam. 13:31), putting dust and ashes on the head or sitting on dust and ashes (Ezek. 27:30), fasting (2 Sam. 3:35; 12:16), singing songs of lament (2 Sam. 1:17–27; 3:32–35), pulling hair out of one’s beard (Ezra 9:3), cutting the hair (Jer. 7:29), uncovering the head (Lev. 10:6), removing sandals (Ezek. 24:17, 23), covering the lips or mouth (Ezek. 24:17, 22; Mic. 3:7), and employing professional mourners (Jer. 9:17; Matt. 9:23; Mark 5:38). Some pagan mourning practices were prohibited, such as slashing the body, cutting patterns into the body (tattooing?), and the somewhat obscure act of making the forehead bald (Lev. 19:28; Deut. 14:1; cf. 1 Kings 18:28).

Thus, grief and mourning were anything but stoic and brief. Grief was expressed both physically and vocally, often loudly, with expressions ranging from inarticulate groaning to poetic compositions in song. Although women may have been prominent among professional mourners, expressing grief was not considered unmasculine. Several times David was a leader in expressing grief. That the expression of grief should be brief, relatively dispassionate, and primarily characteristic of women was a Greek development that entered the church through people such as Augustine, who, for example, felt grieved that he had very briefly grieved the loss of his mother.

Paul’s admonition that believers should not grieve as do those who have no hope (1 Thess. 4:13) should not be construed as a dictum that it is wrong to grieve. The thought of the resurrection is a comfort in, not a replacement for, grief. Even Jesus wept at the death of Lazarus, knowing full well that he would soon resurrect him (John 11:25, 35, 40). Further, saints who have died and gone to heaven lament (Rev. 6:10). Grief is restricted for active-duty priests and once for Ezekiel, but these are clearly special circumstances and illustrate the normalcy of giving expression to grief. Ezekiel was to moan with a groaning for the dead (often misread as groaning silently) when his wife died, but he was not to engage in any mourning rites (Ezek. 24:15–27). This illustrated to Judah the circumstances that they would face, without opportunity to mourn properly for their dead. Ezekiel 8:14 indicts the women of Jerusalem for “mourning for Tammuz,” a pagan ritual involving the cycle of life, death, and rebirth of the Babylonian god Dumuzi.

Songs of lament are common in the OT. David composed a song of lament honoring the deaths of Saul and Jonathan (2 Sam. 1:17–27). After Joab’s unauthorized killing of Abner, David also sang a lament for Abner and required Joab to participate in mourning rituals (3:31–37). David also mourned his own sons: the unnamed son of Bathsheba (12:16–18), Amnon (13:30–33), and Absalom (18:33–19:4). In the case of Bathsheba’s son, David mourned in advance of the boy’s death, which had been prophetically proclaimed through Nathan. As the consequences of his sins continued, he progressively became undone in the mourning of his other sons. Also, funeral songs are used as the form of some prophetic material (Ezek. 19:1–14; 26:17–18; 27:2–9, 25–36; cf. Jer. 22:18; Amos 5:16). Not all laments are funeral songs per se. Compare also the book of Lamentations and the psalms of lament, also known as complaint psalms.

Expressions of grief and mourning were called for as part of repentance, combining both fear of punishment and depth of sorrow over sin (2 Chron. 34:19; Isa. 15:3; Joel 1:13).

Grief is great sadness or sorrow or the circumstances that produce such; mourning refers to expressions of grief. Grief and mourning are often thought of in conjunction with death, but they may occur with regard to any personal or national tragedy (2 Sam. 13:19), the impending prospect of tragedy (Esther 4:3; Isa. 37:1), or repentance prompted by prophetic word of tragedy, sorrow over sin, or both.

The expressions of mourning in the Bible include weeping (Gen. 23:2), wailing (Esther 4:3; Isa. 15:3; Mark 5:38), tearing clothes and wearing sackcloth (Gen. 37:34; 2 Sam. 3:31), lying on the ground (2 Sam. 13:31), putting dust and ashes on the head or sitting on dust and ashes (Ezek. 27:30), fasting (2 Sam. 3:35; 12:16), singing songs of lament (2 Sam. 1:17–27; 3:32–35), pulling hair out of one’s beard (Ezra 9:3), cutting the hair (Jer. 7:29), uncovering the head (Lev. 10:6), removing sandals (Ezek. 24:17, 23), covering the lips or mouth (Ezek. 24:17, 22; Mic. 3:7), and employing professional mourners (Jer. 9:17; Matt. 9:23; Mark 5:38). Some pagan mourning practices were prohibited, such as slashing the body, cutting patterns into the body (tattooing?), and the somewhat obscure act of making the forehead bald (Lev. 19:28; Deut. 14:1; cf. 1 Kings 18:28).

Thus, grief and mourning were anything but stoic and brief. Grief was expressed both physically and vocally, often loudly, with expressions ranging from inarticulate groaning to poetic compositions in song. Although women may have been prominent among professional mourners, expressing grief was not considered unmasculine. Several times David was a leader in expressing grief. That the expression of grief should be brief, relatively dispassionate, and primarily characteristic of women was a Greek development that entered the church through people such as Augustine, who, for example, felt grieved that he had very briefly grieved the loss of his mother.

Paul’s admonition that believers should not grieve as do those who have no hope (1 Thess. 4:13) should not be construed as a dictum that it is wrong to grieve. The thought of the resurrection is a comfort in, not a replacement for, grief. Even Jesus wept at the death of Lazarus, knowing full well that he would soon resurrect him (John 11:25, 35, 40). Further, saints who have died and gone to heaven lament (Rev. 6:10). Grief is restricted for active-duty priests and once for Ezekiel, but these are clearly special circumstances and illustrate the normalcy of giving expression to grief. Ezekiel was to moan with a groaning for the dead (often misread as groaning silently) when his wife died, but he was not to engage in any mourning rites (Ezek. 24:15–27). This illustrated to Judah the circumstances that they would face, without opportunity to mourn properly for their dead. Ezekiel 8:14 indicts the women of Jerusalem for “mourning for Tammuz,” a pagan ritual involving the cycle of life, death, and rebirth of the Babylonian god Dumuzi.

Songs of lament are common in the OT. David composed a song of lament honoring the deaths of Saul and Jonathan (2 Sam. 1:17–27). After Joab’s unauthorized killing of Abner, David also sang a lament for Abner and required Joab to participate in mourning rituals (3:31–37). David also mourned his own sons: the unnamed son of Bathsheba (12:16–18), Amnon (13:30–33), and Absalom (18:33–19:4). In the case of Bathsheba’s son, David mourned in advance of the boy’s death, which had been prophetically proclaimed through Nathan. As the consequences of his sins continued, he progressively became undone in the mourning of his other sons. Also, funeral songs are used as the form of some prophetic material (Ezek. 19:1–14; 26:17–18; 27:2–9, 25–36; cf. Jer. 22:18; Amos 5:16). Not all laments are funeral songs per se. Compare also the book of Lamentations and the psalms of lament, also known as complaint psalms.

Expressions of grief and mourning were called for as part of repentance, combining both fear of punishment and depth of sorrow over sin (2 Chron. 34:19; Isa. 15:3; Joel 1:13).

Grief is great sadness or sorrow or the circumstances that produce such; mourning refers to expressions of grief. Grief and mourning are often thought of in conjunction with death, but they may occur with regard to any personal or national tragedy (2 Sam. 13:19), the impending prospect of tragedy (Esther 4:3; Isa. 37:1), or repentance prompted by prophetic word of tragedy, sorrow over sin, or both.

The expressions of mourning in the Bible include weeping (Gen. 23:2), wailing (Esther 4:3; Isa. 15:3; Mark 5:38), tearing clothes and wearing sackcloth (Gen. 37:34; 2 Sam. 3:31), lying on the ground (2 Sam. 13:31), putting dust and ashes on the head or sitting on dust and ashes (Ezek. 27:30), fasting (2 Sam. 3:35; 12:16), singing songs of lament (2 Sam. 1:17–27; 3:32–35), pulling hair out of one’s beard (Ezra 9:3), cutting the hair (Jer. 7:29), uncovering the head (Lev. 10:6), removing sandals (Ezek. 24:17, 23), covering the lips or mouth (Ezek. 24:17, 22; Mic. 3:7), and employing professional mourners (Jer. 9:17; Matt. 9:23; Mark 5:38). Some pagan mourning practices were prohibited, such as slashing the body, cutting patterns into the body (tattooing?), and the somewhat obscure act of making the forehead bald (Lev. 19:28; Deut. 14:1; cf. 1 Kings 18:28).

Thus, grief and mourning were anything but stoic and brief. Grief was expressed both physically and vocally, often loudly, with expressions ranging from inarticulate groaning to poetic compositions in song. Although women may have been prominent among professional mourners, expressing grief was not considered unmasculine. Several times David was a leader in expressing grief. That the expression of grief should be brief, relatively dispassionate, and primarily characteristic of women was a Greek development that entered the church through people such as Augustine, who, for example, felt grieved that he had very briefly grieved the loss of his mother.

Paul’s admonition that believers should not grieve as do those who have no hope (1 Thess. 4:13) should not be construed as a dictum that it is wrong to grieve. The thought of the resurrection is a comfort in, not a replacement for, grief. Even Jesus wept at the death of Lazarus, knowing full well that he would soon resurrect him (John 11:25, 35, 40). Further, saints who have died and gone to heaven lament (Rev. 6:10). Grief is restricted for active-duty priests and once for Ezekiel, but these are clearly special circumstances and illustrate the normalcy of giving expression to grief. Ezekiel was to moan with a groaning for the dead (often misread as groaning silently) when his wife died, but he was not to engage in any mourning rites (Ezek. 24:15–27). This illustrated to Judah the circumstances that they would face, without opportunity to mourn properly for their dead. Ezekiel 8:14 indicts the women of Jerusalem for “mourning for Tammuz,” a pagan ritual involving the cycle of life, death, and rebirth of the Babylonian god Dumuzi.

Songs of lament are common in the OT. David composed a song of lament honoring the deaths of Saul and Jonathan (2 Sam. 1:17–27). After Joab’s unauthorized killing of Abner, David also sang a lament for Abner and required Joab to participate in mourning rituals (3:31–37). David also mourned his own sons: the unnamed son of Bathsheba (12:16–18), Amnon (13:30–33), and Absalom (18:33–19:4). In the case of Bathsheba’s son, David mourned in advance of the boy’s death, which had been prophetically proclaimed through Nathan. As the consequences of his sins continued, he progressively became undone in the mourning of his other sons. Also, funeral songs are used as the form of some prophetic material (Ezek. 19:1–14; 26:17–18; 27:2–9, 25–36; cf. Jer. 22:18; Amos 5:16). Not all laments are funeral songs per se. Compare also the book of Lamentations and the psalms of lament, also known as complaint psalms.

Expressions of grief and mourning were called for as part of repentance, combining both fear of punishment and depth of sorrow over sin (2 Chron. 34:19; Isa. 15:3; Joel 1:13).

The word “mouth” has a variety of uses in the Bible. First, it is used in the literal sense of a human or animal mouth. Jeremiah says, “The Lord reached out his hand and touched my mouth” (Jer. 1:9). Numbers 22:28 refers to the literal mouth of a donkey, and likewise Ps. 22:21 refers to the mouth of a lion. In reference to eating, see Matt. 15:17. The word “mouth” is also used in an inanimate sense to refer to an opening of an object or geographical feature. Phrases such as “the mouth of his sack” (Gen. 42:27), “the mouth of the well” (Gen. 29:3), and “the mouth of the cave” (Josh. 10:18) are common in the Bible. The earth could also open its metaphorical mouth to swallow individuals, denoting divine punishment (Num. 16:30, 32).

The more common use of the word “mouth” occurs in phrases such as “I have put my words in your mouth” (Isa. 51:16; Jer. 1:9; cf. Exod. 4:15; Deut. 18:18). This phrase and similar ones, when speaking of God, refer to inspiration and the speech as belonging to God. Otherwise, putting words into one’s mouth is akin to giving that person instructions (Deut. 31:19 NRSV, KJV).

The eighth of Benjamin’s ten sons (Gen. 46:21). In Num. 26:39 the name of this son is listed as “Shupham” (NIV, KJV, NET) or “Shephupham” (NRSV, NASB).

Murder is distinguishable in the Bible from the larger category of killing. Thus, the sixth commandment (Exod. 20:13) is appropriately translated by the NIV and other versions as “You shall not murder” rather than “You shall not kill.” The taking of lives in warfare, for example, would not have been considered murder. The word used in Exod. 20:13, ratsakh, occurs approximately fifty times in the OT and never refers to killing in battle, in contrast to two other words for “kill” that together occur over three hundred times and quite often refer to battle contexts. Ezekiel 21:22 (21:27 MT) might appear to be an exception, but ratsakh (NIV: “slaughter”) is probably used there to indicate the slaying of innocent people rather than military combatants.

Ratsakh, however, can also refer to unintentional killing or manslaughter (e.g., Num. 35:11); thus, the word does not necessarily mean “murder” but rather refers to the taking of any innocent life, whether intentionally or accidentally. The lone exception in Num. 35:30 is only apparently so; it is rather a statement of poetic justice: “the murderer shall be murdered.”

The prohibition against murder is grounded in the image-bearing character of humankind. Human beings are made in the image of God; therefore, to kill an innocent person is equivalent to striking out against God (Gen. 9:6).

Significantly, Jesus viewed his own approaching death in Jerusalem as a murder in a long line of murders stretching from the murder of Abel by Cain, through the killing of the OT prophets, to himself (Matt. 21:33–46; 23:29–39; Luke 11:47–54; 20:9–20).

Murder is distinguishable in the Bible from the larger category of killing. Thus, the sixth commandment (Exod. 20:13) is appropriately translated by the NIV and other versions as “You shall not murder” rather than “You shall not kill.” The taking of lives in warfare, for example, would not have been considered murder. The word used in Exod. 20:13, ratsakh, occurs approximately fifty times in the OT and never refers to killing in battle, in contrast to two other words for “kill” that together occur over three hundred times and quite often refer to battle contexts. Ezekiel 21:22 (21:27 MT) might appear to be an exception, but ratsakh (NIV: “slaughter”) is probably used there to indicate the slaying of innocent people rather than military combatants.

Ratsakh, however, can also refer to unintentional killing or manslaughter (e.g., Num. 35:11); thus, the word does not necessarily mean “murder” but rather refers to the taking of any innocent life, whether intentionally or accidentally. The lone exception in Num. 35:30 is only apparently so; it is rather a statement of poetic justice: “the murderer shall be murdered.”

The prohibition against murder is grounded in the image-bearing character of humankind. Human beings are made in the image of God; therefore, to kill an innocent person is equivalent to striking out against God (Gen. 9:6).

Significantly, Jesus viewed his own approaching death in Jerusalem as a murder in a long line of murders stretching from the murder of Abel by Cain, through the killing of the OT prophets, to himself (Matt. 21:33–46; 23:29–39; Luke 11:47–54; 20:9–20).

Murder is distinguishable in the Bible from the larger category of killing. Thus, the sixth commandment (Exod. 20:13) is appropriately translated by the NIV and other versions as “You shall not murder” rather than “You shall not kill.” The taking of lives in warfare, for example, would not have been considered murder. The word used in Exod. 20:13, ratsakh, occurs approximately fifty times in the OT and never refers to killing in battle, in contrast to two other words for “kill” that together occur over three hundred times and quite often refer to battle contexts. Ezekiel 21:22 (21:27 MT) might appear to be an exception, but ratsakh (NIV: “slaughter”) is probably used there to indicate the slaying of innocent people rather than military combatants.

Ratsakh, however, can also refer to unintentional killing or manslaughter (e.g., Num. 35:11); thus, the word does not necessarily mean “murder” but rather refers to the taking of any innocent life, whether intentionally or accidentally. The lone exception in Num. 35:30 is only apparently so; it is rather a statement of poetic justice: “the murderer shall be murdered.”

The prohibition against murder is grounded in the image-bearing character of humankind. Human beings are made in the image of God; therefore, to kill an innocent person is equivalent to striking out against God (Gen. 9:6).

Significantly, Jesus viewed his own approaching death in Jerusalem as a murder in a long line of murders stretching from the murder of Abel by Cain, through the killing of the OT prophets, to himself (Matt. 21:33–46; 23:29–39; Luke 11:47–54; 20:9–20).

Murder is distinguishable in the Bible from the larger category of killing. Thus, the sixth commandment (Exod. 20:13) is appropriately translated by the NIV and other versions as “You shall not murder” rather than “You shall not kill.” The taking of lives in warfare, for example, would not have been considered murder. The word used in Exod. 20:13, ratsakh, occurs approximately fifty times in the OT and never refers to killing in battle, in contrast to two other words for “kill” that together occur over three hundred times and quite often refer to battle contexts. Ezekiel 21:22 (21:27 MT) might appear to be an exception, but ratsakh (NIV: “slaughter”) is probably used there to indicate the slaying of innocent people rather than military combatants.

Ratsakh, however, can also refer to unintentional killing or manslaughter (e.g., Num. 35:11); thus, the word does not necessarily mean “murder” but rather refers to the taking of any innocent life, whether intentionally or accidentally. The lone exception in Num. 35:30 is only apparently so; it is rather a statement of poetic justice: “the murderer shall be murdered.”

The prohibition against murder is grounded in the image-bearing character of humankind. Human beings are made in the image of God; therefore, to kill an innocent person is equivalent to striking out against God (Gen. 9:6).

Significantly, Jesus viewed his own approaching death in Jerusalem as a murder in a long line of murders stretching from the murder of Abel by Cain, through the killing of the OT prophets, to himself (Matt. 21:33–46; 23:29–39; Luke 11:47–54; 20:9–20).

The Bible often refers to songs, music, musical sounds and instruments, and dancing. We can infer several details about the instruments from their descriptions in the Bible as well as from archaeological finds and other ancient texts. NT references to music are scant; the OT material may be supplemented by ancient Near Eastern resources from Egypt, Canaan/Israel, Ugarit, and Mesopotamia.

Music

Style. In all likelihood, Israel’s music sounded much like that of its neighbors. This conjecture is particularly strengthened by findings from Ugarit, a city on the Syrian coast across from Cyprus. These findings, roughly from the time of the judges, mention some of the same musical instruments found in the Bible, some of which have been uncovered by archaeologists. The style of the poetry is very similar to the Song of Deborah (Judg. 5). Lyrically, some of the descriptions and titles used by the Canaanites for Baal are applied by Israel to Yahweh, to assert that he is the true God who has these attributes. Given these similarities in text, poetic style, and instrumentation, it is most probable that Israel’s music sounded much like that of its neighbors. Still, there is some evidence for regional styles. The direction to play psalms “according to gittith” (superscription to Pss. 8; 81; 84) may refer to the style of Gath, and similar regional interpretations are proposed for other directions in the psalms.

Lyrics. The lyric side of Israel’s songs exhibits rhythm and deliberate structure. The most obvious planned structure is the alphabetic acrostic, where the poet or songwriter composes one or more verses to begin with successive letters of the Hebrew alphabet. But the psalms exhibit many other structures involving symmetries and balance, such as equal halves, centered lines, symmetrical patterns of stanza length, and other features. The lines themselves usually demonstrate balance among their parts, having similar numbers of beats or accented syllables. Several lament poems exhibit a particular pattern known as qinah meter, which presumably also fits a musical template.

Performance. The performance of the psalms was, on at least some occasions, accompanied by multiple instruments and performed in a choir to achieve the volume necessary for community gatherings, which had no amplification equipment. It is generally assumed, though not known, that all choir members sang melody rather than in parts. They may well have integrated solo performances and musical interludes. From the poetry of the psalms, we observe different speaking voices. That is, in some instances, we hear the voice of the king, or of the people generally, or an official who addresses the audience, or a priestly or prophetic speaking voice, even the words of God himself. This is very suggestive that public performance may have brought different singers to the foreground at different times. There are also poems that employ a repeated refrain, suggesting an antiphonal performance, and others in which the priests or people in Jerusalem take up parts different from those of the arriving worshipers. While the exact execution of these songs is speculative, these elements suggest a certain amount of pageantry, at least for community settings. David is responsible for setting up Israel’s musical orders for the temple, with professional musicians with rotating responsibilities (1 Chron. 16; 25).

Instruments

Strings. The most frequently mentioned instrument is the kinnor, a lyre, also often referred to as a harp. The sound box of the harp is at the base, from which a straight or curved neck rises at a sharp angle so that the strings going from the box to the neck are of different length. The lyre has two uprights and a crosspiece on top, from which the strings of similar length stretch down to the sound box. The kinnor-lyre had eight to ten strings (based on Akkadian and Ugaritic findings and Jewish descriptions) and could be played with a pick or by hand. David’s “harp” was such a lyre. The “harp” mentioned in the NT (1 Cor. 14:7; Rev. 5:8; 14:2; 15:2) probably was also a lyre. Another OT lyre, or perhaps a harp, the nebel, complemented the kinnor-lyre. Jewish tradition about the strings implies that it produced a lower sound. The nebel-lyre is most often mentioned with other instruments, though occasionally alone. Another stringed instrument mentioned three times, the ’asor, may have been a harp or a lyre with ten strings (Pss. 33:2; 92:3; 144:9). In Pss. 45:8; 150:4 there is mention of “the strings,” which may refer to more than just the stringed instruments specifically mentioned in the Bible. The ancient world also had lutes, an instrument with a long, straight neck, fretted like a guitar or ukulele, proceeding from a small sound box.

Percussion. Timbrels, cymbals, and castanets or rattles are percussion instruments mentioned in the Bible. The timbrel, also known from Egypt and Ugarit, was a hand drum, like a tambourine but without metal jingles. The timbrel accompanies dancing and may have been used by the dancers (Exod. 15:20; Judg. 11:34; 1 Sam. 18:6). Cymbals may have been paired or individual, but it is not certain whether these latter were suspended cymbals or finger cymbals, being four to six inches in diameter. In 2 Sam. 6:5 there is mention of another percussion instrument, mena’an’im (the root of this word means “to shake”), perhaps “sistrums” (NIV) or “castanets” (NASB) (although the KJV renders it as “cornets”). Egyptian sistrums were small, forked, metal instruments with three sliding crossbars that had hooked ends. Archaeologists have also found rattles made of pottery, with ceramic balls inside. Castanets were small hand-clappers joined with a string. Israel likely had all of these, though it is hard to know which is referred to in 2 Sam. 6:5. The cymbal is mentioned once in the NT (1 Cor. 13:1), though not as musically pleasing in that context.

Woodwinds and horns. The OT attests to both an animal horn, most frequently called a shopar, and a metal trumpet, the khatsotserah (Num. 10:2–10). The NT refers to a horn with a word used to translate both OT terms (salpinx). The ancient world had both flutes and shawms. Shawms have a bell-like flare at the end, while the shaft of a flute is straight to the end. What is likely a double-reed shawm is frequently translated “flute” (1 Sam. 10:5; 1 Kings 1:40; Isa. 5:12; 30:29; Jer. 48:36 [NIV: “pipes”]). It is unclear whether the instrument mentioned in Gen. 4:21; Ps. 150:4 commonly translated as “flute” is a woodwind or a stringed instrument. The NT also mentions a flute or reed instrument (Matt. 11:17; 9:23; 1 Cor. 14:7; Rev. 18:22) that could be played for dancing or mourning.

Simplicity and complexity. Instruments such as horns, trumpets, and some percussion instruments were not used only for making music. The blowing of the ram’s horn or the trumpet might be used to sound the alarm, convene an assembly, or in preparation for an announcement. Aaron was to wear metal bells on the hem of his robe when entering the holy place (Exod. 28:33–35). Some of the percussion instruments may have been used to augment dance and keep rhythm more than to make music for singing. The strings were the primary instruments to accompany singing, though they were not necessarily accompanied by song.

A few Assyrian texts treat the tuning and playing of music with technical notations. From their string designations and tuning directions we can infer that their scales utilized seven notes as in the modern octave (seven notes plus one repeating). The notes for tuning stringed instruments suggest that the tunings produced different scales. Musical theory, then, was not completely absent. Many of the pictorial representations of musicians from Egypt and Mesopotamia include multiple instruments being played together (cf. Nebuchadnezzar’s instructions in Dan. 3:5, 7, 10, 15 and David’s celebration in 2 Sam. 6:5). These are not simply multiple kinds of noisemakers, although community gatherings would require volume. Rather, they exhibit a sense of understanding which instruments complemented each other well. While the singing of the ancient Near East no doubt included chanting, singing with multiple instruments suggests something more melodious than mere chanting interspersed with the strumming of a lute. This music could be styled to fit different moods, to soothe, to celebrate, to mourn, to worship. It is reasonable to suggest that the music accompanying the psalms reflected the wide range of emotions mentioned in the text.

Dancing

The dancing mentioned in the Bible is usually celebratory and positive and is combined with singing or the playing of musical instruments. Such dancing may occur at any happy occasion but is mentioned most often in connection with victory or worship (e.g., Exod. 15:20; Judg. 11:34; 1 Sam. 18:6). The women of Shiloh “join in the dancing” (Judg. 21:21) at an annual festival, which implies some manner of folk dancing. The dancing of Herodias’s daughter probably was erotic (Matt. 14:6; Mark 6:22), and the dancing of the Israelites around the golden calf probably was laden with sensuality as well (Exod. 32:19).

The resin of the genus Commiphora, myrrh originates in southern Arabia and Somalia. The Israelites valued myrrh for its fragrant cosmetic and antiseptic properties, as a preservative, and for embalming (Gen. 37:25; Esther 2:12; Ps. 45:8; Prov. 7:17; Song 3:6). Upon Jesus’ birth, myrrh was a valuable gift from the magi (Matt. 2:11); at his death, myrrh mixed with wine was an undrinkable potion given to him as he hung on the cross (Mark 15:23).

Common and valuable for food, beans were cooked while green in the pods or after being dried. Dry beans were threshed and winnowed like cereals and other grains. Beans are mentioned twice in the NIV (2 Sam. 17:28; Ezek. 4:9).

(1) The daughter of Lamech and Zillah and the sister of Tubal-Cain, the bronze and ironworker mentioned in Cain’s genealogy (Gen. 4:22). (2) The mother of King Rehoboam of Judah and therefore one of Solomon’s many wives. The texts list her as an Ammonite (1 Kings 14:21, 31; 2 Chron. 12:13). (3) A town located in the lowlands of Judah near Lachish, it was in the allotment of the tribe of Judah (Josh. 15:41).

(1) A grandson of Benjamin and the founder of the Naamites (Num. 26:40; 1 Chron. 8:4; see Gen. 46:21). (2) A Syrian military commander healed of leprosy after reluctantly following Elisha’s command to dip himself seven times in the Jordan River (2 Kings 5). Jesus referred to Naaman as a model of faith (Luke 4:27). (3) A descendant of the Benjamite Ehud, he was a family head (1 Chron. 8:6–7).

(1) The name of the firstborn son of Ishmael (Gen. 25:13; 28:9; 36:3; 1 Chron. 1:29) and an Arabic tribe mentioned in cuneiform sources. (2) The place from where rams will be gathered, mentioned in the context of future blessing for Jerusalem (Isa. 60:7).

(1) A descendant of Shem, he was the son of Serug, father of Terah, and grandfather of Abraham (Gen. 11:22–25). (2) The son of Terah and the brother of Abraham and Haran (Gen. 11:26). Nahor married Milkah, the daughter of his deceased brother, Haran (Gen. 11:28–32). When Abraham headed west for the land of Canaan (Gen. 12:1, 4), Nahor remained in the city of Harran. Through his wife, Milkah, Nahor fathered eight sons, and he fathered another four through his concubine, Reumah (Gen. 22:20–24). Bethuel, one of Nahor’s sons through Milkah, fathered Rebekah, who became the wife of Isaac, Abraham’s son (Gen. 24:15, 67). Relations between Nahor’s eastern branch of the family and Abraham’s western branch apparently ceased when Laban, Nahor’s grandson, had a falling out with Jacob, Abraham’s grandson, in which Laban called on the Lord (Abraham’s God) and on Nahor’s god to judge between the two parties (Gen. 31:53). (3) “The town of Nahor” is a town in northwest Mesopotamia, where Abraham’s servant encounters Rebekah at the well (Gen. 24:10). “Nahor” may be the name of the town, or the text is simply referring to the town where Nahor once lived (so GNT, NLT).

(1) A descendant of Esau through Reuel (Gen. 36:13; 1 Chron. 1:37). One of the clans of the Edomites derives its name from this Nahath (Gen. 36:17). (2) A Levite in the genealogy in 1 Chron. 6:26. He may be the same person as Toah (1 Chron. 6:34) and Tohu (1 Sam. 1:1). (3) A Levite overseer in the time of Hezekiah (2 Chron. 31:13).

(1) A descendant of Shem, he was the son of Serug, father of Terah, and grandfather of Abraham (Gen. 11:22–25). (2) The son of Terah and the brother of Abraham and Haran (Gen. 11:26). Nahor married Milkah, the daughter of his deceased brother, Haran (Gen. 11:28–32). When Abraham headed west for the land of Canaan (Gen. 12:1, 4), Nahor remained in the city of Harran. Through his wife, Milkah, Nahor fathered eight sons, and he fathered another four through his concubine, Reumah (Gen. 22:20–24). Bethuel, one of Nahor’s sons through Milkah, fathered Rebekah, who became the wife of Isaac, Abraham’s son (Gen. 24:15, 67). Relations between Nahor’s eastern branch of the family and Abraham’s western branch apparently ceased when Laban, Nahor’s grandson, had a falling out with Jacob, Abraham’s grandson, in which Laban called on the Lord (Abraham’s God) and on Nahor’s god to judge between the two parties (Gen. 31:53). (3) “The town of Nahor” is a town in northwest Mesopotamia, where Abraham’s servant encounters Rebekah at the well (Gen. 24:10). “Nahor” may be the name of the town, or the text is simply referring to the town where Nahor once lived (so GNT, NLT).